Japanese Contributions to the History of Geographical Thought and Social and Cultural Geography Since the Late 1970S

Japanese Journal of Human Geography 64―6（2012）

Imported Scholarship or Indigenous Development? : Japanese Contributions to the History of Geographical Thought and Social and Cultural Geography since the Late 1970s

SHIMAZU Toshiyuki Wakayama University FUKUDA Tamami Osaka Prefecture University OSHIRO Naoki Kobe University

Abstract This paper discusses research trends in the history of geography and social and cultural geography in Japan since the late 1970s with attention to their institutional contexts. The 24th International Geographical Congress held in Tokyo led to the emergence of several informal and formal research groups concerning the history of geography and social and cultural geography. These groups acted as incubators in which the articulation between new trends in the Anglophone world and conventional research agendas shared by Japanese geographers triggered an interconnected renovation of the historiography of geography and social and cultural geography. Japanese historians of geography increasingly paid attention to non ―academic as well as academic geographical thought and practices in Japan, in addition to the traditional tendency to deal with the thought of distinguished geographers in the West. New themes such as “critical history of geography” and “historical geography of geography” were also being taken seriously. Japanese geographers’ concern with humanistic geography developed diversely, on the one hand articulating with traditional research topics, and on the other, generating new interests in themes such as “geography and literature” or “sensuous geographies.” Since the late 1980s, younger social and cultural geographers have been more than ever tackling issues around the “cultural turn” in Anglophone human geography, the “spatial turn” in social science and the multiple aspects of modernity. These research trends are not fully based on “imported scholarship,” nor should they be replaced by “indigenous development.” Texts produced by Japanese geographers may retain the same intertextuality and hybridity as those produced by Western geographers do.

Key words : history of geography, intertextuality, humanistic approach, cultural turn, spatial turn, modernity

I Introduction

The advancement of science in modern Japan, be it natural science or human and social science, has been talked about often with the saying that it was essentially built upon the foundation of “imported scholarship” ［yunyu gakumon］. This sort of saying, usually uttered by Japanese ― 2 ― Imported Scholarship or Indigenous Development? : Japanese Contributions to the History of Geographical Thought and Social and Cultural Geography since the Late 1970s（ SHIMAZU, FUKUDA and OSHIRO） 475 scholars themselves, has often been accompanied by the related one that we should bring up our own “made in Japan” science. The need for “indigenous development”［ naihatsuteki hatten］ has been emphasized in Japanese academia as well as in underdeveloped rural areas or developing countries. The same situation has long applied to human geography in Japan as well. At the present time, this kind of accusatory voice is rarely heard in formal settings such as academic conferences, journal articles and books. However, it is most likely that the accusation of “imported scholarship” is at times privately made against papers and books in the Japanese language featuring Western theorists of geography and related sciences. However, in the first place, can this apparent dichotomy between “imported scholarship” and “indigenous development” function as a valid framework to be applied directly to the academic reality in Japan? It has certainly been believed that modern science in Japan was stimulated to progress by “Dutch learning”［ rangaku］ introduced via Nagasaki in the Edo era and was actually raised to catch up with the counterpart in the West by “hired foreigners”［ oyatoi gaikokujin］ in the Meiji era. However, given the concept of intertextuality in which texts can be understood as containing and communicating with other preceding and contemporary texts（ Allen 2011）, is the belief that science has an essentially fixed “nationality” and can be “importable” or “exportable” beyond national boundaries still effective? And is the idea that science should attain “indigenous development” within the closed realm of national boundaries intellectually robust? This paper will address these points by reviewing the recent progress in the historiography of geographical thought and social and cultural geography in Japan. It can be said that research on the history of geographical thought and on social and cultural geography has been conducted not in isolation but in close relationship with each other in Japan since the late 1970s. This interdependence has been strengthened under the institutional contexts such as the attracting of the International Geographical Congress （IGC） and the formation of research groups in established academic societies in Japan. It is certainly true that under these circumstances there have been discussions on new topics with special reference to the epistemological and methodological progress in geography in the English―speaking world. At the same time, however, it also can be observed that what are referred to as research traditions in Japan have been intricately fused with what are seen as “Western impacts.” To state one of the conclusions in advance, research on the history of geographical thought and on social and cultural geography in Japan has been done in constant interaction with preceding and contemporary texts, the same as in other countries including Western ones. The above ― mentioned dichotomy between “imported scholarship” and “indigenous development” should not be regarded as a sort of “containers” into which all the academic thoughts and practices can be stored separately. Rather, “imported scholarship” and “indigenous development” are to be understood as the two poles of a continuum on which various academic thoughts and practices are distributed and therefore can be mapped. In the following, we shall discuss in section II the institutional contexts such as the impact of the 24th International Geographical Congress and the emergence of varied research groups, followed by a brief review of the recent literature on the history of geographical thought in Japan. Section III will trace the promulgation and diversification of humanistic approaches in the 1980s, with mention of key books and papers in the Japanese language. Section IV will review new trends in social and cultural geography in Japan since the late 1980s, with special reference to the growing interest in the “cultural turn,” the “spatial turn,” and the reconsideration of modernity. Finally section V will be dedicated to some concluding remarks. ― 3 ― 476 Japanese Journal of Human Geography 64―6（2012）

