7%e י:.׳• • JEWISH LEGION VB f cutci• זי THE QUESTION

Published by THE NEW ZIONIST ORGANIZATION OF AMERICA 55 West 42nd Street • New York *

The following addresses were delivered at a dinner celebrating the thirtieth anniversary of the creation of the Jewish Legion in , at the Hotel Astor, New York City, on March 18, 1945. The dinner was held under the auspices of the New Zionist Organization of America in honor of the British Commander of the Legion, Colonel John Henry Patterson, D.S.O.

The entire scope of the Jewish question and the role of Palestine in war as in peace are discussed in these ad- dresses. Jewish contribution to Allied victory in both wars, as compared with the Arab position, is one of the subjects dealt with in detail, while Britain's policy in the Arab region, and America's interest in the Middle East, are given special attention. The addresses also dwell upon the relation between the Jewish question and world peace, and the re• percussions which an unsolved Jewish problem will have in Europe, the Middle East and throughout the world in the post-war era.

To all those who wish to acquire basic knowledge and true understanding of the Jewish question and the Palestine situation, we recommend these addresses as must reading of first rate importance.

MAJOR WILLIAM R. FRIEDMAN Acting Chairman, Executive Board New Zionist Organization of America

April, 1945. THE LEGACY OF THE JEWISH LEGION by Col. MORRIS J. MENDELSOHN President, New Zionist Organization of America

My fellow Zionists and friends: On this occasion when we are met to commemorate the thirtieth an- niversary of that historic day when our honor guest of the evening assumed command of the Jewish Legion, it is eminently fitting and proper that we review that eventful circumstance and its repercussions as they affect the present status of the Palestine issue. Thrilling and triumphant was the saga of that first Jewish Legion instituted on March 19th, 1915 in the ancient Egyptian city of Alex- andria; the Legion of Trumpeldor, who fell, his body literally riddled with bullets, in defense of ; the Mule Corps, whose deeds of daring and intrepidity at Gallipoli won for them expressions of highest admiration from the Commander-in-Chief of the British Armed Forces; the Legion of Jabotinsky—the Fighting Judeans—serving so courageously with the British Expeditionary Forces—battling for the recovery of the land their fathers loved and tilled at Amman, the ancient capital of Palestine; at Es Sault and Beersheba; at Gaza and Jaffa and Jericho—fitting echo of the Jewish valor of Joshua, Bar- Kochba, Akkiba and the Maccabees.

Without Reward What a sad commentary upon our vaunted civilization, is the pro- verbial ingratitude of nations; that the enormous sacrifice of life and limb by those gallant Jewish patriots who bared their breasts to enemy shot and shell for Britain and for freedom's cause was so soon forgot- ten! How sad is the thought that these heroic defenders of liberty and democracy shall have fought and bled and suffered and died to achieve liberty and democracy for every other people but their own people— that they shall have died in vain! Thirty years have passed since those stirring events which left their indelible imprint in the annals of Jewish history, and here on this very platform, by the grace of God, we greet the intrepid Commander of the Jewish Legion who came here from the west coast to pay tribute to the gallant Legionnaires who served under his courageous leadership.

5 On this occasion I am greatly pleased to recall that in 1924 I was privileged, as Commander-in-Chief of the Jewish War Veterans of the United States, to decorate this—truly one of nature's noblemen—in company with his great collaborator and associate, Vladimir Jabotinsky, with the Medallion of Honorary Membership of that militant Ex- servicemen's Association. Colonel John Henry Patterson, Honorary President of the New Zionist Organization of America, I extend to you the greetings of all the love and fervor of an admiring multitude of friends and well- wishers—may you be spared to us for many more years of active ser- vice in the cause of humanity.

The Teachings of Jabotinsky Gone from our midsts is the immortal founder and leader of our movement—he whom you loved and who loved you—the indomitable Vladimir Jabotinsky who fought side by side with you against the common enemy, as previously he had fought against tremendous op- position for the formation of the Legion; and who inspired his follow- ers to prodigious deeds of unexampled heroism. Gone I say is the voice of Jabotinsky, but his spirit lingers on and his message to us is clear-cut and well defined—it may be summed up in one word: FIGHT! It is only by determination and aggression—by militant action— that the rightful demands of our downtrodden brethren may be ex- pected to be heard. It is only to those nations which have fought for their liberties with every means at their command that history accords a place among the living, the respected, and the free. This is the lesson that Jabotinsky taught us, and which history has so emphatically— and alas—so tragically confirmed. If we follow in the footsteps of him who was a prophet in his generation, it follows as inevitably as day follows night that the people of shall at long last be free. During the war, England had for its motto—"There will always be an England, and England shall be free." Let Israel follow in the path charted by Jabotinsky and it may rest assured: "There will always be a Jewish people, and the Jewish people shall be free."

6 THE JEWISH PROBLEM AND ITS SOLUTION By WILLIAM B. ZIFF Author, "The Gentlemen Talk of Peace"

Mr. Chairman: Ten years ago I returned from a visit to Europe, convinced that that continent was in the throes of violent social change which would show itself in chauvinist reaction of the blackest kind. I wrote at that time that unless the of Europe were taken out of there, they would all be slaughtered under conditions unequalled on this earth since the bitter days when the ruffian hordes of the wild Cos- sack Chmielnicki ravaged Eastern Europe.

A Hopeless Situation It was clear that in the old world at least, the Jewish problem was a universal problem. More accurately, perhaps, it was not a Jewish problem at all, but an anti-Semite problem. In any case, it represented a pathological condition which only could grow hopelessly worse as it went along. This was a potentially desperate situation, which obvi- ously could not be cured by the use of such mild political poultices as pacts, agreements, or minority clauses, or the assurances embodied in so-called educational measures. The remedies of Socialism and edu- cation were also to prove valueless. It was in Germany, the most highly socialized and best educated of all the Western countries, that the lightning of hatred and cultural cannibalism struck first and hardest.

What is the Solution? It was apparent that the only common-sense solution for this major problem was to allow the Jews to normalize their lives by becoming like other nations, rather than to flit through history as an apparition whose very identity was in question. The persecuted Jews of Europe who wished to live as nationals under a Jewish Government could then do so. Those who wished to merge their identities with other peoples, and perhaps disappear as Jews altogether, also would be free to do so, relieved for the first time of those ghostlike conventions by which they were linked, in the popular judgment, with an alien and gypsy past.

Jews Everywhere Affected Thus, this became a question affecting not only the Jews who were persecuted, but in a certain sense, Jews everywhere. Its solution pat-

7 ently meant giving the Jewish people a home, a territorial base where Jews were in the majority and Jewish culture dominated. This would bear the same relation to Jews elsewhere as Italy or Ireland bear to their scattered sons and daughters, people whose interest in the mother• land is purely a matter of sentimental and perhaps, remote concern.

Fighting Against Their Own Interests This reasoned and common-sense solution to the Jewish problem was naturally to encounter a certain amount of serious opposition, as the self-interest or prejudices of others became affected by it. Perhaps its most conspicuous foes were to be found among a great sector of the Jewish people themselves, many of whom were in mortal fear of having their own lives and attachments confused with the purposes of this movement. It was they, on the basis of one pet theory or another, who cried the loudest against the forthright solutions embodied in the law of the nations under the Palestine Mandate. And it is they, in con- sequence, who must bear much of the responsibility for the millions who died as Oswiecim, Treblinka and Majdanek. It was behind this powerful cover of influential anti-Zionist Jews that the Imperialistic politicians of Whitehall were able to carry out that great betrayal of the Jewish hope with which we now, unfortunately, must deal.

Zionist Leadership Inadequate Zionist leaders were for the most part unworldly and inexperienced, a group of cloistered intellectuals whose souls had been captured by this great vision of a reborn Israel. Denied that support which should have been their first bulwark against the pressures of hostile British and Arab politicians, they were thrown into ignominious retreat. Step by step the Jewish position under the Mandate deteriorated. Palestine, which was to have been the homeland of the Jews, became the only area outside of Nazi Europe which was governed by a body of anti-Jewish laws. This result took place over a period when the physical position of European Jews was visibly becoming more and more pre- carious. Prophetic Warnings Ignored Prophetic voices arose to warn both Jewry and the world as to the nature of the terrible crisis which was impending. One of them was that great and tragic figure, Vladimir Jabotinsky. Among others were the glorious Englishmen, Lord Wedgewood and Lord Strabolgi. Not least mong these men was that noble English soldier, and my own

8 dearly beloved friend, who sits with us tonight—Colonel John Henry Patterson. These men were ignored. In some cases they were berated and con- demned, their motives impugned, often by whole sections of Jews them• selves. Living through those times, I could not help but think: "For- give them, Lord, they know not what they do." The Problem Can Yet Be Solved At this moment the curtain is rising on the last act of this terrible and forbidding drama. The hour of another and perhaps final decision is striking. We cannot bring back to life the four million who died in the torture chambers of Poland. But this we can do: We can rescue the few who remain. We can solve, once and for all, this entire problem which has become an intolerable festering sore on the body of Europe, and which threatens from there to contaminate the world. To accomplish that result at this late moment, must mean that at least the Jews themselves abandon all opposition to this program, and take a positive and vigorous interest in its success. Western Jewry can no longer shrug its shoulders and exclaim selfrighteously: "Am I my brother's keeper?" This is not now a fight for Zion alone but for international law and international morality, of which Zion is a symbol.

