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Political Ideas and Movements That Created the Modern World
harri+b.cov 27/5/03 4:15 pm Page 1 UNDERSTANDINGPOLITICS Understanding RITTEN with the A2 component of the GCE WGovernment and Politics A level in mind, this book is a comprehensive introduction to the political ideas and movements that created the modern world. Underpinned by the work of major thinkers such as Hobbes, Locke, Marx, Mill, Weber and others, the first half of the book looks at core political concepts including the British and European political issues state and sovereignty, the nation, democracy, representation and legitimacy, freedom, equality and rights, obligation and citizenship. The role of ideology in modern politics and society is also discussed. The second half of the book addresses established ideologies such as Conservatism, Liberalism, Socialism, Marxism and Nationalism, before moving on to more recent movements such as Environmentalism and Ecologism, Fascism, and Feminism. The subject is covered in a clear, accessible style, including Understanding a number of student-friendly features, such as chapter summaries, key points to consider, definitions and tips for further sources of information. There is a definite need for a text of this kind. It will be invaluable for students of Government and Politics on introductory courses, whether they be A level candidates or undergraduates. political ideas KEVIN HARRISON IS A LECTURER IN POLITICS AND HISTORY AT MANCHESTER COLLEGE OF ARTS AND TECHNOLOGY. HE IS ALSO AN ASSOCIATE McNAUGHTON LECTURER IN SOCIAL SCIENCES WITH THE OPEN UNIVERSITY. HE HAS WRITTEN ARTICLES ON POLITICS AND HISTORY AND IS JOINT AUTHOR, WITH TONY BOYD, OF THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION: EVOLUTION OR REVOLUTION? and TONY BOYD WAS FORMERLY HEAD OF GENERAL STUDIES AT XAVERIAN VI FORM COLLEGE, MANCHESTER, WHERE HE TAUGHT POLITICS AND HISTORY. -
Utopian Visions of Family Life in the Stalin-Era Soviet Union
Central European History 44 (2011), 63–91. © Conference Group for Central European History of the American Historical Association, 2011 doi:10.1017/S0008938910001184 Utopian Visions of Family Life in the Stalin-Era Soviet Union Lauren Kaminsky OVIET socialism shared with its utopian socialist predecessors a critique of the conventional family and its household economy.1 Marx and Engels asserted Sthat women’s emancipation would follow the abolition of private property, allowing the family to be a union of individuals within which relations between the sexes would be “a purely private affair.”2 Building on this legacy, Lenin imag- ined a future when unpaid housework and child care would be replaced by com- munal dining rooms, nurseries, kindergartens, and other industries. The issue was so central to the revolutionary program that the Bolsheviks published decrees establishing civil marriage and divorce soon after the October Revolution, in December 1917. These first steps were intended to replace Russia’s family laws with a new legal framework that would encourage more egalitarian sexual and social relations. A complete Code on Marriage, the Family, and Guardianship was ratified by the Central Executive Committee a year later, in October 1918.3 The code established a radical new doctrine based on individual rights and gender equality, but it also preserved marriage registration, alimony, child support, and other transitional provisions thought to be unnecessary after the triumph of socialism. Soviet debates about the relative merits of unfettered sexu- ality and the protection of women and children thus resonated with long-standing tensions in the history of socialism. I would like to thank Atina Grossmann, Carola Sachse, and Mary Nolan, as well as the anonymous reader for Central European History, for their comments and suggestions. -
Famous and Forgotten: Soviet Sociology and the Nature of Intellectual Achievement Under Totalitarianism Mikhail Sokolov [email protected]
ARTICLE Famous and Forgotten: Soviet Sociology and the Nature of Intellectual Achievement under Totalitarianism Mikhail Sokolov [email protected] Abstract For decades Soviet and later post-Soviet sociology was dominated by a cohort of scholars born between 1927–1930 (Grushin, Kon, Levada, Ossipov, Yadov, Zaslavskaya). The origins of their prominence and the character of their recognition offers a puzzle as it seemingly defies conventional ideas about where academic renown comes from. Academic prominence is usually associated with either intellectual leadership or skillful manipulation of the academic power structures. Neither of these stories describes the peculiar pattern of recognition of the giants of Soviet sociology whose fame persisted after they retired from administrative responsibilities and in spite of their ideas from the Soviet era being almost forgotten. The hypothesis developed in this paper holds that this peculiar form of fame emerges from the unique position sociology held in Soviet society. The paper introduces a distinction between natural and intentional secrecy and argues that while most of Western sociology specialized in natural secrecy, Soviet sociology had to deal with intentional secrecy resulting from conscious attempts to conceal the dismal realities of state socialism. The pervasiveness of secrecy during the Soviet era resulted from the central legitimizing myth of Soviet society describing it as built following a scientifically devised plan. This legitimation allowed Soviet sociology to emerge and develop with an unparalleled speed, but, at the same time, it explains why sociology was seen as having considerable subversive potential and faced periodic repressions. This political environment accounts for Soviet sociology’s unique intellectual style as well as for the fact that its central figures remained in the disciplinary memory as heroic role models, rather than as authors of exemplary texts. -