II Institutional Contexts and Research on the History of Geographical Thought

Impact of the 24th International Geographical Congress The history of the relationship between the International Geographical Union （IGU） and Japan dates back to when Naomasa Yamasaki was elected as one of the vice―presidents of the IGU at its foundation in Brussels in 1922（ Martin 1996）. However, the principal meetings of the IGU had long been Western―oriented. The first meeting in the East was the regional conference held in Japan（ Tokyo and Nara） in 1957. Twenty―three years after that, the 24th International Geographical Congress （IGC） was held in Tokyo in 1980. While there might be different opinions as to the impact of the congress on geography and geographers in Japan, it seems that the congress had a certain amount of impact on research on the history of geographical thought and social and cultural geography since the late 1970s. The direct source of impact was the pre―congress meeting of the IGU Commission on the History of Geographical Thought in Kyoto rather than the main congress in Tokyo. The then chair of the commission was Philippe Pinchemel, and Ichiro Suizu, then Professor of Geography at Kyoto University, acted as local organizer for the meeting. It was held at Kyoto University （Kyodai Kaikan） from 27th to 30th August and attracted more than seventy attendants including Anne Buttimer, David Hooson, Gary Dunbar, Torsten Hägerstrand, Paul Claval, Hans van Ginkel and Vincent Berdoulay（ Suizu and Takeuchi 1981）. An excursion to the historic sites in and around Kyoto intervened on 29th. The theme of the meeting was “The Languages of Geography and of 1 Geographers,” which was based on a proposal by Keiichi Takeuchi at the business meeting of the commission in Edinburgh in 1977. His proposal aimed at questioning the taken―for―granted supremacy of Western languages and addressing the diversity and difference of languages conveying varied geographical messages. In addition, Takeuchi thought that “languages” should be understood in its broadest sense to encompass not only spoken words and written texts but also maps, graphical representations, pictures and so on （Takeuchi 1996b, 30）. Even from an international point of view, his idea was an outstanding one in those days. Moreover, it might be argued that the traditional landscapes of Kyoto the excursion participants saw were another language conveying some meanings in terms of their modality as a collective cultural entity similar to the Japanese language itself. In order to prepare for the meeting, an informal research group on the history of geographical thought was organized by Ichiro Suizu in 1978 under the support of Grant―in―Aid for Scientific Research from the Ministry of Education, Science and Culture. This group functioned as the local organizing committee, of which six members read papers at the meeting having a total of twenty―one papers. Another noteworthy achievement by the group lies in the fact that it published a booklet of short papers in English entitled Geographical Languages in Different Times and Places : Japanese Contributions to the History of Geographical Thoughts on the occasion of the pre―congress meeting （Geographical Institute of Kyoto University 1980）. Later on some younger contributors, such as Minoru Senda, Masahiko Yamano and Tetsuya Hisatake, turned out to play an important role in renovating the historiography of geographical thought, historical geography, and social and cultural geography in Japan. In 1982, based on this booklet, an influential collection of essays on the history of geographical thought was published in Japanese（ Geographical Institute of Kyoto University 1982）. Moreover, some members of the group contributed to Geographers : Biobibliographical ― 4 ― Imported Scholarship or Indigenous Development? : Japanese Contributions to the History of Geographical Thought and Social and Cultural Geography since the Late 1970s（ SHIMAZU, FUKUDA and OSHIRO） 477