The Crucial Test If we cannot erect a new world order on the ashes of this suicidal conflict, an order based on the humanities, on large-scale social engi- neering, and on a settlement of all major problems at their source, then we have fought this war for nothing. We have fought it to en- throne greed and the gangsterism of pure applied power and self-ag- grandizement. For the statesmen who now talk of international charters, pledges, and laws, the test is clear: Let them adhere to the sacred pledges to which they are already bound. As long as they continue to honor these in the breach rather than in the observance, it is difficult to see how any value can be attached to any new commitments they may make. One cannot blow hot and cold on the matter of honor and good faith. They either exist, or they do not exist. In the future world, every people must have the right to live and

9 be secure. The Jews, too, must have this right. We cannot countenance an act by which they are to be despoiled of their patrimony by the predatory minions of a great power, covetous of their little inheritance. As long as free men can speak forth boldly, we must make it our business to see that the infamous White Paper which now restricts the immigration of Jews to Palestine is withdrawn, and that the present anti-Semitic regime which now disgraces that country, is smashed with it. Palestine must be thrown open to the Jews as a Jewish common- wealth, to which its children can return in accordance with their need or inclination.

Must Be Represented Among United Nations Jewish Palestine now should be represented as one of the United Nations at the San Francisco conference. It has fought shoulder to shoulder with the other United Nations in what should be a common war for liberation. The little Jewish community of Palestine gave to the Allied Armies 70,000 soldiers, compared to 7,000 for the whole of Arabia, including Arab Palestine. The Arab States who had previously made no secret of their pro- Axis sympathies, recently met in Cairo. At this last belated moment, they finally declared war on the Axis, for the frank purpose of sitting at the San Francisco conference to protect their own interests there. What a diabolic and scurvy trick of fate this is: Pro-Axis Arab kings, men who made no secret of their dislike for the United Nations, are now to sit with us as equals at San Francisco, to dispose perhaps of the affairs of Jewish Palestine, which will not be represented, and which has fought bravely at our side since the beginning. Here is a situation on which all good men should become vocal, a travesty on the first elements of honor, morality and common decency. It is a situation in which we who seek a peaceful and decent world order must speak first. It is our indignation which would spark the resistance that will put an end finally to this evil business.

Promises Should be Translated into Action! Perhaps as free citizens it is not too much for us to remind the President of the United States that at a moment when he was running for the distinguished office he now occupies, he made certain promises referring to the early establishment of a Jewish State in Palestine. These assurances he acknowledged again a few days ago. They should be placed into effect now.

10 If there is any validity at all to the whole plan for international oganiz&tion, our major contribution must be political morality. Its essence is the abandonment of the vicious rule of expediency and power politics, and the erection of a truly human and cooperative world. Such a world cannot exist unless among its autonomous units is one called by its ancient name Eretz Yisrael, The Land of Israel. If this expectation is to be trampeled underfoot; if it is to be buried with the mouldering bones of the countless Jewish dead of Europe— then the hopes of mankind, insofar as they are based on Honor, Justice, and Social Sanity, will lie buried with it.

11 JEWS FIGHTING IN TWO WARS by EDWIN C. JOHNSON £7. S. Senator from Colorado

We are met here tonight to commemorate the creation of the Jewish Legions in the First World War. We cannot add to the glorious ex• ploits of the heroic Jews who, shoulder to shoulder with other organ- ized patriots, in World War I struck such telling blows for God and humanity. That is not our purpose on this anniversary. Rather, we are met here to interpret in present-day realism this significant event of history. The creation of the Jewish Legions might well be pictured as the awakening of a sleeping giant ready once again to assume his respons- ibilities in the family of Nations. After centuries of cruel persecution, after centuries of being dispersed throughout the world and treated as despised outcasts, the Jewish patriots, in March 1915, organized the Jewish Legion and fought the forces of evil and tyranny which would enslave both Jew and Gentile. While it marked the first time in cent- uries that an organized Jewish military unit had fought in a magnific* ent crusade for righteousness and justice as Jews, it was no mere ac- cident. The Jewish Legions sprang to life and action in 1915 with a full realization of their obligation and the crisis that faced civilization. Theirs was the natural response of an aroused people to the clarion call of mankind for help and assistance. It would be a mistake to insinuate that Jewish participation in man- kind's fight for a better world is something new. It is nothing of the kind! Whenever and wherever permitted, in peace and in war, with the weapons of the spirit, or of physical combat, Jews of all countries and in all centuries have taken part in the never-ending struggle for a better world. But Jews as Jews have not had the credit. Always that has gone to the countries in which they lived.

Jewish Military Contribution How many know that in the First World War one million and fifty- five thousand Jews fought in the ranks of the Allies? That figure places the Jewish contribution to our cause in World War I as next to that of the so-called Great Powers and far ahead of the contribution of the smaller nations. 116,825 Jews were killed in the ranks of the Allies—almost double the number of our own dead.

12 In the present war, enough Jews are fighting under the banners of the United Nations to constitute one of the greatest armies of all time. 500,000 Jews are fighting in the forces of the Soviet Union and 600,000 under the Stars and Stripes. 80,000 Jews fought for France; 53,000 for Britain; 8,000 under Canadian colors; 16,000 accepted the hazards and the misery of European Guerrillas. 250,000 Jews fought in the defense of Poland and 32,000 of them paid the supreme price of their devotion. 135,000 Jews in Palestine voluntarily registered for war service. 30,000 of them finally succeeded in begging their way into British ranks; succeeded in begging the privilege to defend their own soil and were finally allowed to fight the common enemy. We have heard much of the three and one-half million helpless de- fenseless Jewish martyrs massacred in the slaughter pens of Central Europe by the unspeakable Hitler, but very little indeed of the one and one-half million Jewish fighters who are taking an active part in the Armies of the United Nations. That appears' to be a military secret.

An International Problem do have a flag and a country and as Americans they should fight as they are fighting for that flag and that country; I am not contending otherwise. But there are in this world many Jews not ac- cepted as nationals by any country. As such they constitute an inter- national problem. And while it is far more than a Jewish problem and while its solution will affect all mankind, the Jew himself should have a voice in its solution. To assert himself, to assert his right to live as a member of a free people is a matter of first and vital importance to every Jew and to us all. True equality the world over is a freeman's most dependable security. The creation of a Jewish State in which unwanted and persecuted Jews might voluntarily repair to live in re- spect and dignity would not only transform them from pariahs to acknowledge members of responsible society but would raise the stature of mankind everywhere. It has been obvious to me all along that there is no more eloquent, no more elementary way of proclaiming this status, no clearer way of gaining recognition and deserving to be recognized than for unat- tached Jewish patriots, with an army under a Jewish banner, to join the United Nations in the titanic and common struggle against tyranny and injustice. Nothing could proclaim more convincingly the indomit- able will of the Jews to constitute a nation once more, and their claim

13 to the dignity of nationhood would no longer be overlooked and side- stepped. Had young Jews been permitted to mobilize an army and to demonstrate their devotion and purposes side by side with other peace- loving nations, they would not be ignored, as they are being ignored, in the conclaves now being held to prepare peace terms for the world.

We, who all during this war have proclaimed the right of the Jews to form a Jewish army and join the United Nations, have comprehended the complicated situation all too well. It is because of our under- standing of the real issues involved that we have kept nagging bureau- cratic minded governments and have kept arousing an uninformed public opinion in this matter of a Jewish army. We have no apologies ־to make for our efforts and only regret that in this fight for a funda mental principle we have not been successful.

Britain Stands in the Way

We do not agree that the Jewish brigade created a few months ago by the British Government is even an incomplete answer to our prayers. It is merely a feeble and utterly insufficient step in the right direction, and any significance with which it might have been clothed was nullified by the very belatedness and by the reluctance with which it was finally undertaken. Truly it is indeed a case of "too little and too late."