Contents from the Secretary
We should have a debate and fortunately find a so- Contents lution for two other agenda items: Banks charge now tremendous fees and we should seek alterna- From the Secretary................................................. 1 tives to the present practice, either by starting our Letter from the President, No. 10....................... 2 own credit card collections or something which New Secretary..........................................................2 works similar. Timetable and Program for Brisbane ..................3 Another point for discussion will be the advisabil- RC Dinner at Brisbane...........................................6 ity to change from printed editions of our newslet- Mail Ballot Results ..................................................7 ter to an electronically distributed form, either Conference Announcement ..................................7 completely or at least partly, for those members Internet Resources with an e-mail account. This would reduce the for Historians of Sociology ...................................7 costs enormously and we could think about a bet- Recent Publications ..............................................15 ter allocation of our funds. I will report about the Statistics about the Membership.........................16 financial situation of the committee during the bu- siness meeting. Another suggestion goes into the direction of es- tablishing our own mailing list, or starting some From the Secretary kind of electronic forum to distribute news and This is the last newsletter produced -
Short Remarks About Certain Structural Problems Of
NIKOLAY MITROKHIN. SHORT REMARKS ABOUT CERTAIN STRUCTURAL PROBLEMS... 211 HORT REMARKS ABOUT CERTAIN S STRUCTURAL PROBLEMS OF CONTEMPORARY RUSSIAN SOCIOLOGY Nikolay Mitrokhin © Laboratorium. 1: 211–215 2009. No. © 1. Michael Burawoy distinguishes between professional, critical, policy, and public sociology, based on the main tasks and publics of sociological knowledge. Is this typology helpful in understanding the current state of Russian sociology? How are these four types correlated in Russia? I concur with the South African sociologists whom Michael Burawoy cites as disagreeing with him. The South African and US models are not really contradictory. Sociology is a public science which, like any science, is based on a critical assessment of data. There is no doubt that it exerts an influence on society, but it must be practiced by professionals. Amateurism in science is a possibility, but it senselessly squanders public and individual capital. The social sciences can, of course, be used to change society, and it would be odd to argue that they (and, in particular, sociology) are not intended to do so by the very fact of their existence. The social sciences are inherently critical, and the subjects of their research may be more or less sensitive to critique. The existence of policy-oriented social studies is equally indisputable. Yet for broad reaches of social research, the definitions given are vague. A study on the distribution of refrigerators among a certain social group may be of interest to a company that manufactures refrigerators as well as to people who attempt to describe that group as a social phenomenon, past or present. -
Homosexuality in the USSR (1956–82)
Homosexuality in the USSR (1956–82) Rustam Alexander Submitted in total fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy May 2018 School of Historical and Philosophical Studies Faculty of Arts The University of Melbourne Abstract The history of Soviet homosexuality is largely unexplored territory. This has led some of the few scholars who have examined this topic to claim that, in the period from Stalin through to the Gorbachev era, the issue of homosexuality was surrounded by silence. Such is the received view and in this thesis, I set out to challenge it. My investigation of a range of archival sources, including reports from the Soviet Interior Ministry (MVD), as well as juridical, medical and sex education literature, demonstrates that although homosexuality was not widely discussed in the broader public sphere, there was still lively discussion of it in these specialist and in some cases classified texts, from 1956 onwards. The participants of these discussions sought to define homosexuality, explain it, and establish their own methods of eradicating it. In important ways, this handling of the issue of homosexuality was specific to the Soviet context. This thesis sets out to broaden our understanding of the history of official discourses on homosexuality in the late Soviet period. This history is also examined in the context of and in comparison to developments on this front in the West, on the one hand, and Eastern Europe, on the other. The thesis draws on the observation made by Dan Healey, the pioneering scholar of Russian and Soviet sexuality, that in the Soviet Union after Stalin’s death a combination of science and police methods was used to strengthen heterosexual norms in the Soviet society. -
