THE IRAQ WAR – PART I: the U.S
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Husain Haqqani 154 Bay State Road Department of International Relations Email: [email protected] CAS IR 586 Islam in South Asian P
Husain Haqqani 154 Bay State Road Department of International Relations Email: [email protected] CAS IR 586 Islam in South Asian Politics Fall 2013 Tuesday 12:30- 3:30 pm Course Guide This course will examine the relations between the State, Politics, and Islam in South Asia and their impact on international relations. Islam became the defining element of a Pakistani identity after the partition of British India in 1947. It continues to have a strong influence on South Asian politics, especially in relation to unresolved regional conflicts over Kashmir and to some extent in Afghanistan. Pakistanis consider the dispute concerning Kashmir an unsolved question of the partition of British India in 1947 and lay claim to the territory because the vast majority of the population is Muslim. India, a secular state, views the Kashmir question as legally settled, and it too claims the whole territory, which is at present divided along a cease fire line. Pakistan has backed Islamist insurgents in Indian-controlled Kashmir in an effort to force India’s hand. India and Pakistan both have nuclear weapons, which make war and peace between them a global concern. In Afghanistan, U.S. backed Mujahideen fought the Soviet forces in Afghanistan during the 1980s, fell into civil war once the Soviets left and were replaced by the Taliban, who claimed they were uniting the country under the banner of Islam’s prophet. The Taliban were ousted from power through U.S. military force after 9/11 and the U.S. is playing a critical role with the intention of rebuilding Afghanistan. -
Resolution on Impeachment of Bush and Cheney Whereas George W
Resolution on Impeachment of Bush and Cheney Whereas George W. Bush and Richard B. Cheney: 1. deliberately misled the nation and doctored intelligence, as described in the Downing Street minutes, http://www.downingstreetmemo.com/memos.html about the threat from Iraq in order to justify a war of aggression and an occupation of Iraq, as further described in House resolution H. Res. 333 http://kucinich.house.gov/UploadedFiles/int3.pdf and as listed in House Resolution H. Res. 635 http://www.govtrack.us/congress/billtext.xpd?bill=hr109-635 2. committed crimes against peace by initiating war against Iraq in violation of the UN Charter http://www.worldpress.org/specials/iraq/; 3. committed crimes against humanity in their conduct of the occupation of Iraq in which they killed hundreds of thousands of Iraqi civilians and created millions of refugees http://www.guardian.co.uk/Iraq/Story/0,,1892888,00.html and http://edition.cnn.com/2 006/WORLD/meast/10/13/iraq.main/index.html; 4. killed over 3700 American soldiers and severely wounded nearly 30,000 more in the pursuit of an illegal, immoral, and unjust occupation of Iraq. While Bush and Cheney have stated no truthful noble cause for the war, one of the central purposes appears to be to take control of Iraq's immense oil reserves to financially benefit private corporate interests. See Bush's benchmark listing fact sheet released the same day Bush announced the "surge" that expressly called on the Iraq parliament to "enact hydrocarbons law to promote investment . " http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2007/01/20070110- 3.html and http://www.alternet.org/waroniraq/56672/; 5. -
Views with Most of the Key Players, Including the President
BOB WOODWARD Legendary Pulitzer Prize-Winning Investigative Journalist Author and Associate Editor, The Washington Post • With Carl Bernstein, Woodward uncovered the Watergate scandal • Author, twelve #1 bestsellers – more than any contemporary nonfiction writer - 18 bestsellers in all • Iconic investigative journalist; winner of nearly every American journalism award, including two Pulitzers • Reporter-historian with an aggressive but fair and non-partisan reputation for digging deep to uncover Washington’s secrets. Gives audiences unvarnished look at Washington politics and leaders • "Woodward has established himself as the best reporter of our time. He may be the best reporter of all time." – Bob Schieffer, CBS News Face the Nation Former CIA director and Secretary of Defense Robert Gates wished he’d recruited Woodward into the CIA, “His ability to get people to talk about stuff they shouldn’t be talking about is just extraordinary and may be unique.” Therein lays the genius of Bob Woodward – a journalistic icon who gained international attention when he and Carl Bernstein broke the deeply disturbing news of the Watergate scandal. The book they wrote - All the President’s Men - won a Pulitzer Prize. Watergate’s theme of secret government is a common thread throughout Woodward’s career that spawned 18 books – all went on to become national bestsellers – 12 of them #1 - more than any other contemporary nonfiction author. In the process Woodward became the ultimate inside man. No one else in political investigative journalism has the clout, respect, and reputation of Woodward. He has a way of getting insiders to open up - both on the record and off the record – in ways that reveal an intimate yet sweeping portrayal of Washington and the budget wrangling, political infighting, how we fight wars, the price of politics, how presidents lead, the homeland security efforts, and so much more. -
COIN in Afghanistan - Winning the Battles, Losing the War?
