Justin J. Finden-Crofts University College London Ph.D Anthropology 1998 THE CONSUMPTION OF CALYPSO MUSIC IN TRINIDAD. ProQuest Number: U643711 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest. ProQuest U643711 Published by ProQuest LLC(2016). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 X28 111563^ c^a.W 0 ' 2 ABSTRACT. THE CONSUMPTION OF CALYPSO MUSIC IN TRINIDAD. This thesis will explore, through the use of ethnographic and historical data, the nature of calypso and the functions it has served in its host society. Ultimately it will show how the music fits into, and has evolved within its social context, and the effect it can have on social processes. It will show, through example, what may be termed, the "power" of music. It will not concern itself with the process of creating music, or how it is performed, but rather will look at how it is consumed and transformed through consumption. There are ten chapters and a conclusion. The first chapter discusses the theories and literature relating to Caribbean and Trinidadian society, music consumption and carnival, that have had a significant influence on the research and its presentation. The second chapter comprises a brief political and social history of Trinidad and an ethnography composed of the area and members of the family with whom the researcher resided. The third chapter presents a history of calypso and carnival in context, while the fourth chapter discusses the nature of calypso stressing its underlying dualism and highlighting evidence of present day attitudes. The rest of the thesis shows the impact that calypso has on different facets of Trinidadian society such as gender and ethnicity. It will also show how it structures itself through competition and has been structured as a commodity. This will lead to the crux of the thesis which, in the final chapter, will concentrate solely on its consumption. This shows how consumption can lead to the music itself taking on secondary meanings through its use in advertising and politics, for example, and highlights instances where calypso music has had a direct influence on social and political processes. CONTENTS Abstract: - 2. Chapter 1 : Theoretical Background: - 6. 1). Wider Theoretical Concerns: - 9. i). Dualism: - 9. ii). Carnival Theory: -17. iii). Calypso, Carnival and Dualism: - 22. 2). Survey of Recent Trends; Calypso as a Music Genre Within the Study of Popular Music: - 23. i). Musical Expressions: Its Performance and Content: - 24. ii). Syncretism: - 27. iii). Creative Consumption and The Ideology of Subculture: - 30. Chapter 2: History and Ethnography: - 37. 1). General History of Trinidad: - 37. 2). Ethnography: - 47. i). The Location: - 48. ii). The Family: - 50. iii). Liming and Liming Activities: - 69. Chapter 3: The History and Background to the Performance and Background of Calypso in Trinidad: - 77. 1). The General History of Calypso: - 77. 2). Contemporary Calypso and the Context for its Performance: - 92. i). The Carnival : - 95. ii). Calypso and the Calypso Fete: - 100. 3). The Road March and the Calypso Monarch / Social Commentary Versus “Jam and Wine” : - 105. Chapter 4: Types and Themes in Calypso: - 108. 1). The Dual Nature of Calypso: -108. 2). Attitudes to Contemporary Calypso: - 114. 3). The Lyric in Calypso: - 118. Chapter 5: Selling Calypso: The Calypso Industry: - 126. 1). The State of the Calypso Industry: - 126. 2). Making Calypso Popular: - 128. 3). Calypso and the Radio: - 131. 4). Promoting Calypso: A Case Study: - 139. 5). Copyright and Calypso Organisation: - 143. Chapter 6: Sites of Consumption: - 152. 1). The Calypso Tent: - 152. 2). Maxi Taxis, and Radio Culture: - 164. Chapter 7: Women in Calypso: -176. 1). Calypsos About Women: - 176. 2). Female Calypsonians: -187. Chapter 8: Ethnicity and Calypso: - 202. 1). Ethnicity and its Application to Trinidad: - 202. 2). The Portrayal of the Indian in Calypso: - 204. 3). Calypso and Racial Controversy: - 212. 4). Indian and Other non Afro-Carribean Calypsonians: - 219. Chapter 9: Calypso as Competition: - 228. 1). Competition, Carnival and Tourism: - 228. 2). Picong and the Media: - 232. 3). Sparrow, Kitchener and Sporting: - 238. 4). Tent Clashes and Sporting Analogies: - 242. 5). Competition and Public Reaction: - 246. Chapter 10: Calypso’s Consequences: - 253. 1). Calypso and Politics: - 253. 2). Calypso and Advertising: - 261. 