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Accessing Trash: Conflict, Inequality, and the Managua Municipal Waste Site Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requi

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Accessing Trash: Conflict, Inequality, and the Managua Municipal Waste Site Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requi Accessing Trash: Conflict, Inequality, and the Managua Municipal Waste Site Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Master of Arts in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Christopher D. Hartmann, B.S. Graduate Program in Geography The Ohio State University 2010 Thesis Committee: Kendra McSweeney, Advisor Becky Mansfield Cathy Rakowski Copyright by Christopher D. Hartmann 2010 Abstract Solid waste is integral to the daily material flows and processes related to urban production and consumption. Solid waste is also a valuable resource for 1% of the population of the developing world who informally recover recyclables from the waste stream to make their livelihood. Until now, conflict and inequality surrounding access to solid waste and recyclables remained unexplored. In Managua, Nicaragua, the management of the capital city’s solid waste has become the focal point of socio-environmental concern. Indeed, solid waste (mis)management threatens public and environmental health. Based on personal research carried out in 2009 and 2010, this case study analyzes the macro- and micro-level processes that create inequality in and around “La Chureca,” the city’s only waste site. To untangle the myriad historical and present-day social, economic, political and environmental problems that marginalize waste site workers, I employ an urban political ecology framework. Additionally, I introduce the concept of metabolism to analyze the relationship that exists between human beings and solid waste. From this intimate socio- natural link, the identity of both materials and actors are metabolized, or transformed. However, there are multiple identities assigned to informal workers in La Chureca by outsider actors. I propose that these new identities create conflict and inequality between “insider” and “outsider” informal workers. ii Dedication Dedicated to all those who helped me realize this research project iii Acknowledgments This thesis would not have been possible without the professional and academic assistance provided to me by my advisor, Kendra McSweeney, and committee members, Becky Mansfield and Cathy Rakowski. Furthermore, I would like to thank family, friends, and colleagues, for their sincere encouragement and unending support I received over the last two years. The Office of International Affairs at The Ohio State University, the Oral History Association, the Conference of Latin Americanist Geographers, and the Department of Geography at The Ohio State University provided financial support. Last, but certainly not least, I owe my deepest gratitude to the residents of La Chureca and barrio Acahaulinca who allowed me to accompany them during their struggle for social, economic, political, and environmental justice. iv Vita 2004……………………………..…………………...………….Little Miami High School 2008………………………………...……………………B.S. Biology, Xavier University 2008-Present….………..……………….……..Graduate Teaching Associate, Department of Geography, The Ohio State University Fields of Study Major Field: Geography v Table of Contents Abstract……………………………………………………………………………………ii Dedication………………………………………….……………………………………..iii Acknowledgements…………………………………………….…………………………iv Vita………………………………………………………………………………………...v List of Figures…………………………………………….……………………...………vii List of Oral History Excerpts…………………………….………………………..…….viii Chapter 1: Solid waste: An overlooked source of conflict and marginalization…………1 Chapter 2: Research Methods and Positionality………………….……………………..17 Chapter 3: Urban housing reform gone awry: The ‘making’ of Managua’s “hell”……..26 Chapter 4: Geographies of solid waste and the macro-spatial makings of inequality…..51 Chapter 5: International presence and the micro-spatial making of inequality…………79 Chapter 6: Conclusions…………………………………………………………………..92 References………………………………………………………………………………101 vi List of Figures Figure 1. Map of Managua, Nicaragua…………………………………………………....8 Figure 2. Man and child in the Managua municipal waste site…………………………...9 Figure 3. Satellite image of Managua municipal waste site, La Chureca..……………....10 Figure 4. Author with guides in La Chureca……………………………………………..21 Figure 5. Author with guides in barrio Acahualinca……………………………………..21 Figure 6. Social and economic exclusion post-1972 earthquake………………………...27 Figure 7. Informal housing, lack of infrastructure and pirated electricity in La Chureca.45 Figure 8. “Trash ‘drowns’ Managuans”…...……………………………………………..57 Figure 9. Family poses in front of sorted recyclables before being sold………………...62 Figure 10. Social and labor organization inside of La Chureca..