Nor was this accidental! The very reasons which prompted us to persist in our demands for a Jewish army inspired the British refusal of its formation. Now when the war in Europe is approaching its final stages and our minds are diverted to the numerous worldwide problems of peace, British objectives become obvious. It was not an army alone that was denied to the Jews; nationhood was denied them.

Nations who made no contribution whatsoever to mankind's fight against the Axis—indeed, Nations who have sympathized with the Nazis and actively sabotaged our war effort—these Nations, now that Germany has lost the war, are gaining admission into the bosom of the United Nations at the cheap price of hypocritical lip-service.

On the other hand, the Jewish people, despite the oceans of Jewish blood spilled on all the battlefronts and in all the torture chambers of Central Europe, find that door closed to them.

14 Arab "Expert" Opinion

It is discouraging to note what small progress has been made since that great day in history, when "Zion's Mule Corps" raised Zion's flag at Gallipoli! How far from success we really are on htis 30th anniv- ersary of that great day has been vividly demonstrated to us by an in- cident in connection with the recent trip of the President and the Prime Minister to the Near East. There is little doubt that Palestine was a subject vital to the diplomatic and secret conversations. I listened with sorrow when the President said in his report to Congress that he had learned more about the Jewish question in a five-minute talk with Ibn Saud than he could learn otherwise. This unfortunate remark dramatizes the spirit in which the whole subject of Palestine has been approached by those who would shape the world of tomorrow.

With all due respect to the President and King Ibn Saud, I must say that the choice of the desert king as expert on the Jewish question is nothing short of amazing. With respect to the Jewish question out- side of his kingdom, I imagine that even Falla would be more of an expert; and as for Jews within his kingdom, I understand there are none.

America's Interest in a Jewish Palestine

As a member of the Senate Committee of Nine on Middle East Pet- roleum, I possess first-hand knowledge of the magnitude of the huge oil reserves there, and of the potential vital strategic and trade posi- tions incident thereto. Indeed, if the United States is to carry her share of responsibility for world peace and world affairs, it is prudent that we should take cognizance of the important factors involved.

As I see it, a strong, free, dependable and friendly Palestine should be the cornerstone of our inescapable participation in the affairs of the Middle East. The fabulous billions of barrels of black gold in that general area may well become the incubator of World War III. There- fore, one cannot but agree and welcome the formation of an American sphere of influence in the Near East. That much we grant. But I deny that an American sphere of influence must result in a betrayal of the aspirations and the hopes of the Jewish people. I reject, as baseless and unfounded, the theory that to protect the people's interest in Arabian oil, the United States must assume a pro-Arab and anti-Jewish position. Arabian oil does not weigh more than Jewish blood.

15 "The Role that Destiny has Shaped for Us"

I deny that we went to war; strained our credit to the breaking point; dispatched 12 millions of the flower of our youth to all the battle fields on the earth, for Colonial Empires for anyone, or the be- trayal of our real friends. I contend that we can effect the proper utilization of the petroleum resources of the Middle East in the promo- tion of world peace and stability, and at the same time preserve our devotion to democratic principles, and discharge our obligation to the Jewish people by assisting them to realize their aspirations for nation- hood in their ancient homeland. I deny that a better world and a better life for Americans can be had by betraying the one people in the Mid- die East who will remain loyal and devoted to us come what may. If we are to fulfill the role that destiny has shaped for us we need in the Middle East a Jewish Palestine as an anchor and a bulwark.

We have failed miserably on the political front in Washington and in London, but the Jewish repatriates in Palestine have not failed. They have measured up to their opportunities magnificently. They have caused the desert to bloom as of old and they have converted a dreary salification into a bee hive of activity and prosperity. Their construct- ive accomplishments in the Holy Land have earned for them the plau- dits of the world and the right to nationhood.

Let me take advantage of this opportunity, therefore, to warn our British and American political leaders that we shall not rest until the first victims of Nazi brutality have been given a fair chance for na- tional renaissance in their old homeland—Palestine. The American people, once they understand the issues involved, will support us wholeheartedly in this endeavor.

"A Noble and Sacred Cause"

In spite of discouragements, we are inspired in our difficult task tonight by the example of those intrepid patriots who, in the days of the First World War, with powerful opposition facing them, without precedent to guide them, succeeded in bringing to life the first Jewish Legion since the destruction of the Jewish Kingdom of Palestine two thousand years ago. Gone are Jabotinsky, Trumpeldor and Ruthenberg; gone are Sidebotham, Wedgewood and Balfour. But others of *hat lit- tie gallant band of crusaders are still with us. One of these is here tonight. The man who commanded the Jewish Legions in 1915 and

16 who in the years that followed spearheaded the movement to create a Jewish Army and a Jewish State; the man who personifies the noble and sacred cause to which we dedicate our efforts; that great and fear- less soldier, John Henry Patterson, is here. > Colonel Patterson, I salute you and through you the Jewish Legions which you led. Colonel Patterson, we honor you tonight and always for the great cause with which you have identified your life and which we are pledged to uphold—the cause of righting an ancient wrong, the cause of supporting a race of martyrs on their road to honor, and to freedom, and to peace.

17 PALESTINE'S PLACE IN THE NEW WORLD by LOUIS BROMFIELD

I am glad to be here tonight on the occasion honoring Colonel Patterson, so valiant a fighter for so many years in behalf of the cause of the Jewish people and that of a Free Jewish Palestine. By com- parison my own interest and activity is recent, although I believe it to be no less sincere. The cause of Palestine, like that of India, is one which is not too well understood by the average American. It is not simply a Jewish question, or one which concerns Great Britain and Palestine alone. It is the responsibility of the whole of a world which has shrunk, in the generation immediately past, to a fifth or less of its present size. Whether we wish it or not, the American people are involved today in what happens in the most remote regions of the earth. It is no longer merely a question of being involved through aloof moral principle or abstract reasoning. What happens in the Balkans, in Indo*China. in the Near East, affects immediately our interests in the world and even our economy at home.

Decline of Imperialism Tonight I would like to speak concerning the place of a Free Jewish Palestine in the new world—that shrunken world which makes neigh• bors of all of us, that world in which there is no longer a place for great scattered empires exploited by three or four small nations. In this new world, the power, the dominance, political, economic and military, will belong inevitably to those nations which occupy huge, self-contained areas of the earth's surface, with enormous natural re- , sources and immense supplies of manpower for military, industrial and agricultural purposes. It is those nations with which will lie the re- sponsibility for prosperity, order and peace. In that New World a solution must be found for India, for Palestine, for the remote islands and colonies of the Dutch and French empires. Who can believe that after this war the people of the Brirtish Commonwealth, the people of ־Russia and the people of this nation will be content to allow such prob lems as those of India and of Palestine to drag along, compromised and befuddled and exploited in the interests of a small nation, or even a small class, thousands of miles away? Who can believe that England, France, or Holland will return upon the same terms to the colonies of

18 the East, swarming with people who by now no longer look upon the white man as either infallible or unconquerable. It may be that I am stating all this too bluntly. If so, it is because, out of long experience at first hand with political and economic condi- ׳tions in many parts of the earth, I am inclined to be a realist. I be lieve that perhaps the worst enemies of world peace and world gov- ernment are those perfectionists and Utopians who expect a Paradise on earth to emerge overnight in this confused and tortured world. No such thing will happen. If and when the Paradise arrives, none of us will be living. Mankind has never progressed by Utopian plans which an individual or a group sought to impose upon the rest of the world, but always slowly and painfully. It might almost be said that man's prog- ress is only through necessity, the hard way. It might be said that this is the natural and immutable law. In this New World before us. there lies an absolute necessity for realism. In this New World certain problems cry out for a solution upon sound and practical terms. Certain questions must be answered before we can hope for lasting peace or orderly government.

Russia's Realism Russia and Stalin have shown by far the greatest understanding of what this New World is to be. They have laid and are laying their future plans along realistic lines based upon economic union among nations large and small over a vast area of the earth's surface. The policy of Great Britain is one dictated to her by the circumstances of history. It is always well to remember that Great Britain is not a single nation. She is three things—the British Isles, the Commonwealth of Na- tions, and the Colonies which comprise the Empire. Save by a return to the world as it was before 1939. the curious world institution known as Great Britain can no longer exist as a great united national force. Churchill, John Simon, Samuel Hoare and other imperialists would prefer a return to the world of before 1914. but this even the Tory recognizes as impossible.

