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Communism and Nationalism in Yugoslavia

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Communism and Nationalism in Yugoslavia COMMUNISM AND NATIONALISM IN YUGOSLAVIA Yugoslavia is A multinational state strategically situated between East and West. Its President, Josip Broz Tito, came to power at the end of the last war not through Soviet Russian help but rather by the strength of his own well-organized Communist armed forces. These factors explain pecu­ liar traits of CoMMunism in Yugoslavia and contribute to A better under­ standing of its complexity. After more than twenty years of Communism the old issue of nation­ alism erupted again in full force during the historic Fourth Plenum of the Central Committee of the LCY at Brioni in July, 1966. It came as no surprise to those who have closely watched developments in that state and the back­ ground of its Communism. A state of approximately 99,000 square miles numbering already over twenty million people, Yugoslavia consists of six republics, inhabited by five diffe­ rent nationalities speaking at least three different Slavic languages, using two alphabets, belonging to three religious denominations, and having undergone historical development in two different cultural spheres, namely Byzantine and Roman. According to the census of 1962 there were in the state: 7,806,000 Serbs; 4.293.000 Croatians; 1,589,000 Slovenians; 1,450,000 “Macedonians”; 973,000 Moslems; 914,000 Albanians; 513,000 Montenegrins; 504,000 Magyars; and 182.000 Turks. Only 317,000 were listed as Yugoslav.1 The idea of the Slav unification originated with the Croatians. A precur­ sor of Pan-Slavism about three centuries ago was Juraj Križanič, A Catholic priest. Both Ljudevit Gaj and Bishop Josip Juraj Strossmayer—who envisaged 1. Statistički GodišnjaK SFRJ 1963 (Belgrade, Zavezni Zavod za Statistiku, 1963), Vol. X, p. 336; Borba, November 28, 1962. Even without checking the validity of these statistics, the students of Balkan affairs know only too well that most of the official statistics in these countries are not A credible source for historians. Usually the ruling nation exaggerates its own number. It is interesting to note in Yugoslav statistics that the Moslems—although A religious group — were counted as A separate nationality. 24 George J. Prpič A South Slav state stretching from the Alps to the Black Sea—during the last century, were born in Croatia. The President of the Yugoslav Committee during World War I in London and one of the founders of the South Slav state was Dr. Ante Trumbić. With other Croatian and Slovenian intellec­ tuals he regarded little Kingdom of SerbiA as the South Slav Piedmont. Their goal was A union of equal partners, A constitutional monarchy under the Karageorgevich dynasty. With the support of President Wilson, the Govern­ ment of SerbiA and the South Slav National Council of Zagreb founded the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes on December 1, 1918.2 The official name Yugoslavia, or the Land of South Slavs, was adopted in 1929. Beginnings of the Yugoslav Communist Party The new state was predominantly an agricultural country with A rising class of industrial workers most of whom lived in former Habsburg provin­ ces of Slovenia and Croatia. A few thousand of them were Socialists ,3 The Bolshevik Revolution of November, 1917, found many followers among the workers. Hundreds of Croatian and Slovenian P.W.’s—former soldiers of Austria-Hungary — participated in the Revolution and in the Civil War. One of them was Josip Broz, later to be known as Tito. Returning soldiers 2. In the rich historiography on the origins of Yugoslavia there are many works in different languages representing several viewpoints. Ferdo Šišić, Pregled Povijesti Hrvatskoga Naroda (Zagreb : Matica Hrvatska, 1962; Josip Horvat, Politička Povijest Hrvatske 1918-1929 (Zag­ reb : Binoza, 1938); Ivan Meštrović, Uspomene na Političke Ljude i Dogadjaje (Buenos Aires : Hrvatska Revija, 1961); Ante Smith Pavelič, Dr. Ante Trumbič : Problemi Hrvatsko-Srpskih Odnosa (Muenchen) : Hrvatska Revija, 1959); Paul D. Ostović, The Truth about Yugoslavia (New-YorK : Roy Publishers, 1952); Vladko Maček, In the Struggle for Freedom (New- York: R. Speller, 1957); Jerome Jareb, Pola Stoljeća Hrvatske Politike (Buenos Aires: Hrvat­ ska Revija, 1960); all of these writers give A Croatian interpretation of the problem. For recent discussions—some of which reflect the official Marxist viewpoint—see : Vaso Bogda­ nov, Historija Političkih Stranaka u Hrvatskoj (Zagreb : Novinarsko Izdavačko Poduzeće, 1958); Vaso Čubrilović, Istorija Političke Misli u Srbiji XIX Veka (Belgrade : Prosveta, 1958); Edvard Kardelj Sperans, Razvoj Slovenačkeg Nacionalnog Pitanja (Beograd : Kultura, 1958); Ferdo Čulinović, Nacionalno Pitanje u Jugoslavenskim Zemljama (Zagreb : Biblioteka Insti­ tuta za Historiju Države i Prava na Pravnom Fakultetu, 1956); and Milan Marjanovič, Londonski Ugovor iz Godine 1915 (Zagreb : Jugoslovenska Akademija Znanosti i Umjet­ nosti, 1960). 