2 Studies begun in 1977 （Tsujita 1977 ; 1982 ; Minamoto 1984）. It thus appears that the 1980 Kyoto meeting had some impact on the intellectual activities of a body of Japanese historians of geography, historical geographers, and social and cultural geographers.

Research Groups on the History of Geographical Thought and Social and Cultural Geography After the 1980 IGC, several research groups in Japan came to tackle new subject matter in the history of geographical thought and social and cultural geography. First of all, the research group initially headed by Ichiro Suizu has persisted to the present day under the continual support of Grants―in―Aid for Scientific Research from the Ministry of Education, Science and Culture（ later the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology）. Its head investigators and members have 3 changed over time and so too have research themes, which range from not only the history of geographical thought but also social and political theory, spatial aspects of modernity, cultural and spatial turns, and so on. This group has published so far six volumes of booklets in English with the subtitle of Japanese Contributions to the History of Geographical Thought（ Takeuchi 1984 ; Nozawa 1986 ; 1989 ; 1996a ; Mizuuchi 1999 ; 2003）. As a Japanese journal, Kukan, Shakai, Chirishiso（ Space, Society and Geographical Thought） was launched in 1996. It has been continuously edited by Toshio Mizuuchi and amounts to thirteen volumes as of 2012. This new movement also spread over to established geographical societies in Japan. It was in 1982 that the “History of Geographical Thought Study Group” was set up within the Association of Japanese Geographers, which is the largest geographical society in Japan, established in 1925. The group was chaired by Keiichi Takeuchi and persisted until 1985. It was then reformed as the “History of Geographical Thought Working Group” in 1986, ending in 1992, under the continuing chairpersonship of Hisako Kurihara. Three years later, she restarted the group under the name of “Tradition and Innovation in Geographical Thought Study Group,” then ended it in 2004. In 1988, The Association of Japanese Geographers also had another study group dealing with new trends in human geography. It was the “Social and Behavioral Geography Study Group” chaired by Mitsunori Saito and attracted attention from younger human geographers interested in epistemology and methodology. This study group gained vigor and, in 1991, metamorphosed into the “Theory and Prospects in Social Geography Working Group” chaired by Yoshiaki Takatsu. In 1994, it was reorganized into the “Space and Society Study Group” and the group held a symposium entitled “Spatial Configuration Theory and Socio ―Economic Geography in Japan” at Nagoya University. As one of the invited speakers, David Harvey gave a lecture on 4 “Historical and Geographical Perspectives on the Social Construction of Space and Time.” Two years later, the group published a booklet comprising Japanese translations of seven key papers in the English―speaking world （Space and Society Study Group of the Association of Japanese Geographers 5 1996）. In 1998, this study group was raised again to “Space and Society Working Group” and Toshio Mizuuchi succeeded Yoshiaki Takatsu as chair. Two years later, Fujio Mizuoka succeeded the chair and renamed it “Critical Geography : Society, Economy and Space Study Group,” bringing it to a close in 2005. Apart from the Association of Japanese Geographers which is mainly based in Tokyo and encompasses both physical and human geography, the Human Geographical Society of Japan, established in 1948, is the second largest geographical society and it is mainly based in Kyoto. As early as 1967, the society set up the “History of Geography Study Group,” where chiefly the traditional themes of the history of geography and cartography in the East were discussed ― 5 ― 478 Japanese Journal of Human Geography 64―6（2012）