Britain's "Burden" It would be absurd to belittle the great courage, the great wisdom, the great leadership of Mr. Churchill in the time of England's crisis, but it would be equally absurd to overlook the fact, already forgotten by some, that Mr. Churchill has always been England's most stubborn Tory, its principal advocate of imperialism and the long exploded

19 Kipling philosophy of the White Man's Burden. Mr. Churchill was the most bitter opponent of the Irish settlement and of the Indian con• stitution. Today when he betrays Great Britain's promises to Palestine —when he prevents any setlement of the India question, when he in- tervenes in Greece, in Italy, in Belgium, he is not fighting in the inter- ests of humanity or the establishment of a new and better world in which a lasting peace may be established—he is fighting with his back to the wall, to restore an old imperialist world which cannot be restored, a world in which the great advantages belonged not simply to the peo- pie of the British Isles but to a comparatively small class of that people.

America's 44Abstention" As for ourselves, our record, as determined by our government in Washington, has been no better than that of Great Britain, perhaps worse, for it has been until now, largely one of indirection and con- fusion, of compromise and bargaining, without any apparent direction. While making high-sounding declarations concerning freedom and democracy, we have compromised with Spain, with Vichy, even with Great Britain in utter contradiction to our proper ideals of democracy and government. Nowhere at any time can it be said that we have exerted the full weight of our enormous power and prestige to bring order, justice and liberty into the creation of a better world. At times it has seemed indeed that our government was more occupied with play- ing a game of intrigue in which the object of the opponents was to outsmart each other than with the establishment of sound principles and the foundations of a more decent world. In all history there is no greater example of aimlessness than the doctrine of "Abstention" enunciated by our Secretary of State only to be denied and repudiated the next day. No Room for Non-Productive Populations How does all this affect the Palestine question? It affects it direct- ly. Who in this room can doubt that if there had been firm and honest insistence from Washington that Palestine be opened to the pitiful hordes of mid-European and Balkan Jewish refugees, it would not have been done? We need to say now with complete honesty, "There is no such thing as Moslem unity. It is no more than a shabby excuse to keep control of Palestine." I know personally many Indian Moslem leaders and their contempt is unbounded toward the greater part of the Moslem population of North Africa and parts of Arabia for the degraded practises which are loosely called Islamic. We need to say now, "If this crowded world is to advance, there can be no place in

20 it for shiftless, non-productive, half •bandit populations. Is it not better for the world that Palestine should belong outright to the Jews whose historic home it is, who have turned it from a desert into a blossoming and prosperous garden, than to a people who had reduced it over the centuries to a state of wretched poverty and banditry?" Have we not the right to ask why General Spears, an expert in devious ways, remains in the Near East, sent there to intrigue against the French and the Palestinian Jews who are the Allies of the British and ourselves? Who can doubt that but for oil and the proximity of the Near East to trade routes, the Arabs would long ago have been given the shrift?

America's Opportunity In the New World—if it is what we hope it will be—if we are to have peace—there can be small place for old-fashioned imperialism. Our course as Americans is clear enough. Stalin has no doubts as to the course of Russia. Churchill's course is determined for him. We alone have the power and the opportunity to exert immense pressure toward the righting of many imperialistic wrongs. We cannot do it by "abstention." We cannot do it playing a game of old-fashioned po- litical intrigue, and we cannot do it by issuing periodically political statements telling the Jews and the Christians affiliated with them that they are nice people and that some day somebody will do something about Palestine. The people of the United States deserve recognition in the world and in our own government of their power of leadership as the most disinterested of all those nations working toward the goal of peace and decency in the world.

Independence Protected by Force If the nations of the world accomplish nothing more than a vague structure, without power, without respect, imposed upon a world with- out regard for the facts and the fundamental rights of all nations, they will succeed no better than they succeeded at Versailles or at Geneva. We shall have once more only a world structure which be• comes no more than a center of international intrigues and a center to foster imperialism and trample upon the rights of small nations and peoples. Self-determination coupled with wholesale freedom is not enough. Those of us who knew Europe well between the two wars know well the iniquities of such a doctrine. The rights and independ- ence of small peoples must be guaranteed and protected by force is necessary. In the establishment of a proper and effective structure of world

21 government, the leadership lies naturally with the United States, the most powerful and what is more imporatnt, the most disinterested of nations. Until now we have failed to take that leadership. We have failed to insist that we do not return through a patchwork of com- promise and intrigue to the tragic world before 1939, but to step for- ward and upward.

Mandate System Versus Peace In such an advance, justice and the rights of small nations like Palestine play a large role. There will be no peace so long as small nations are mandated to great nations whose fate is dependent upon the imperialistic exploitation of other peoples. Palestine is not the problem of any one nation. It is the problem of all nations, of all people, everywhere—interested in freedom, justice and opportunity. In the new world there will be no place for backward, unproductive peo- pies artificially protected by imperialist nations. There will be a place only for peaceful, productive nations, contributing materially to the welfare of the world as a whole. In that category, Palestine has cer- tainly earned a place. Indeed Palestine might well serve as a model. For that reason if for no other she merits the respect and protection of all those who sincerely seek the establishment of a decent world.

22 AMERICA'S POSITION IN THE MIDDLE EAST by OWEN BREWSTER U. S. Senator from Maine

We are gathered here tonight to celebrate the 30th anniversary of the founding of the Jewish Legion in World War I, and to pay tribute to the man who not only commanded that Legion but who since then made the battle of Jewry for survival and for national rehabilitation his own. Colonel John Henry Patterson is a Christian, and I know that in his life-long devotion to the Jewish cause he certainly has no ulterior motives. I know that he is moved by his great devotion to the People of the Book; by his sense of justice; by his inborn feeling of sympathy for the weak and persecuted. Yet I feel certain that he will pardon my saying here tonight that in devoting his life to Jewry, Colonel Patterson has rendered and is rendering an outstanding service to Christianity. As a Christian, I am glad and proud to know that there is a John Henry Patterson in our world. Not only because many Christians feel ashamed of the rough deal accorded to the Jewish people by a pre- dominantly Christian mankind, but also because Colonel Patterson, by his unswearving loyalty to the Zionist idea, shows us the way for the only possible solution of the tragic Jewish problem. His life em- phasizes the old truth, unfortunately realized by all too few among us, that the Jewish problem cannot possibly be solved by the Jews alone, that it must be the concern of all of us, Gentile and Jew alike.

Reviewing the Past The Jews have paid a terrible price for the existence of an unsolved Jewish problem in Europe. Millions of them were killed in cold blood by the Nazi beasts. They were stripped of all their rights and posses- ions. They were made the pariah of Europe. But we too — we, Christ- * ians — have paid heavily for not having solved in good time, radically and adequately, the Jewish problem in Europe. The Christians of England and France, of Poland and Czechoslovakia, of Holland and Belgium, of America and Italy—all of us have paid the price for ig- noring and neglecting the Jewish tragedy in the world. It must be obvious by now to every intelligent observer of world affairs that the Jewish problem in Europe was a contributing factor to the causes of this most devastating world war. The defenseless Jewish minorities in the various lands of Europe were a God-sent opportunity for Hitler, to build his power in Germany, to infiltrate his Fifth Column into the

23 neighboring European countries, to demoralize, from within, his future victims. It was no accident that Fascism and anti-Semitism marched all over Europe like Siamese twins. We have paid the price for our complacency over one of the great- est tragedies in history, and we are still paying it. The question which —to ourselves and to the coming generations—׳we have to answer now is whether we have learned our lesson, or not. Are we going to im- prove our ways in the future, or are we going to repeat endlessly the same mistakes and face new tragedies, new conflagrations and new massacres of the human race?

Looking Into the Future The hostilities in one part of the world are now nearing their end, and we shall soon face the great post-war reshuffle of frontiers, states and populations. If we do it right, our children and their children may enjoy peace and prosperity. If we do it wrong, they will kill each other in a new and probably even more terrible war. It would be no exaggeration to say that no generation has ever faced such a heavy and crucial responsibility for the future of humanity. How are we meeting this responsibility? There are doubts and dis- satisfactions among us of the way the future peace settlement is being shaped by the supreme leaders of the United Nations. And I speak of dissatisfaction not only among the opponents of an American interna- tionalistic policy, but among those who cannot visualize America and American policy except as an integral part of the universe. The source of this dissatisfaction is the fact that many a problem of a small nation is being determined arbitrarily without regard to justice, without re- gard to legitimate rights and aspirations and sound common sense. If we are to have international cooperation—it must be truly international, and based upon true cooperation. But if the small nations will again serve as pawns in the game of power politics—if their cooperation will be welcome only when it will serve the interests of one or more of the great powers, and otherwise it will be ignored—then our whole struct- ure of international cooperation is built on nothing but an illusion and a mirage. There is perhaps no more ominous sign for the future of world peace and security than our treatment of the Jewish question. It is a strange spectacle indeed to see statesmen speak about a world based upon justice and respect for international law, and at the same time* repudiate their internationally sanctioned obligations to the Jewish people.