Serendipities Journal for the Sociology and History of the Social Sciences
Serendipities Journal for the Sociology and History of the Social Sciences Volume 3, No 1 (2018) Table of Content: Articles Antoni Sułek: The Polish Career of The American Soldier: From the Model to the Legend 1-13 Raf Vanderstraeten, Joshua Eykens: Communalism and Internationalism: Publication norms and structures in international social science 14-28 Forum Andrew Abbott: Interview: On Being the Editor of AJS 29-41 Book Reviews (Post-) Soviet Sociologies reviewed by Agata Zysiak 42-47 Rindzevičiūtė: The Power of Systems reviewed by Christian Daye 48-51 Hess: Tocqueville and Beaumont reviewed by Eva Stina Lyon 52-53 Durkheim and Hubert in Brazil reviewed by João Maia 54-57 Heufelder: Argentinischer Krösus reviewed by Christian Fleck 58-62 Normal Science? reviewed by Andreas Hess 63-65 Editors Peter Baehr (Lingnan University, Hong Kong), Fernanda Beigel (Universidad Nacional de Cuyo, Mendoza, Argentina), Christian Fleck (University of Graz, Austria), Andreas Hess (University College Dublin, Ireland), Laurent Jeanpierre (Université Paris 8, Vincennes-Saint-Denis, France) Olessia Kirtchik (National Research University, Higher School of Economics, Moscow, Russia) Thomas Koenig (Institute for Advanced Studies, Vienna, Austria) George Steinmetz (University of Michigan, USA) Managing Editors Matthias Duller (University of Graz, Austria) Carl Neumayr (University of Graz, Austria) Associate editors Ivan Boldyrev (Radboud University, Nijmegen, Netherlands) Thibaud Boncourt (Université Paris 1 Panthéon Sorbonne, France) Matteo Bortolini (University -
Teaching Queer Theory in Russia Alexander Kondakov
Teaching Queer Theory in Russia Alexander Kondakov QED: A Journal in GLBTQ Worldmaking, Volume 3, Number 2, Summer 2016, pp. 107-118 (Article) Published by Michigan State University Press For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/630545 Access provided by Vienna University Library (24 Jul 2018 10:03 GMT) ))) Teaching Queer Theory in Russia Alexander Kondakov ))) Introduction: Feeling Blue? The founder of Russian “sexology” and the author of many controversial pub- lications on homosexuality, Igor Kon, entitled his 2008 autobiography Eighty Years of Solitude.1 In this book, he expressed his deep feeling of intellectual iso- lation because of his commitment to the study of sexuality, a topic that was silenced in the USSR. Indeed, there were no conferences or workshops to attend, no colleagues to engage with in fruitful conversations. On the contrary, in Soviet times, Kon expected his work to be repressed and carefully monitored everything he wrote in order not to express something subject to criminal law or other sanctions. According to Kon, the situation hardly changed in the 1990s: “It seemed that the Soviet situation definitely disappeared and turned to the irrelevant past. However, every day our current society reminds me more of that country where I lived sixty years of my life.”2 Kon wrote these words long before Russia became a worldwide symbol of the political repression of homosexuality in 2013, when the notorious law against “propaganda of non- traditional sexual relations”3 was enacted on the federal level. The repression of sexualities outside of a narrow set of heteronormative practices has since become official policy. -
A Stakeholder Analysis of the Soviet Second Economy by CHOI, Jae
A Stakeholder Analysis of the Soviet Second Economy By CHOI, Jae-hyoung THESIS Submitted to KDI School of Public Policy and Management in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF PUBLIC POLICY 2015 A Stakeholder Analysis of the Soviet Second Economy By CHOI, Jae-hyoung THESIS Submitted to KDI School of Public Policy and Management in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF PUBLIC POLICY 2015 Professor Chang-Yong Choi A Stakeholder Analysis of the Soviet Second Economy By CHOI, Jae-hyoung THESIS Submitted to KDI School of Public Policy and Management in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF PUBLIC POLICY Committee in charge: Professor Chang Yong CHOI, Supervisor Professor Jung Ho YOO Professor June Soo LEE Approval as of April, 2015 Abstract This research aims to demonstrate, through a stakeholder analysis, that the institutionalization of the second economy in the Soviet Union was a natural byproduct of the interaction among three major stakeholders of Soviet society: the state, the bureaucracy, and the people. The three stakeholders responded to the incentive structure of the socialist economic system, interacting with each other in order to enhance their own interests. This research argues that their interaction was the internal necessity or dynamics that formed this informal market mechanism and elevated it to a characteristic feature of Soviet society. i Table of Contents Abstract ...................................................................................................................................... -
Historická Sociologie 1/2018 Časopis Pro Historické Sociální Vědy