COIN in Afghanistan - Winning the Battles, Losing the War? MAGNUS NORELL FOI, Swedish Defence Research Agency, is a mainly assignment-funded agency under the Ministry of Defence. The core activities are research, method and technology development, as well as studies conducted in the interests of Swedish defence and the safety and security of society. The organisation employs approximately 1000 personnel of whom about 800 are scientists. This makes FOI Sweden’s largest research institute. FOI gives its customers access to leading-edge expertise in a large number of fields such as security policy studies, defence and security related analyses, the assessment of various types of threat, systems for control and management of crises, protection against and management of hazardous substances, IT security and the potential offered by new sensors. FOI Swedish Defence Research Agency Phone: +46 8 555 030 00 www.foi.se FOI Memo 3123 Memo Defence Analysis Defence Analysis Fax: +46 8 555 031 00 ISSN 1650-1942 March 2010 SE-164 90 Stockholm Magnus Norell COIN in Afghanistan - Winning the Battles, Losing the War? “If you don’t know where you’re going. Any road will take you there” (From a song by George Harrison) FOI Memo 3123 Title COIN in Afghanistan – Winning the Battles, Losing the War? Rapportnr/Report no FOI Memo 3123 Rapporttyp/Report Type FOI Memo Månad/Month Mars/March Utgivningsår/Year 2010 Antal sidor/Pages 41 p ISSN ISSN 1650-1942 Kund/Customer Försvarsdepartementet Projektnr/Project no A12004 Godkänd av/Approved by Eva Mittermaier FOI, Totalförsvarets Forskningsinstitut FOI, Swedish Defence Research Agency Avdelningen för Försvarsanalys Department of Defence Analysis 164 90 Stockholm SE-164 90 Stockholm FOI Memo 3123 Programme managers remarks The Asia Security Studies programme at the Swedish Defence Research Agency’s Department of Defence Analysis conducts research and policy relevant analysis on defence and security related issues. -
The Regime Change Consensus: Iraq in American Politics, 1990-2003
THE REGIME CHANGE CONSENSUS: IRAQ IN AMERICAN POLITICS, 1990-2003 Joseph Stieb A dissertation submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History in the College of Arts and Sciences. Chapel Hill 2019 Approved by: Wayne Lee Michael Morgan Benjamin Waterhouse Daniel Bolger Hal Brands ©2019 Joseph David Stieb ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Joseph David Stieb: The Regime Change Consensus: Iraq in American Politics, 1990-2003 (Under the direction of Wayne Lee) This study examines the containment policy that the United States and its allies imposed on Iraq after the 1991 Gulf War and argues for a new understanding of why the United States invaded Iraq in 2003. At the core of this story is a political puzzle: Why did a largely successful policy that mostly stripped Iraq of its unconventional weapons lose support in American politics to the point that the policy itself became less effective? I argue that, within intellectual and policymaking circles, a claim steadily emerged that the only solution to the Iraqi threat was regime change and democratization. While this “regime change consensus” was not part of the original containment policy, a cohort of intellectuals and policymakers assembled political support for the idea that Saddam’s personality and the totalitarian nature of the Baathist regime made Iraq uniquely immune to “management” strategies like containment. The entrenchment of this consensus before 9/11 helps explain why so many politicians, policymakers, and intellectuals rejected containment after 9/11 and embraced regime change and invasion. -
Freedom Or Theocracy?: Constitutionalism in Afghanistan and Iraq Hannibal Travis
Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Volume 3 | Issue 1 Article 4 Spring 2005 Freedom or Theocracy?: Constitutionalism in Afghanistan and Iraq Hannibal Travis Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr Recommended Citation Hannibal Travis, Freedom or Theocracy?: Constitutionalism in Afghanistan and Iraq, 3 Nw. J. Int'l Hum. Rts. 1 (2005). http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr/vol3/iss1/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights by an authorized administrator of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Copyright 2005 Northwestern University School of Law Volume 3 (Spring 2005) Northwestern University Journal of International Human Rights FREEDOM OR THEOCRACY?: CONSTITUTIONALISM IN AFGHANISTAN AND IRAQ By Hannibal Travis* “Afghans are victims of the games superpowers once played: their war was once our war, and collectively we bear responsibility.”1 “In the approved version of the [Afghan] constitution, Article 3 was amended to read, ‘In Afghanistan, no law can be contrary to the beliefs and provisions of the sacred religion of Islam.’ … This very significant clause basically gives the official and nonofficial religious leaders in Afghanistan sway over every action that they might deem contrary to their beliefs, which by extension and within the Afghan cultural context, could be regarded as -
Record of the Communications Policy & Research Forum 2009 in Its 2006 National Security Statement, George W