24 The Jews Were Promised a State The Balfour Declaration of 1917 by the British Government pro- vided very definitely for a "home land" for Jews in Palestine. Pro- visions for the protection of the religious rights and shrines of "non- Jewish" inhabitants of Palestine seemed clearly to contemplate the possibility of the Jewish majority at some time. One does not guaran- tee the rights of majorities. Majorities have a way of looking out for themselves. Indeed, American diplomatic correspondence and a British Royal Commission explained that the clear meaning of the term "Jewish Na- tional Home" was to open Palestine to large-scale immigration of Jews to the point where they would form a majority of the population and the country would become a Jewish State. The question of a Jewish national home in Palestine so far as the United States is concerned was settled by the agreement between the United States and Great Britain as the mandatory power, entered into and proclaimed by Calvin Cooldige as President of the United States on December 5, 1945.

s and Britain's ObligationsיAmerica It has been said that international law is vague and uncertain. Per- haps it is. But there is nothing vague or uncertain about the status of Palestine under international law, nor about Britain's obligations, under International Law, both as regards the Jews and Palestine, nor about America's right and obligation, under International Law, to safe- guard the status of Palestine as defined in the documents of record. This status is one of a country where special facilities are to be given to Jews to immigrate, where they belong of right and not of sufferance, where uncultivated lands are to be put at their disposal for cultivation, where economic development is to be furthered so as to increase the capacity of the country to absorb a growing number of immigrants, in anticipation that this development would bring about a Jewish majority and Statehood. This is the plain and obvious meaning of the Mandate. But by a succession of spurious interpretations, this meeting of the Mandate was whittled down, until, in practice, Palestine became a country where special restrictions have been enacted against Jewish immigration, where Jewish citizens of Palestine are deported out of their own land, where—perhaps the only country on God's earth—the

25 Government discourages, instead of encouraging, economic develop- ment, and where in most of the area, just as in Nazi-controlled lands, Jews may not dwell, may not own land or houses, and may not even inherit property. Such is the travesty which the "Jewish National Home" has come to mean! Changing Excuses We have heard and we shall continue to hear many alibis explaining the need for this anti-Jewish policy as a matter of temporary ex- pediency. In regard to these explanations, let me tell you this: This policy has started in time of peace, it has continued during the period of appeasement, it went on in the days of the so-called "phony" war in 1939 and 1940. it was pursued during the dark days of Dunkirk and El-Alamein, and it is still going strong now that victory is in sight. Governments have come and gone, the League of Nations lived and is now dead, the Arabs were supposed to be hostile then and are sup- posed to be friendly today. Circumstances have changed, alibis have changed, but this crying iniquity goes on.

A Case of Jekyll and Hyde Both Winston Churchill and Franklin Roosevelt have denounced -\\o־t^ie White Paper of 1939. Yet Winston Churchill in four years in p er has not taken one step to terminate a policy by his government which he himself has denounced as in violation of Britain's pledge and obli- ggtions. while the President repeatedly pressed Congress to take no action to nullify the White Paper and reestablish the Balfour Declar- ation. One can only be reminded of I)r. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde and hope that both these gentlemen may soon be released from the horns of the dilemma upon which they are at present so uncomfortably im- paled. Why Arm the Arabs? Rumors current since Yalta of an American military mission to Arabia to arm. equip and train the Arabs in modern military science are disquieting in the extreme. Such action can have no relation to terminating the European war. In the post-war world what interest would be served by arming the Arabs? Certainly a five minute conver- sation with anyone familiar with the Near East would indicate that arming the Arabs is not the way to advance the cause of a free and democratic Jewish Commonwealth in Palestine. Fair words to Zionists do not go well with arms to Arabs.

26 Dangerous Repercussions Are Inevitable I assert that the fate of Palestine, the fate of European Jewry, are public concerns of prime importance. They cannot be settled unilater- ally, and they cannot be settled in secret conclave. Their solution must be openly arrived at and made the subject of an international agree- ment. Unless the problem is solved in this manner, dangerous reper- cussions will inevitably follow, both in Europe and the Middle East. In Europe, it would perpetuate an unwholesome racial tension which again as in the past, would breed aggression and international con- flicts. In the Middle East, instead of providing a nucleus of modern civilization which will stimulate the progressive development of the whole area, it would strengthen an anarchistic order of affairs based on religious fanaticism, and would create a second Armenian problem with both Christians and Jews as the victims.

The 600,000 Jews of Palestine are the brothers and sisters of nearly five million American citizens. They are the pioneers of western culture and civilization, of progressive and democratic ideas, of new social and economic forms of society in the Middle East. Hie Jews in Palestine have created there a little America, very little thus far, very poor if compared with the great America, but it is an American of the Middle East all the same. A new world with a pioneering spirit, as deep, as pure, as honest, and as sincere as the spirit of our forefathers in this country, has been created in that little Holy Land, which gave us so much in the past—to all of us, Christians, Jews, and Moslems alike! It would do no good to America, and to the world, if this won- derful development were arbitrarily stopped.

A Closed Door — Not to Jews Alone The truth of the matter is that behind the closed door policy in Palestine with regard to the Jews is the intention to establish a closed door policy with regard to many nations throughout the Middle East. We cannot support such intentions. We believe in free economy, in free, legitimate competition, in higher standards of living, and higher levels of civilization everywhere as the best possible assurance for economic security and advancement. If this is so with regard to every other country, it is doubly so with regard to the Middle East—this huge, undeveloped area in which the whole world has vital interests. It is not difficult to foresee, in view of our large investments in that area, that a closed door policy there on the part of one power will necessarily lead us to conflicts and trouble.

27 The Question of Mandates The issue is wider than Palestine. It not only affects the question of an equitable peace. It also touches upon the general problem of the future of mandated territories. As it is, the administration of Palestine has contributed in no small measure to the widespread impression that mandates have been used in practice as a device to cloak imperialistic ambitions. It has contributed, therefore, to the whole system of man* dates becoming thoroughly discredited in the public mind. It will have to be one of the tasks of the coming San Francisco Conference to consider and decide, unencumbered by previous secret arrangements, the future of the mandated areas and the forms of international super- vision over areas which, because of the primitive character of their populations, may need such supervision. As for Palestine, its Jewish population has certainly demonstrated a remarkable capacity for self- government. There is no reason, therefore, why Palestine should not be transformed into a Jewish State, and there is every reason in the world why it should be so transformed. This is the only course which decency, wisdom and justice dictate and it should be adopted by our Government and its Allies with regard to the Jewish problem and to Palestine. In adopting this course, they would terminate a shameful deceit practiced on a martyred people, and would assure it a better existence as a free nation among the nations of the world. They would, moreover, put an end to a tragic problem, which caused so much suffering not only to the Jews but to the world at large.

28 A DIRECT CHALLENGE by EMANUEL CELLER Congressman from New York

When Colonel Patterson led the Jewish Legion across the Holy Land and Transjordania nearly three decades ago, he believed that he was engaged in the most sacred battle in modern history—a battle which would restore Israel to his land. Not only Colonel Patterson believed that, and not only his Jewish soldiers, but millions of Christ- ians and Jews the world over. An American President, Theodore Roose- velt, wrote to Colonel Patterson in 1918: "I most heartily congratulate you in leading in what was not only one of the most important, but one of the most dramatic incidents in the whole war. To have the sons of Israel smite Ammon on hip and thigh under your leadership is some- thing worth while." Was it 'something worth while', as Theodore Roosevelt said, or were all the sacrifices, efforts, sufferings and magnificent colonization of the Jews in Palestine in vain? Were Colonel Patterson and Theodore Roosevelt, Lord Balfour and Woodrow Wilson, Jan Smuts and Lloyd George and many other distinguished leaders of humanity hopeless visionaries with no sense of reality? And are our leaders of today such hard-boiled "real-politiker" with no vision left in their minds, with no sentiment in their hearts? ... Colonel Patterson, it was worth while! Your great efforts on the battlefields of Judea and your exemplary devotion to the Jewish cause all your life, the sacrifices and indescribable suffering, all the efforts on behalf of the Jewish national renaissance in Palestine—they were all worth while. I am a great believer in the fundamental decency and the sense of justice of my fellow human beings and I know that the future will bear me out in this belief. If it were not so, we could not have gathered here tonight to honor a man whose whole life was a symbol of justice, loyalty and idealism. In the crusade for Palestine there is urgent need for leadership, vigorous, militant leadership. Also, the need for alertness, for know- ledge of pertinent facts, for interpretation of these facts is everywhere around us. A New Trial Saloon For instance, a new strand is being woven into the already intricate pattern of action for and against the Jewish National Homeland. The