（Human Geographical Society of Japan 1998）. However, taking the opportunity of the 1980 Kyoto meeting, some younger scholars in touch with new trends in the history of geographical thought, historical geography, and social and cultural geography brought a “paradigm shift” into this conventional study group. Among them were Minoru Senda, Masahiko Yamano and Tetsuya Hisatake. In 1984, they newly formed the “Geographical Thought Study Group,” the initial chair of which was Minoru Senda. The activities of this group have been vigorous and persisted to the 6 present day. It also held many seminars featuring invited key scholars such as Neil Smith, Geraldine Pratt, John O’Loughlin, Gearóid Ó Tuathail, Augustin Berque, Tim Oakes, and Divya Praful Tolia―Kelly. These research groups have acted, among others, as “incubators” where research on the history of geographical thought and social and cultural geography in Japan have been activated and renovated since the late 1970s. What should not be forgotten is the important role in these intellectual arenas played by Keiichi Takeuchi, who had served as the chair of the IGU Commission on the History of Geographical Thought from 1988 to 1994. Takeuchi always preferred to stimulate colleagues and younger scholars through open discussions and debates rather than to breed his own obedient pupils within his own research laboratory.

Major Achievements in the Historiography of Geographical Thought For research on the history of geographical thought in Japan since the late 1970s, we have already three excellent review articles, two of which were written in English（ Takeuchi and Nozawa 1988 ; Takeuchi 1996a ; Nozawa 2007）. Because of space limitations, we shall focus on the literature not mentioned in these previous papers and restrict our scope by only referring to single―authored books and single― or multiple―authored articles appeared in major peer―reviewed geography journals, that is, Chirigaku Hyoron （Geographical Review of Japan）, Jimbun Chiri （Japanese Journal of Human Geography） and Rekishi Chirigaku （Historical Geography）. Nevertheless, the amount of the literature to be mentioned here is substantial. It is not surprising that research on the history of geographical thought in Japan tended to deal with geographical thought in the West rather than those in the East including Japan. There is a clear reason for this. It is certainly true that, since its beginning in the early twentieth century, academic geography in Japan has been formed in close relationship with that in advanced Western countries. Therefore, tracing the history of academic geography in Germany, France, Britain, or America has been a “kill two birds with one stone” thing for Japanese geographers in that such a practice could serve both as learning and as research simultaneously. As for the Anglophone world, Nojiri （2009） explored Alfred Russel Wallace’s biogeographical methodology. Hisatake （2000） comprehensively addressed the trajectory of American cultural geography originating from Carl Ortwin Sauer. Sugiura （1999） discussed Edward Ullman’s quest for spatial science. Evidences for Japanese geographers’ sustained interest in the German and French traditions are found in the following literature : As for the former, Tanaka（ 1996） revealed Friedrich Ratzel’s discourse on the situation of Japan through archival materials. Yamano （1998） investigated the formation of landscape theory in the German ―speaking world with special reference to Alexander von Humboldt. Tamura （1998） also discussed Humboldt’s conception of physical geography in its philosophical context. Sugiura （2003） clarified the contexts and conditions in which central place theory was elaborated by tracing the life course of Walter Christaller in the time of the Weimar Republic. As for the latter, Nozawa （1996b） extensively investigated the ― 6 ― Imported Scholarship or Indigenous Development? : Japanese Contributions to the History of Geographical Thought and Social and Cultural Geography since the Late 1970s（ SHIMAZU, FUKUDA and OSHIRO） 479