………………………...66 Figure 11. Devaluation of Managua’s trash……………………………………………...69 Figure 12. Proposed development project in La Chureca………………………………..86 vii List of Oral History Excerpts Oral History Excerpt #1………………………………………………………………….40 Oral History Excerpt #2………………………………………………………………….42 Oral History Excerpt #3………………………………………………………………….48 Oral History Excerpt #4………………………………………………………………….64 Oral History Excerpt #5………………………………………………………………….74 Oral History Excerpt #6………………………………………………………………….88 viii Chapter 1: Solid waste: An overlooked source of conflict and marginalization Garbage in the Global South: Scourge or resource? The global population is now more urban than rural (Davis 2004). Rapid urbanization rates, along with natural population increases and the incorporation of formerly rural areas into the urban periphery, have contributed to widespread urban poverty throughout the developing world (see Baharoglu and Kessides 2004). As a result, the social, economic, political, and environmental landscape of urban areas has changed significantly (Porter and Sheppard 1998). Though often considered to be platforms for upward socioeconomic mobility, urban centers are also chronically spaces of economic destitution and material scarcity (Medina 2007). The ubiquitous sight of urban poor picking over garbage dumps exemplifies the material disparities that cities increasingly represent. Indeed, the developing world is relying more and more on throwaway and pre-packaged goods (Moore 2008, Watts 2010), and there is no shortage of valuable recyclable material. Solid waste is integral to the daily material flows and processes related to urban production and consumption. Animal carcasses, empty bottles, and rubbish are the unavoidable byproduct of production centers and residential homes. Such items are most often considered a burden in urban environments. Solid waste, or garbage, is envisioned as the antithesis of cleanliness, modernity, and progress (Gutberlet 2008, Moore 2008, 1 Medina 2007), and its ubiquity in public spaces is commonly considered a characteristic of backwardness or underdevelopment. Solid waste that is not properly disposed of attracts disease-carrying rodents or serves as the breeding grounds for mosquitoes, thus adversely affecting public health (Sicular 1992). Moreover, solid waste—whether properly disposed of or not—can have disastrous effects on the environment, causing, for example, water, air, and soil pollution and vegetation damage due to gas and leachate formation (El-Fadel et al. 1997). The final location and shipment of waste are important areas of concern. Issues involving solid (and toxic) waste disposal are most often discussed within the environmental justice and environmental racism framework (see Agyeman et al. 2002, Bullard 2000). In the U.S., early evidence suggested that people of color were disproportionately exposed to environmental hazards as compared to Caucasians (UCCCRJ 1987). The seminal report, released by the United Church of Christ Commission for Racial Justice (UCCCRJ), toxic waste sites and landfills were built near pre-dominantly black communities. The UCCCRJ report also highlights the importance of inclusive, or democratic, decision-making. Activists argued that persons of color were purposefully kept out of (local and national level) political decision-making processes, which lead to unequal environmental burdens. More recently, research indicates that waste-related environmental justice issues are rapidly increasing in number at the global level. Examples of the transnational movement of waste include the importation of hazardous waste into China (Wu and Wang 2002), the stream of donated electronic-waste to Nigeria and other African nations (The Basel Action Network 2005), and the sale of “clean sludge” to countries like Gabon and Nicaragua (Fernandez 1994). In each of these 2 cases, researchers and activists argue that waste is unjustly pushed onto communities that have little chance to participate in international talks on transnational waste movement. Such unwanted waste, then, has disastrous impacts on the personal health and local environment of persons who were not involved in its procurement. Informal waste recovery, however, represents at least one “adaptive response to scarcity” whereby individuals remove recyclables for personal use or sale (Medina 2007: 17). Informal waste recovery, also called scavenging or garbage picking, is largely an urban phenomenon given the density of residential and industrial zones. Proponents of informal waste recovery argue that scavenging is beneficial because: it creates jobs, reduces economic poverty, decreases municipal waste budgets, provides inexpensive materials to industries, reduces the need for raw materials, and, finally, helps clean up urban environments (Gutberlet 2008, Medina 2007, Sicular 1992). Despite public health and environmental concerns, solid waste serves as an important source of income
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