29 proposal is now being aired by the Arabs to admit 300,000 Jews into Palestine for the purpose of providing equal political rights to the Moslems and the Jews, thus bringing the population of the Jews in Palestine up to one million to match that of the Moslems. The Arabs very benignly call it a compromise. But let us examine this a bit more closely. Admitting 300,000 Jews into Palestine would in no way affect the birthrate of the Palestine Arabs which is much higher than that of the Jews. A static balance cannot be maintained. Moreover, the gates of Palestine are not slammed shut against the Arabs. No immigration barrier exists for them. Let us also keep in mind that the Christian Arabs number about 150,000, but they are not included in this equation. They would thus be given the balance of power. Remember that these Christian Arabs are still basically Arabs in mores and thought and judging from their actions, they are not any too well disposed towards the Jews. In any event, the proposal would mean ultimately a Jewish minority result• ing in another ghetto. Well, we are not asking for any largesse, any condescension on the ׳ part of the Arab muckamucks. The Jews are in Palestine, the British Government itself said before the promulgation of the wretched White Paper, by right and not on sufference. This solution is falsely labelled a compromise. It is uttermost de- feat for the Jews. It can only be considered as a bait for the unwary. The Arab proposal is nonetheless a significant proposal. It testifies to at least one face—that a militant public opinion in America has weight even with the Arabs. The gathering thunder of American pub- lie opinion has played no small part in this first retreat of the Arabs. Your voice is not a voice in the wilderness. In the strength of your moral indignation, you will join with others until victory is ours. Those who yield to the beguiling voice of compromise take counsel of despair. Behind the Pan Arab Scheme We are watching and we are aware. We know well that the much vaunted Pan-Arabia dream is skillfully manipulated by the British Foreign Office. We know well, as does the British Foreign Office that it is impossible of realization. We know well that the only unifying bond throughout Arabia has been distorted out of all proportion by the British—that is, the inciting propaganda that Palestine is the only stumbling block to Arab unity. The recent conference of Arabs at Cairo resulted in only one Arab point of view that was unanimous.

30 Thus the British by constantly dangling the promise of a unified Arabia before the eyes of the Arabs hope to build a new cordon sani- taire around Palestine. All the jealousies of the leaders, all the cultural and economic difference all the warring sects, classes, races, communi- ties are waved aside and the blame placed on the little bit of land of Palestine. Note again that no basic agreement was reached at the Pan- Arabian Conference except in relation to Palestine. The controlling hand of the British, I fear me, is painfully patent. No less an authority than Lawrence of Arabia said: "When people talk of Arab confeder- ations or empires, they talk fantastically."

British Controlled Pan Arabia—A Cordon Sanitaire The Middle East is not by any means exclusively an Arab or Jewish problem. Western Europe is vitally interested, as is Russia. The oil reserves in Iran, Iraq and Saudi-Arabia, the strategic position of the Middle East for military purposes, are gazed upon with covetous eyes by powerful nations. Soviet Russia has intervened in Iran's internal affairs after the Iranian government had turned down a Russian request for concessions in the Northern part of the country. Actually, what will be the effect upon relations between Russia and the United States or Russia and Great Britain if a British controlled Pan-Arabia should develop into a cordon sanitaire? I believe it is a matter which should occupy the attention of our State Department and the Russian Foreign Office. I can only touch briefly here and there on the complexities that face us, searching the motivations behind each seemingly disconnected fact. The Yalta Conference Silence on Palestine The Big Three have disassembled. Yalta, heretofore a little known Black Sea resort, has assumed headline importance. Monitors through- out the world flashed momentous news issuing out of the Conference, news about Italy, France, Poland, Yugoslavia, even about Germany's Gotterdammerung and the setting sun of Japan, but not one word was proclaimed concerning Palestine and the two thousand year old trek of the Jew to find a haven of rest for weary bones; His fate must continue to be a "sea without a shore."

Ibn Saud's "Reservation" President Roosevelt met with no Jewish leader from Palestine, but he met with Ibn Saud—the Ibn Saud who gave no loyalty to the Allied

31 cause save for payment, who only recently (when Axis victory no longer is possible and he could get thereby a seat at San Francisco by a "spring in the air") declared war on Germany and Japan. Not un- conditionally, mind you. The reservation is made that the "zone of the holy shrines" be reserved in "complete neutrality." For the first time in modern history such an exception is stipulated. There are danger• ous possibilities inherent in acceptance of such an exception. Moslem war criminals can seek asylum in these "holy places"— the Grand Mufti of , for instance—and escape punishment; not only Moslem war criminals, but Nazi and Japanese as well if they can es- cape to the designated "holy zone". Let us not be deceived by the ap- parent pious tones of the reservation.

Churchill Cares for Fish I wonder if you know that before the war, Winston Churchill in• dulged in one of his hobbies to an extensive degree, that of collecting tropical fish. He had numerous ponds filled with rare specimens at his estate, Chartwell Manor. He would spend hours watching these speci- mens, learning to know all of them and calling them by name. How• ever, when the blitz over England was too great for comfort, he re• moved his fish to safer ponds. But, apparently, the Jews are not worthy of the care bestowed on rare fish. He will not bring them away from disaster to safer "ponds." At Yalta, he faltered and failed.

Jews Were Instrumental in Roosevelt's Re-election And what of our great President and beloved President? What of his mighty promise to reopen the doors of Palestine, a promise he made when he campaigned for re-election—a promise that garnered many votes? We are told that once for want of a nail a shoe was lost, and for want of a shoe a horse was lost, and for want of a horse a rider was lost, and for want of a rider a battle was lost, and for want of a battle a kingdom was lost. Well, were it not for his overwhelming vote in my own Congressional district (wherein in some precincts 1400 votes were cast for Roosevelt as against 4 for Dewey), were it not for that vote in my district, Brooklyn in turn, where over one• million Jews reside, would have been lost to Roosevelt; without Brooklyn, New York City would have been lost, and without New York City, New York State would have been lost to Roosevelt. And without New York State, the nation might have been lost to Roosevelt because similarly Jews held the balance of power in many metropolitan areas. They tipped the scales in favor of Roosevelt. They now look to Roosevelt

32 with bewilderment. Why his silence? They cannot understand his re- treat from fulfillment of his mighty promise. A bit from "Alice in Wonderland" is particularly apt: "Take some more tea", the March Hare very earnestly said to Alice. Alice in an offended tone replied, "I have nothing yet, so I can't take more." "You mean you can't take less; it is very easy to take more than nothing." Just so the Jews are given more and more promises, but nothing when it comes to performances.

Not One Step Backward Please don't mistake me. I am not despairing. Confused as is the outlook, bewildering as are the currents that swirl about us, we do not submit. I have indicated all of the above "trouble spots" sure in the knowledge that if we are aware of them, so much more certain is our ultimate victory. We must rally those who falter. We must never for an instant take one step backward. Persistence and courage will win for us. There is an old saying that comes out of the East—"if you continually grind a bar of iron you can make a needle out of it." Let our labors be unceasing.

33 A REVIEW OF BRITAIN'S POLICY IN PALESTINE by COLONEL JOHN HENRY PATTERSON, D.S.O.

Mr. Chairman, Honorable Senators, Congressmen, Ladies and Gentlemen: Let me thank you for the honor you have done me this evening. If you consider that I have performed my duty well and truly to my Legionnaires, it is because it is traditional in the to act that way—more especially when you command men worthy of their Maccabean ancestors. In looking back to the day thirty years ago when the Jewish Legion was founded, I am very happy to say that throughout its history the Legion upheld in every way the best traditions of the British army. It fought well, it marched well, it endured hunger and thirst, and I assure you the hunger and thirst we endured in the , 1200 feet below sea level, was something to be remembered. No British troops throughout the Palestine campaign endured greater hardships than did the Jewish Legion. Every general we served under was loud and fulsome in the praise given to us for our gallant actions on the battlefield and our exemplary conduct on the training grounds. From Allenby right down we were lauded without stint. Now, one would think that with such a record the British Govern- ment would have accepted with avidity the offer of a Jewish army of from a quarter to a half million men, which my good friend the late Vladimir Jabotinsky offered to the British Government on the eve of this war. But the British Government, for reasons which I shall speak of later, would not hear of it and turned down the idea of a Jewish army time after time.

A Jewish Army Might Have Shortened The War What a difference it would have made had that Jewish Army been formed. We have Field Marshall Alexander's word for it that he never had enough troops in Italy to cope with the Germans there. With the Jewish arniy on that battlefront, an army which had solid reasons to get to grips with the Germans, that region might have been liberated a year ago. In fact, the whole European War might have been over by this time and many thousands of American and English mothers would not now be mourning the death of their dear ones.