TWITTER FREE IRAN: AN EVALUATION OF TWITTER’S ROLE IN PUBLIC DIPLOMACY AND INFORMATION OPERATIONS IN IRAN’S 2009 ELECTION CRISIS ALEX BURNS Faculty of Business and Law Victoria University [email protected] BEN ELTHAM Centre for Cultural Research University of Western Sydney and Fellow, Centre for Policy Development [email protected]) Abstract Social media platforms such as Twitter pose new challenges for decision-makers in an international crisis. We examine Twitter’s role during Iran’s 2009 election crisis using a comparative analysis of Twitter investors, US State Department diplomats, citizen activists and Iranian protestors and paramilitary forces. We code for key events during the election’s aftermath from 12 June to 5 August 2009, and evaluate Twitter. Foreign policy, international political economy and historical sociology frameworks provide a deeper context of how Twitter was used by different users for defensive information operations and public diplomacy. Those who believe Twitter and other social network technologies will enable ordinary people to seize power from repressive regimes should consider the fate of Iran’s protestors, some of whom paid for their enthusiastic adoption of Twitter with their lives. Keywords Twitter, foreign policy, international relations, United States, Iran, social networks 1. Research problem, study context and methods The next U.S. administration may well face an Iran again in turmoil. If so, we will be fortunate in not having an embassy in Tehran to worry about. From a safe distance, we can watch the Iranian people, again, fight for their freedom. We can pray that the clerical Gotterdamerung isn’t too bloody, and that the mullahs quickly retreat to their mosques and content themselves primarily with the joys of scholarly disputation. -
Live News: a Survival Guide for Journalists
AA SURVIVALSURVIVAL GUIDEGUIDE FORFOR JOURNALISTSJOURNALISTS LIVELIVE NEWSNEWS Front cover picture: A press photographer in a cloud of teargas during a riot in Lima, Peru, in May 2000. Photo: AP / Martin Mejia Title page picture (right) A newspaper vendor waits for customers in Abidjan, Ivory Coast, one of many countries where media have been put under threat. In November 2002, an emergency aid programme was launched by the IFJ, the Communication Assistance Foundation, International Media Support and Media Assistance International, working with the Union Nationale des Journalistes de Côte d'Ivoire (UNJCI) and the West Africa Journalists Association. The programme included training on safety and conflict reporting. Photo: AP / Clement Ntaye. LIVE NEWS A SURVIVAL GUIDE FOR JOURNALISTS Written and produced for the IFJ by Peter McIntyre Published by the International Federation of Journalists, Brussels March 2003 With the support of the European Initiative for Democracy and Human Rights. (i) Live News — A survival guide for journalists Published by the International Federation of Journalists March 2003. © International Federation of Journalists International Press Centre Residence Palace Rue de la Loi 155 B-1040 Brussels, Belgium ✆ +32 2 235 2200 http://www.ifj.org Editor in Chief Aidan White, General Secretary, IFJ Managing Editor Sarah de Jong, Human Rights Officer, IFJ [email protected] Projects Director Oliver Money-Kyrle Written and designed by Peter McIntyre, Oxford, UK [email protected] Acknowledgments The IFJ would like to thank: Associated Press Photos and Reuters, who donated the use of photos; AKE Ltd, Hereford, UK, for advice, information, facilities, and support; Mark Brayne (Dart Centre Europe) for advice on post trauma stress; Rodney Pinder, for comments on the drafts; All the journalists who contributed to, or were interviewed for, this book. -
Princeton Memorial
• PRINCETON Office of the Dean of the Faculty UNIVERSITY 9 Nassau Hall Princeton, New Jersey 08544 Olga Peters Hasty, Clerk of the Faculty November 13, 2018 American Oriental Soci ty 1 Secretary of the AOS O~fice Hatcher Graduate Library University of Michigan I Ann Arbor, MI 48109 Dear American Oriental Society, It is my privilege, as C erk of the Faculty, to forward to you a copy of a Memorial Resolution adopted by unanimous ising vote of the Faculty at its meeting of November 5, 2018. Please accept my condolences together with those of the entire faculty. Olga Peters Hasty Clerk of the Faculty OPH\kan Enclosure BERNARD LEWIS 1916--- 2018 This Memorial Resolution prepared by a special committee, was approved by unanimous rising vote at the meeting of the Princeton University Faculty on November 5, 2018 and ordered spread upon the records of the Faculty. Bernard Lewis 1916- 2018 Bernard Lewfs, Cleveland E. Dodge Professor of Near Eastern Studies, Emeritus, pasfed away Saturday, May 19, 2018, in Voorhees Township, NJ, at the age of 101, ess than two weeks before his 102nd birthday. Lewis, who came to Princeton i 197 4 with a joint appointment as Cleveland E. Dodge Professor of Near Easte......_ Studies in the Department of Near Eastern Studies and Long-- term Member of the Institute for Advanced Studies, was the preeminent and most influentfal scholar of the Middle East during the second half of the twentieth century and into the first years of the twenty---first century. By combining formal training in the discipline of history with a thorough knowledge of fhe languages of the region, he was one of the first to break the mold of the traditional Orientalist scholar. -