arguments of Vidalian geographers, and Nozawa（ 2006） analyzed the influence of the thought of Élisée Reclus on Japanese anarchist Sanshiro Ishikawa. Tanioka （2001） explored the historical geographical aspects of Fernand Braudel and the Annales School. It might be a misunderstanding to regard this research trend as an evidence for the “direct import” of Western geography. Rather, these should be understood as attempts by Japanese geographers to create and arrange “hybrid” texts based on a variety of preceding and contemporary texts which themselves are hybridized in that they might contain further preceding texts of different origins. The recent decade has witnessed a considerable increase in the literature focusing on the thoughts and practices of non ―academic as well as academic geographers in Japan. With regard to pre ― and early ―modern times, Kazutaka Unno, internationally renowned historian of cartography, published three ―volume series on the cartographic interactions between the East and the West, and on the history of cartography in continental Asia and in Japan（ Unno 2003 ; 2004 ; 2005）. Though Unno belonged to the “old guard” camp in the History of Geography Study Group of the Human Geographical Society of Japan, his huge work still has not lost its cultural scientific value. Shirai （2004） extensively examined the chorography―compiling projects by the Tokugawa shogunate. Uesugi （2010） portrayed the many―sided relationships between early― modern intellectuals and maps. Research on the modern era has been more active and this was in part invigorated by the publication of Keiichi Takeuchi’s extensive work on the history of modern geography in Japan （Takeuchi 2000b）, though Sugiura （1996） already discussed the contexts in which central place theory was accepted in Japan. Okada（ 2000 ; 2002） and Minamoto（ 2003） paid special attention to the diversity and difference among academic and non ―academic geographies. While Shimazu （2002） traced the chorography―compiling projects of the Meiji government, Shimazu （2007） excavated one of the origins of academic geography in Japan by focusing on the thoughts and practices of Takuji Ogawa in his youthful days. Reappraisals of non―academic historical geographers were made by Senda （2003） and Shimazu （2004）, with the former looking at Togo Yoshida and the latter at Takeshi Kawada. A series of papers by Ichiro Kawai also shed light on the forgotten traditions of historical geography（ Kawai 2005 ; 2006 ; 2009 ; 2010 ; 2011 ; 2012）. Kondo（ 2005 ; 2007） explored the historical intersection between early academic geography and geography education. What is particularly remarkable is the progress in studies of geopolitics in Japan and academic geographers’ commitment to it during the World Wars（ Shibata 2005 ; 2006 ; 2007 ; Kobayashi and Narumi 2008）. These papers all attempt to uncover the “dark side” of the history of modern geography in Japan, which has been seen as “taboo” among postwar Japanese geographers for a long time. This research trend has some connections with the international upsurge of attention to non― academic or pre―academic geographies and geographers mainly led by the IGU Commission on 7 the History of Geographical Thought. References are also made to new concepts such as a “critical history of geography” or a “historical geography of geography” initially advocated in the Anglophone world （Shimazu 2002 ; 2004 ; 2007）. Given this intertextual backdrop, even the historiography of Japanese geography should not necessarily be referred to as “made in Japan.”

III Humanistic Approaches : The Shifting Focus toward Subjectivity

The Dawn of Humanistic Approaches in Japanese Geography In 1979, the year before the 24th International Geographical Congress was held in Tokyo, two ― 7 ― 480 Japanese Journal of Human Geography 64―6（2012）