HISTORICKÁ SOCIOLOGIE 1/2018 ČASOPIS PRO HISTORICKÉ SOCIÁLNÍ VĚDY HISTORICAL SOCIOLOGY Charles University Karolinum Press 2018 Obsah ■ EDITORIAL Revolution, Commemoration, Interpretation Johann P. Arnason 5–10 ■ SPECIAL SECTION ON THE FRENCH REVOLUTION Is It Still Too Early to Tell? Rethinking Sociology’s Relations to the French Revolution David Inglis 11–26 The French Revolution in Germany and the Origins of Sociology Eric R. Lybeck 27–46 Power and the French Revolution: Toward a Sociology of Sovereignty Isaac Ariail Reed 47–70 The French Revolution and the Craft of the Liminal Void: From the Sanctity of Power to the Political Power of the Limitless Sacred Camil Francisc Roman 71–91 ■ ARTICLES Historical Sociology in Russia Nikolay V. Romanovskiy 93–105 Rewriting Israeli History: New Historians and Critical Sociologists Adam Coman 107–122 ■ ESSAY The Unimaginable Revolution: 1917 in Retrospect Johann P. Arnason 123–143 ■ REVIEWS Michal Reiman – Bohuslav Litera – Karel Svoboda – Daniela Kolenovská: Zrod velmoci. Dějiny Sovětského svazu 1917–1945 Pavel Kolář: Der Poststalinismus. Ideologie und Utopie einer Epoche (Johann P. Arnason) 145–150 Ulrich Beck: The metamorphosis of the World (Jiří Šubrt) 150–153 Jiří Šubrt: The Perspective of Historical Sociology: The Individual as Homo-Sociologicus Through Society and History (Adam Coman) 153–155 ■ EDITORIAL Revolution, Commemoration, Interpretation The year 2017 saw a massive output of writing to mark the centenary of the October revolution. By conventional standards, this special issue of our journal is behind schedule. We might, however, cite various historians who agree on dating the decisive turning-point in the course of 1918. Seen in isolation, the “invisible insurrection” [Koenen 2017] in St. -
979 00A Sincerity Prelims.Indd
ROUTLEDGE ADVANCES IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND GLOBAL POLITICS Sincerity in Politics and International Relations Edited by Sorin Baiasu and Sylvie Loriaux Sincerity in Politics and International Relations This edited volume examines the concept of sincerity in politics and inter- national relations in order to discuss what we should expect of politicians, within what parameters they should work, and how their decisions and actions could be made consistent with morality. The volume features an international cast of authors who specialize in the topic of sincerity in politics and international relations. Looking at how sincerity bears on political actions, practices, and institutions at national and international level, the introduction serves to place the chapters in the context of ongoing contemporary debates on sincerity in politics and international theory. Each chapter focuses on a contemporary issue in politics and international relations, including corruption, public hypocrisy, cynicism, trust, security, policy formulation and decision- making, political apology, public reason, denial and self-deception, and will argue against the background of a Kantian view of sincerity as unconditional. Offering a significant comprehensive outlook on the practical limits of sincer- ity in political affairs, this work will be of great interest to students and scholars alike. Sorin Baiasu is Professor of Philosophy at Keele University, UK. Apart from articles and chapters, he authored Kant and Sartre: Re- discovering Critical Ethics (2011), and edited and co-edited several collections. Sylvie Loriaux is Assistant Professor of Political Theory at Laval University, Canada. She contributed articles to various journals, including Moral Philosophy and Politics and the European Journal of Political Theory. -
Is It Power Or Princiiple? a Footnote on the Talbott Doctrine
Is It Power or Princiiple? A Footnote on the Talbott Doctrine FREDO ARIAS-KING As long as there are reformers in the Russian Federation and the other states lead- ing the journey toward democracy's horizon, our strategy must be to support them. And our place must be at their side. -President Bill Clinton, May 1993 M uch has been written about the Clinton administration's excesisive focus on Boris Yeltsin at the expense of other democratic figures in Russia.) That policy has been attributed to Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbott, the brainy former journalist who, under a succession of different titles, is the government official de facto in charge of Clinton's policy toward Russia and the other post- Soviet countries.2 Although the practice of putting Yeltsin and his interests first seems to have created generous and debatably warranted U.S. support for former prime minis- ter Viktor Chernomyrdin and his successors, there is doubt that this policy was also extended to the other democratic forces that ceased to dominate Russian pol- itice in late 1993. Yeltsin tacitly supported Russia's Choice as the preferred party to win the December 1993 elections for the Duma and carry out the reform agen- da that the late Supreme Soviet had stalled. However, the failure of Russia's Choice and other reform-oriented parties in that election forced Yeltsin to change his strategy, once again relying on Chernomyrdin, his emerging "Party of Power," the industrial-military complex, the armed forces, and the KGB--to ithe detriment of the legislature and Russian democracy.33 The leaders of the Democratic Russia Movement, the coalition that pressed Mikhail Gorbachev to annul the communist monopoly on power in February 1990, that launched Yeltsin into the Russian presidency in June 1991, and that then gave birth to the Russia's Choice party, believe that Strobe Talbott did not support them in that crucial hour of need in late 1993.