3. A detailed history of the workers’ movement in Croatia is by Vitomir Korać, Povjest Radničkog Pokreta u Hrvatskoj i Slavoniji (Zagreb : Radnička Komora, 1920), 3 vols. A good analysis of Social Democracy in all South Slav lands is in Ivan Avakumović, History of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (Aberdeen : The Aberdeen University Press, 1964), vol. I, pp. 1-14. Communism and Nationalism in Yugoslavia 25 brought revolutionary ideas to their native towns and villages. The Revo­ lution of A half A century ago, however, had A special impact on Montenegro and SerbiA that had long historical relations with Russia based on ethnic and religious sentiments.4 The national and religious animosities contributed to the temporary rise of Communism. The Socialist Workers’ Party of Yugoslavia (Commu­ nists) was founded in Belgrade in late April, 1919. Its initiators were from all provinces. The Second Party Congress was held in Vukovar, Croatia, during June 20-24, 1920. The Party now accepted the “ Conditions of Admis­ sion ” to the Comintern and joined it. Its membership was about 65,000, and its new name the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. A revolutionary pro­ gram along the Leninist lines was adopted, following the directives of the Soviet-sponsored Balkan Communist Federation. 5 In the elections for the Constituent Assembly on November 28, 1920, the CPY scored A notable success : 198,756 votes and 58 mandates for the Skupština (Parliament) in Belgrade. This was the only time in royal Yugo­ slavia that the Communist Party enjoyed perfect legality and in A more or less democratic manner the Party could obtain votes from Communists and non-Communists alike. It should be noted that many of those who voted Com­ munist knewnothingaboutCommunism.lt was obvious that — for instance — “ Montenegrins and Macedonians expressed their dissatisfaction over the Serbian regime by voting for the most radical party that was available.” 6 A month later the Government outlawed the CPY. Responding to the subsequent Communist terrorism by A special Law for the Defense of the State, the Government in Belgrade inaugurated A real reign of terror against the Communist movement. Worse than persecutions that seriously depleted the ranks of the CPY was the internal strife within the Party. SimA Markovič, A teacher from Bel­ grade—the leading Serbian Communist—was known even by Stalin as “ Com- 4. Dinko A. Tomašič, “The National and Social Base of Communism in Yugoslavia” in his book National Communism and Soviet Strategy (Washington, D. C. : Public Affairs Press, 1957), pp. 11-30; Ante Ciliga, La Yougoslavie sous la Menace Intérieure et Extérieure (Paris : Les Iles d' Or, 1951), pp. 18, 81, 92. 5. Pregled Istorije Saveza Komunista Jugoslavije (Beograd : Institut za Izučavanje Radni­ čkog Pokreta, 1963), p. 61, and pp. 31-64. This is the official history of the CPY. See also Adam B. Ullam, Titoism and the Cominform (Cambridge : Harvard University Press, 1952), pp. 4-5; Slobodan M. Draskovich, Tito, Moscow's Trojan Horse (Chicago : Regnery, 1957), p. 65. For the prograM of the CPY see Dr. Sima Markovič pred Sudom, 11 Decembra 1922 (Chicago : Jugoslovenska Radnička Knjižara, 1923, pp. 16-25. 6. Ullam, op. cit., p. 8; J. Horvat, Politička Povijest Hrvatske, pp. 242-243. 26 George J. Prpič rade Semich. ” Markovič refused 'to follow Lenin’s instructions to exploit the unsolved nationality questions for Communist revolutionary strategy. Opposed by the Croatian Communists, who insisted on Leninist line of nation­ al self-determination, the Markovič group consistently rejected the right of secession to non-Serbian peoples —A majority in the South Slav state— thus overlooking the revolutionary potentiality of the nationality question. Comintern itself intervened. The refusal of Markovič to discard his views almost completely destroyed the CPY. By January, 1924, the CPY had only about A thousand members. The Fifth Congress of the Comintern (June 17 - July 8, 1924) rebuked Markovič and its resolution explicitly stated that Cro­ atia, Slovenia and “MacedoniA” had the right to secede from Yugoslavia. Stalin himself, who was the foremost Soviet authority on the national question, delivered A speech during A session of the Yugoslav Commission of the Comin­ tern on March 30, 1925. He confirmed the right of nations in Yugoslavia to “self-determination, including the right to secession.”7 Markovič finally capitulated at the Fourth Congress of the CPY held at Dresden, Germany, in November, 1928. Removed from Party leadership, he was admonished to Moscow where he eventually disappeared during Sta­ lin’s purges. The Party’s secretaries after him were—in chronological order : Djuro Djaković (Croatian), Jovan Martinović (Montenegrin), and Milan Gorkič (Serbian). The membership of the Party was now estimated at about 2,000. Following the assassination of the Croatian deputies and the death of Stjepan Radić, the President of the Croatian Peasant Party, in the summer of 1928, King Alexander introduced A dictatorship in January, 1929. A wave of persecutions of all opponents of the regime set in. Among numerous Com­ munists who were sent to prison was also Josip Broz, A prominent leader in the Communist-led labor unions and A well-known member of the local Party organization in Zagreb.
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