3). Reactions to Calypso: - 269. Conclusion: - 279. Bibliography: - 294. List Of Illustrations: - Figure 1 - Location Map: - 52. Figure 2 - Sketch of Key Liming Area: - 53. Figure 3 - Sketch of Residence: - 54. Figure 4 - Map of Residence: - 55. Figure 5 - “Jam and Wine” Cartoon: - 113. Figure 6 - “Soca Money” Cartoon: - 130. Figure 7 & 8 - Calypso Style Advertisements: - 265. Figure 9, 10, 11, 12 & 13 - Calypso Style Advertisements: - 267. Figure 14, 15 & 16 - “Dragon” Headlines: - 274. CHAPTER 1: THEORETICAL BACKGROUND. The thesis is essentially a study of the social consequences of music and its consumption. Its approach, therefore, will depart from the tradition of looking at music as music; that is, it will not essentially concern itself with the creative processes of making music, or how it is performed, but rather will show how the music fits into, and has evolved with, Trinidadian society. It will concentrate on providing the social context for the consumption of the music, before then evaluating the influence it has on social processes. To do this it will look at how calypso structures itself through competition (chapter 9), how it has been structured as a commodity and will highlight the impact that calypso can have on different facets of Trinidadian society, and how these can lead to the music taking on secondary meanings. It takes the view that; "Music is interrelated with the rest of culture' and that it therefore 'can and does shape, strengthen, and channel social, political, economic, linguistic, religious, and other kinds of behavior" (Merriam 1964:15); or, as Finnegan 1989:6) points out, that "... music can equally well be seen as playing a central part not just in urban networks but also more generally in the social structure and processes of our life today. " This thesis will examine, through the use of historical and ethnographic data, the nature of calypso and the functions it has served in its host society. There is less emphasis on the fundamental nature of music per se, or with its performance in the manner of, for example, John Blacking (1976) or Ruth Stone (1982). Again it is not a detailed localised study of the musicians or performers as carried out, most notably, by Ruth Finnegan (1989), although considerable detail of performers is expounded in certain chapters. The thesis is "ethnomusicological" in the sense that it is a study of music in culture" (see Merriam 1964:6). Merriam points out that implicit in this definition "is the assumption that ethnomusicology is made up of both the musicological and the ethnological, and that music sound is the result of human behavioral processes that are shaped by the values, attitudes and beliefs of the people who comprise a particular culture" (ibid). The thesis then places an emphasis on the determination of these "values, attitudes and beliefs." The concern of this project is with how music functions in society and the extent to which it permeates the daily life of the people. For example, one important point that has received very little analysis is the affect that calypso has on the everyday language of the people. Usually a number of "sayings" will emerge out of certain calypsos that will take on meanings beyond their original calypso context to become part of the general language and consciousness of the people. Some of these phrases will outlast the season. Liverpool, himself a prominent calypsonian, points out that; "The calypsonian too has invented and contributed many words to the Creole language used in Trinidad and Tobago and throughout the Caribbean.... words like 'bobol', 'soft-head’, 'wang yu', to describe the cold, 'pannist', 'wine', 'jam', 'jammin', have been legally added to the language and accepted by the populace, after the calypsonian in his songs added dignity and value to them" (1986:30). Calypso words and phrases may be quoted by politicians to further a point, or printed onto clothing, tickets and other merchandise, so that they become "fashionable", also taking on a nature as temporary as fashion. The reasons why certain phrases are elevated to this status, the extent to which this goes on and how these words and phrases are employed outside of their original calypso contexts, is part of the way in which calypso is consumed and will help in determining its appeal and power. This does not mean that the aesthetical properties of calypso will be ignored, but it does involve examining how calypso functions both as a commodity and as a component of media culture whose aesthetics are subject to the constraints and conventions of that culture. The significance of this is highlighted by Manuel in his analysis of cassette culture in India: "In many cases, media content - including popular music - may be seen to recapitulate or encode specific features of its context, including the nature of its disseminating medium" (1993:16). These issues have yet to be directly addressed in an analysis of calypso which, given its inclination towards social commentary and as music for carnival, as well as the general emphasis that is placed on musical expression in Trinidad, make it an ideal case study for an examination of the influence music can have on social behaviour and processes.