34 I am going to make some criticisms of England's rulers, but, make no mistake, I am not anti-British. On the contrary. I am very pro- British. I have spent most of my life serving England, fought in many of her battles for the last half century, and I am tonight fighting an- other battle, just a battle for the honor of England and in the best in- terests of England. I am going to make no statement that I cannot vouch for. There- fore, no matter how strange it may appear to you, you may believe it is true, because I can prove everything I say up to the hilt.

Six Bureaucrats Rule England It may surprise some of you to know that Parliament or the cabinet or Mr. Churchill does not rule England. England is rueld by a few diehard bureaucrats in key positions, not more than a half dozen in all, whose hatred for the Jews is only equalled by their greed for ter- ritory and lack of all morality in the attainment of their ends. It would take much too long to go into the details as to how this situation has come about in England, but it is true. Do you think that if Mr. Chamberlain had ruled England he would not have taken to Munich some member of his cabinet, his Foreign Secretary or his War Secretary? But, as a matter of fact, it was Mr. Chamberlain who was taken for a ride to Munich by the number one bureaucrat of England, and told to sign on the dotted line with Hitler.

Britain's Responsibility I am sure that many of you think that Hitler started this war. Not a bit of it. This war was started long before Hitler came to power. It was started by these same British officials who openly flouted Interna- tional Law, more especially in their handling of the Palestine mandate. They made no pretense of secrecy in their diabolical efforts to elimi- nate the Jews and seize Palestine and as much of the Near East as pos- sible for themselves. Of course the aggressive powers, Japan, Italy and Germany took their cue from England and did not see why England should do all the grabbing, so they, too. took a hand in violating jus- tice and humanity, and so came World War II! I was present in Palestine and saw it all and could hardly believe my eyes that England had fallen so low. There was practically no limit to the inhumanity and injustices perpetrated by the British bureaucrats in that country. They stopped at nothing, even egging the Arabs to hatred and savagry of the Jews. Almost every British official was anti-

35 Jewish, inspired, of course, from the British Colonial Office. There never was an Arab question. That was created with great care and devilish ingenuity, by these British Nazi-minded officials. It is a fact that England began eliminating Jews in Palestine long before Hitler started his inhuman game. They encouraged the Arabs to attack Jewish villages, but carefully sent police to collect arms from the villagers, so as to leave the Jews at the mercy of the cut-throats. Time after time they organized these pogroms through the instrumentality of their agent, the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, one of their paid officials who openly stalked the land without let or hinderance, urging the Arabs year after year to go out and murder the Jews.

Iraqi Agents Brought In But strangely enough, very few of the Arabs, comparatively speak- ing, would listen to this ruffianly Mufti, so the British functionaries thought up another plan. They got an agent, a certain Fauzi, to recruit a gang of cut-throats in Iraq, saw to it that they were well armed and equipped and marched this so-called army through British controlled Trans-Jordan where they were met and welcomed by the police and gendarmerie and ushered safely over the fords of the Jordan into Palestine. The British administrators hoped that on the arrival of this gang of hooligans there would be a general uprising of the Arabs and the elimination of every Jew in Palestine. But again they were disap- pointed. Beyond a few cut-throats, to be found anywhere, Fauzi and his band of rascals failed to effect an Arab uprising. So he turned his hand On to the Arabs themselves and murdered between 400 and 500 of them.

Army Used in Political Maneuvering The British bureaucracy, seeing that that particular game was up, thought of another trick. What a grand thing it would be to show the world the impossibility of carrying out the Balfour Declaration! Here was an invasion of Arabs from a neighboring state to kill off the Jews, so, in order to protect the Jews, they had to mobilize a large British army under the command of—who do you think? Sir John Dill, later Chief of the Imperial General Staff. That would give a good headline, a grand reclame. And so a British army was moved into Palestine. I happened to be there at the time. I saw General Dill and his staff very comfortably accommodated in the King David Hotel, one of the

36 best in the world, from which he and his staff rarely stirred, and the British army did practically nothing. I asked one of the British soldiers casually one day what they meant by allowing these rascals to infest Palestine without bringing them to book. "Oh," said he, "we could polish them off in five minutes, but we are not allowed to do anything by the order of the Old Lady up in Jerusalem." By the Old Lady he meant General Sir Arthur Wauchope. the High Commissioner, who was himself a most kindly, well disposed man but he was acting under the orders of the British Colonial Office. There was at this time a surplus of 30,000,000 dollars in the treas- ury at Jerusalem, mostly from Jewish tax payers which should have been used for the upbuilding of Palestine. The bureaucrats took this money to pay for their British Expeditionary Force stunt and when they had run through it tipped Fauzi off to retire to Iraq, which he did with "bands playing and colors flying" without any opposition from the British either in Palestine or Transjordan. From start to finish this slimy episode brought nothing but contempt on the British Army throughout the Near East, but what cared the bureaucrats if only their "fake invasion" would bluff the world into the belief that the Balfour Declaration was impossible.

Anti-Jewish Atrocities Again we have the fact that these same gentlemen—in good Nazi fashion—in their efforts to eliminate the Jews, sunk boats at sea, drown- ing men, women and children by the hundreds, rather than allow them to land in Palestine. Those who did land they put in concentration camps and exiled them to feverish islands in the Indian Ocean. Then came the illegal White Paper forbidding any Jews (after five years) to make Palestine their homeland. Now the British Parliament, unless it has the sanction of the League of Nations, has no more right to pass such a law than I have a right to say that from tomorrow on there will be no more traffic here on Broadway. The bureaucrats tried every trick in the calendar to get that illegal act (which they forced through an unwilling House of Commons) O.K.'d by the League of Nations. They even removed Lord Lugard, a good old-fashioned Eng- lish justice-loving nobleman, from the Council of the League, because they feared his influence would be against the illegal measure. So they replaced him by a man of their own kidney. However, the League of Nations was not to be bluffed. They bluntly told England she was turning the Mandate upside down, in her own interests, and absolutely refused to ratify the White Paper.

37 Now every act perpetrated by the British under the White Paper is not only illegal, but criminal, an open violation of all International Law. And, if there is any justice to be had in this world before an In- ternational Court, then those British Nazis should together with the German Nazis, dangle at the end of a rope, because they are respons- ible just as much as the German Nazis for the murder of countless thousands of Jewish men, women and children.

Britain's Co-responsibility in the Nazi Massacre of Jews If you know that a certain ruffian is all out to murder somebody and you do not tell that somebody to beware and get out of the way, then you are certainly not an innocent man. But if you not only do not tell him to get out of the way, but you make it impossible by a criminal act for the unfortunate wretch to get out of the way so that he has to remain and be murdered, then you are an accomplice of the murderer and equally guilty. It makes you doubly guilty if you happen to fall heir to the murdered man's property; that is Palestine, the greed for which has been the root cause of all England's recent calamtiies and which has brought death and desolation upon her and her people. If only the British bureaucrats and Hitler, instead of writing and reading Mein Kampf, had read the Bible, they might have come across ( that verse in Jeremiah which says, "Woe unto all ye nations which devour Israel, evil shall come upon you." Way back some seven years ago, I saw all this trouble coming and I wrote to your great President. I had met him here in Washington when he was Assistant Secretary of the Navy. I had a letter of introduction for him from his cousin, Kermit Roosevelt, who said to me: "He is a grand fellow. You must meet him. The only thing wrong with him is his politics." Well, I did meet the President and he gave' me a de- lightful reception. So, when I saw the dreadful things that were taking shape in Europe, I wrote him a long letter from London. I foresaw that the butchering of the Jewish people in Germany would lead to the butchering of Gentiles too; that the world was going to be drenched in blood. So I suggested to the President that he convene a world court and try both Hitler and Mussolini, declare them outlaws, and so make at least a gesture to the world. I stated in my letter to the President, that A1 Capone was a Prince of Light compared to Hitler and Mus- solini. I am afraid I must have shocked the President by describing the heads of two States as nothing less than murdering ruffians, but I have seen that the President has used these same words many times since.

38 Trinity in Unity I listened with great interest to the President's recent radio address. One thing which interested me very much was this: He reported that he got more information in five minutes about the Palestine situation from Churchill, Ibn Saud and King Faruk than he had ever before been able to obtain. I can only say in all sincerity "God help the President." We know that Mr. Churchill is just the mouthpiece of the British Bureaucracy. Nobody who has read his speeches denouncing the British Government for its anti-Jewish policy can have any confidence in the man who has thrown honor to the winds and left the Jews to be cal- lously butchered for the past five years. If the Prophet Nathan were to walk this world again, he would point his finger at Churchill as he did at King David and say, "thou art the man." So much for Churchill. What about Ibn Saud? Well, we know he is a brutal, bloodthristy tyrant who is coached by a stooge of the Colonial Office, a man named Philby, a man whom I heard state at a great meeting in London under the Chairmanship of Sir Ronald Storrs, that if the Jews dared to lift their heads in Palestine, Ibn Saud and the Arabs would give them the edge of the sword. We have King Faruk, a notorious pro-Fascist, who, even when his country was invaded by Mussolini, never lifted a finger to drive out the invader.