The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan Independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010)
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2012 The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010) Dalei Jie University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Asian Studies Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Jie, Dalei, "The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010)" (2012). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 524. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/524 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/524 For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010) Abstract How to explain the rise and fall of the Taiwan independence policy? As the Taiwan Strait is still the only conceivable scenario where a major power war can break out and Taiwan's words and deeds can significantly affect the prospect of a cross-strait military conflict, ot answer this question is not just a scholarly inquiry. I define the aiwanT independence policy as internal political moves by the Taiwanese government to establish Taiwan as a separate and sovereign political entity on the world stage. Although two existing prevailing explanations--electoral politics and shifting identity--have some merits, they are inadequate to explain policy change over the past twenty years. Instead, I argue that there is strategic rationale for Taiwan to assert a separate sovereignty. Sovereignty assertions are attempts to substitute normative power--the international consensus on the sanctity of sovereignty--for a shortfall in military- economic-diplomatic assets. -
Neoconservatism As a Jewish Movement
UNDERSTANDING JEWISH INFLUENCE III: NEOCONSERVATISM AS A JEWISH MOVEMENT KEVIN MACDONALD ver the last year, there has been a torrent of articles on neoconservatism raising (usually implicitly) some difficult issues: Are neoconservatives Odifferent from other conservatives? Is neoconservatism a Jewish movement? Is it “anti-Semitic” to say so? The thesis presented here is that neoconservatism is indeed a Jewish intellectual and political movement. This paper is the final installment in a three- part series on Jewish activism and reflects many of the themes of the first two articles. The first paper in this series focused on the traits of ethnocentrism, intelligence, psychological intensity, and aggressiveness.1 These traits will be apparent here as well. The ethnocentrism of the neocons has enabled them to create highly organized, cohesive, and effective ethnic networks. Neoconservatives have also exhibited the high intelligence necessary for attaining eminence in the academic world, in the elite media and think tanks, and at the highest levels of government. They have aggressively pursued their goals, not only in purging more traditional conservatives from their positions of power and influence, but also in reorienting U.S. foreign policy in the direction of hegemony and empire. Neoconservatism also illustrates the central theme of the second article in this series: In alliance with virtually the entire organized American Jewish community, neoconservatism is a vanguard Jewish movement with close ties to the most extreme nationalistic, aggressive, racialist and religiously fanatic elements within Israel.2 Neoconservatism also reflects many of the characteristics of Jewish intellectual movements studied in my book, The Culture of Critique3 (see Table 1). -
The Role of the Media, Law, and National Resolve in the War on Terror
Denver Journal of International Law & Policy Volume 33 Number 1 Winter - 2004 Sutton Colloquium Article 10 April 2020 The Role of the Media, Law, and National Resolve in the War on Terror Robert Hardaway Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.du.edu/djilp Recommended Citation Robert Hardaway, The Role of the Media, Law, and National Resolve in the War on Terror, 33 Denv. J. Int'l L. & Pol'y 104 (2004). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ DU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Denver Journal of International Law & Policy by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ DU. For more information, please contact [email protected],[email protected]. THE ROLE OF THE MEDIA, LAW, AND NATIONAL RESOLVE IN THE WAR ON TERROR ROBERT HARDAWAY* I. INTRODUCTION In the aftermath of the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, the govern- ment of the United States took unprecedented steps to protect American lives and property.' Measures imposed included tightened security at nuclear power plants,2 airports,3 and numerous other government and private installations around the United States.4 Debate over an appropriate U.S. response centered on whether there was proof of a foreign state's complicity in the attacks. On September 15, 2001, a New York Times/CBS News poll revealed that eighty-five percent of Americans would Professor of Law, University of Denver Sturm College of Law. 1. See, e.g., Michael R. Gordon, After the Attacks: An Assessment, U.S. Force vs, Terrorists: From Reactive to Active, N.Y.