pivotal review articles were published （Yamano 1979 ; Takeuchi 1979）. They both conducted an elaborate exploration of the current trends in the Anglophone geography in the 1960s and 1970s. Instantly, they became required reading for junior geographers who were interested in humanistic geography. We, the current authors, were no exception. It seems fascinating that they made a review of the same trend from different perspectives. While they overlapped partially, Yamano （1979） aimed for a humanistic interpretation of the overt structure of space, and Takeuchi （1979） stressed the investigation of social space from the viewpoint of subjective geography. It is not too much to say that their different focal points showed not only the diversified aspects of humanistic approaches in the Anglophone geography but also the various ways in which Japanese geographers introduced humanist ideas into their own research topics. However, these two articles were not entirely new and unexpected ones. In 1978, Suizu（ 1978） argued a matter of geography and topology in relation to the trends mentioned above. He recognized the changing focus toward a “perception surface” and value systems. In the same year, Senda （1979） attempted to decode the overt structure in the morphology of ancient space 8 through semiotic analysis. Considering these early experiments, it is clear that Japanese geographers had contact with the trends of humanistic approaches including the emphasis on subjectivity and value systems and the exploration of the overt structure of space on the basis of their own research agenda. Humanistic geography is not just a framework which could be introduced as a sub―discipline. This also shows that humanistic ideas and approaches were not limited within the field of geography, but had a close relationship with the current conditions of humanities and the social sciences, including cultural anthropology, philosophy and sociology. Phenomenology was one of 9 the principal ideas at that time. Alfred Schütz’s On Phenomenology and Social Relations was translated into Japanese in 1981 （Schütz 1981）, not to mention phenomenological works by philosophers. In addition, not a few introductory books on phenomenology were published here in Japan. We found that humanistic ideas had pervaded through Japanese society beyond the world of academia. Another mode of thought was that of structuralism. For instance, Ferdinand de Saussure’s linguistic theory and Claude Lévi ―Strauss’s anthropological works exercised a profound impact on geography and other disciplines in Japan. Furthermore, interdisciplinary 10 inquiries into landscapes of the mind and fudo studies became popular around the same time. Under such circumstances, geographical books concerning humanistic approaches began to be translated and published. Chizu no Kanatani （Beyond Maps） was a collection of excellent papers which were written in the 1960s and 1970s by Leonard Guelke, Barbara Rubin, Anne Buttimer, Yi―Fu Tuan, Douglas Pocock and David Harvey （Senda 1981）. This anthology intended to show Japanese geographers the methodological and philosophical aspects of Anglophone human geography at that time. Books written by two different humanistic geographers, Yi ―Fu Tuan and Edward Relph, were also published in Japanese. Their books played an important role in disseminating the ideas of humanistic geography both in Japanese academia and in society. For example, two books written by Relph, Place and Placelessness and The Modern Urban Landscape, were translated by Japanese geographers （Relph 1991 ; 1999）. His investigations of the key geographical concepts of place and landscape directly appealed to Japanese geographers who were concerned with rapidly changing 11 societies. Moreover, the number of translations of Tuan’s works is much larger and some of them were translated by non―geographers and published in response to another intellectual mode, that of natural history. It could be said that Tuan’s textual world, based on his extensive knowledge, ― 8 ― Imported Scholarship or Indigenous Development? : Japanese Contributions to the History of Geographical Thought and Social and Cultural Geography since the Late 1970s（ SHIMAZU, FUKUDA and OSHIRO） 481

fascinated many intellectuals beyond the field of geography. French geographer Augustin Berque is another distinguished scholar who gained popularity among Japanese intellectuals. A number of his books were translated into Japanese, including Vivre l’espace au Japon, Le Sauvage et l’ artifice, Du Geste à la cite, Écoumène, and La Pensée paysagère（ Berque 1985 ; 1988 ; 1996 ; 2002 ; 2011）. While we can point out a similarity between Berque, Tuan, and Relph in terms of the reflection of Cartesian dualism, Berque seems to be treated differently from the two other geographers. He might be considered as a philosopher and Orientalist who developed a distinctive concept of “mediance” on the basis of Tetsuro Watsuji’s ideas about the concept of fudo（ Watsuji 1935）. Considering the situation that Japanese academic publishing is facing an economic recession, the number of translations appearing of geographical books is astonishing. It demonstrates that humanistic approaches in geography have been generally accepted in Japan. On the basis of the translations which made an appeal to Japanese society and the reviews or theoretical papers on humanistic geography, research in this field progressed to the next stage.