The Arab Position in Both Wars In World War I the Arabs of Palestine never lifted a finger to help drive out the Turks. On the contrary, they spied for them and looted our supplies whenever they could do so with safety to themselves. The Arabs under Feisel gave somewhat sketchy aid eastward of the Jordan and for this they were repaid in millions of pounds sterling in gold and immense territories, together with absolute freedom from Turkish rule. The Jews donated vast sums of gold to the Allied cause, gave their blood and their lives without stint, and in return, instead of re- gaining their fatherland, guaranteed to them by more than fifty nations, they have received nothing but ingratitude, torture and death by the million. In the present war, despite all disappointments and betrayals, the Jews again have come forward, a staunch Ally of the British, and with- out the Jews, it is more than likely that England would have suffered disastrous defeat in the Near East. Tens of thousands of Jewish soldiers

39 fought with the Eighth Army at El Alemain and the whole of Jewish Palestine was turned into an arsenal in the cause of England and her Allies. It was vital help given at a most vital moment, and the reward has been further treachery and further betrayal by the British bureau• crats.

Who Will be Present in San Francisco? We are now told that Iraq, Arabia and Egypt are to have represent- atives at the Allied conference in San Francisco on the 25th of April. But, as usual, the Jews are to be left out in the cold. This has all been craftily arranged for by the British Colonial Office. It is inconceivable to any one with even a slight glimmering of justice in his composition, to visualize Iraq, which stabbed England in the back when it thought it was safe to do so, being present at San Francisco, voting death to the Jews; Ibn Saud, a do-nothing throughout the war, saying dito; and Farouk of Egypt, who openly gloated when he thought the down• fall of England assured, also having his representative at the Confer- ence to see to it that injustice shall prevail in the Near East.

"Christian Decency" There was one other expression in the President's speech which re- mained ringing in my ears, and that was "Christian decency." Now, a little time back the Senate was about to protest against the White Paper and insist that Jewish immigrants should be allowed to escape from death into Palestine. But, apparently, the British diehards had enough influence in the State Department to make the Senate ignore this measure of mercy because it was "inexpedient." Where was "Christ- ian decency" there? The only thing that was "inexpedient" was that by allowing Jews into Palestine they would be saved from elimination, from butchery, from torture. And that the British bureaucracy did not want! It is common talk from coast to coast (how true this is I cannot say) that the State Department is ruled from the British Em- bassy.

American Foreign Policy should be Independent! You know one hundred and seventy years ago the Englishmen of these colonies found the rule of the British diehards of that day intol- erable, so they rebelled and shook the rope from their necks. Are you allowing it to slip back again? There has been a shakeup in the State Department recently, and I know of at least one man in the new setup that has within his bosom the spirit of Valley Forge. I refer to

40 Joseph Grew, who, like myself, was in his youth a big game hunter. He wrote a wonderful book on hunting the Siberian tiger. It thrilled me when I read that he followed the tiger into a cave, right into its lair and mastered it there in the darkness of the cavern. Now, that type of man is not going to be frightened by a fox, even though it may be a "Holyfox." Now, I suppose you would like me to tell you what I think you should do about all this injustice. Well, I would strongly advise you to collect evidence against the British Nazis and their illegal acts in Palestine, of which there are thousands, and get some nation to speak for you at this coming conference. And, if there is to be any justice in the world, surely your voice will be heard. I wouldn't hesitate about putting the names of these British Nazis on the crime list. They are guilty, but they will take shelter under the fact that they are only servants of the British Government, so there- fore you will have to point to Mr. Churchill himself and compel him either to accept responsibility or execute justice.

Churchill on Jewish Terrorism In his recent speech denouncing what he called the "Stern murder gang," Mr. Churchill gives the impression that he is blandly unaware that if the angel Gabriel came down and adjudicated on the situation, it is not to Palestine that he would point to identify the murder gang, but Downing Street, London. Almost 30G years ago an extraordinary document was circulated throughout England. The heading was "Killing No Murder." This document pointed out that when tryanny reached to such a height that it became unbearable that not only was it allowable to kill the tyrants, but it was a duty to kill them off, and an adequate reward should be paid for the eradication of these inhuman tyrants. Now who do you think sponsored this historic document? None other than the King of England himself, Charles II. If Charles II had been able to pay a visit any time during the past quarter of a century to Palestine, he would surely have reissued that document and put mighty big teeth into it.

Ireland and Kenya — Hostoric Lessons Take the case of Ireland. Almost 800 years ago Pope Adrian the IV issued a Bull to Henry II of England, giving him full right to

41 kill, burn, rape, and destroy Ireland until he had conquered it and brought the inhabitans under subjection. For well nigh 800 years, Ireland was constantly drenched in blood. In revolution after revolu- tion Englishmen and Irishmen were killed by the hundreds of thou* sands. But the bureaucrats in London, so long as the killing was con- fined to Ireland, did not turn a hair. Then some quick-witted Irishman must have discovered this docu- ment issued by Charles II stating that killing was not murder, and called for a couple of dozen Irishmen who were not afraid to die. These were readily• forthcoming, and the war was carried to England and the beaurocrats in London. I can assure you that there was a mighty fluttering of the dove-cots ». around Downing Street, and the curtain was finally rung down when one of these Irishmen with a wooden leg took up position at a British Field Marshal's residence in London and shot him dead on his own • door step. Well, to put a long story short, the bureaucrats scuttled to the ratholes and the Irishmen obtained within a few weeks what they had been vainly fighting for for nearly 800 years. The same thing happened in the colony of Kenya, a dozen years or so back. These same weasel-minded Colonial Office bureaucrats tried to enforce some obnoxious laws there, whereupon the colonists flew to arms and the British bureaucrats flew to their ratholes. Nothing more was heard of the obnoxious laws in Kenya. But tyrants, as a rule, neglect the lessons of history and find when it is too late that they, too, are about to become a mere pinch of dust. Mind you, I am only relating history to you, not advocating any par- ticular kind of action. I am merely warning the tyrants for their own good.

Churchill the Architect Mr. Churchill continues in the same speech to say that he is the great architect of the Jewish future. My God! I wonder what he has in mind—another Taj Mahal to decorate the greatest Jewish graveyard the world has ever seen, filled with the murdered and tortured bodies of Jewish men, women and children! The late Archbishop of Canterbury stood up in his place in the House of Lords and roundly condemned England for her sin in closing the door of Palestine against the Jewish people. The tyrant

42 in power, Lord Moyne, rebuffed the Archbishop in no mild terms. It would appear that the Almighty hearkened to the prayer of the Arch- bishop, and the Lord God weighed Lord Moyne in the balance and found him wanting.

Two Other Factors Let us not forget that the whole of the blame cannot be laid on the shoulders of England. She has had two partners who must share the responsibility. One, and by far the most important, the host of Jawish appeasers, and two, the silent acquiescence of the Senate of this great country in the face of England's loathsome handling of the Palestine Mandate. Surely the Senate cannot be unaware of Britain's unlawful acts in Palestine. America had a teraty with England, signed and sealed, that no part of the Mandate should be changed without the consent of the United States Government. If that consent has not been silenly given, why has England been allowed to get away with her crimes ?

Senate Investigation Called For In all "Christian decency," it is the duty of the Senate to investigate England's trusteeship of Palestine and let America learn for herself ״the facts of the case. I will offer my head if the Senate does not un cover the most unholy mess and discover that England has been a most fraudulent trustee and should be forced to atone for her crimes in Palestine, with just punishment handed out to the guilty parties. I am not going to say anything about the Jewish Appeasers. I would like to forget about them. But let us not forget the Jewish fighters and, best of all, let us re- member the great chief of those fighters, Vladimir Jabotinsky. He it was who founded the Legion and was the embodiment and spirit of the Legion. He was ever in the forefront of the fight—a model and gallant example to every member of it, including myself. It was a tragedy that this great man passed away in these critical days. I feel sure that the position of Jewry would not be so precarious as it is today had Jabotinsky still been with us. Although not with us in body, he is with us in spirit, and I know he would wish the Jews should carry on the good fight and never cry "hold, enough" until the Jewish banner flies triumphantly from one end of Palestine to the other, both sides of the Jordan.

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Copyright, 1945, by The New Zionist Organization of America New York City