Diversified Approaches from Humanist Perspectives Humanistic geography can be considered not as a sub―discipline but as a philosophical trend in human geography. Also in Japan, concrete studies in this field were performed in a variety of ways. They can be generally divided into the following four categories : The first category is 12 concerned with the problems of spatial perception. Since the late 1970s, some geographers have attempted to interpret the Japanese rural space from a subjective or intersubjective perspective. Yamano （1977） focused upon the classification system of space based on social structure in villages on the Tamba and Kibi Plateaus. Shimazu（ 1989） also investigated the structuring of rural space through consideration of subjective space occupied and expressed by residents, liminal places and sacred places. As in these two works, the structuring of rural space became one of the important research agendas in this field. Some made a commitment to interpret the symbolism of space in a close relationship with folklore studies. For example, Yagi（ 1986） applied structuralist concepts after the manner of Lévi―Strauss to his case study of miyaza, the ancestral ritual organization for Shinto shrines in Japanese villages. Actively working both in folklore studies and in human geography, Tokuji Chiba illuminated worship and religion in his discussion on the hunting culture in Japan（ Chiba 1975）. There were some interconnections between cultural or historical geographers and folklorists or social anthropologists at that time. Some folklorists and social anthropologists investigated the spatial structure and landscape of rural communities from a subjective point of view（ Tsuboi 1984 ; Matsuzaki 1984 ; Muratake 1984）. Others proceeded to do research on the indigenous cosmology, which was also addressed in the interdisciplinary field. One of the research topics was indigenous cosmologies in the Ryukyus and East Asia, especially feng shui, a geomantic cosmology of Chinese origin. Yoshio Watanabe, a social anthropologist who minored in geography in his undergraduate days, developed his study of feng shui by elucidating the relationships between social organization and cosmology （Watanabe 1990）. Suzuki （1978） focused on the indigenous view of cardinal directions in an isolated Okinawan island. Oshiro （1990 ; 1994） paid much attention to feng shui and related graveyards and reflected upon the indigenous senses of time and place. Shibuya （1991） also focused upon feng shui in Yi Dynasty Korea. The second category is concerned with the recognition and utilization of the environment. Most of the studies on these topics were considered to have close ties with cultural and ― 9 ― 482 Japanese Journal of Human Geography 64―6（2012）

ecological anthropology. Tomoya Akimichi, an ecological anthropologist, is a good example to illustrate these ties. He conducted a detailed study of navigation and orientation by Pacific Islanders, which had something in common with the interests of geographers （Akimichi 1981）. Along with his anthropological studies, some geographers tried to investigate the recognition of the environment by uncovering folk taxonomies. Hori（ 1979） and Asano（ 1984） both explored folk taxonomies for micro landforms in small island settings. In contrast, Sekido （1987 ; 1989） and Fukuda （1989） both investigated folk taxonomies in rural community settings. This was when Japanese anthropologists were paying close attention to cognitive anthropology which considered folk taxonomy as its subject matter. We found several books concerning cognitive anthropology （Goda 1982 ; Matsui 1983）. Some other geographers tried to explore the utilization of the environment in terms of environmental recognition. Tawa （1981） considered the way in which fishermen recognized and utilized coastal fishing grounds. Ikeya （1984） focused on the local utilization of the mountain environment through the practice of gathering zenmai （Osmunda japonica） in a village of the Tohoku region. Similarly, Nakashima （1986） explored the traditional utilization of the mountain environment in the Kyushu region, and Furuta （1987） also investigated the ways in which villagers recognized and used the local environment in a village in the Chugoku Mountains. Among others, Matsumoto（ 1989） attempted to integrate the ecological approach with the humanistic approach and to elucidate the human ―environment relations in the Pacific islands on the foundation of his continual fieldwork. The third category refers to the interpretation of indigenous cosmologies represented in different kinds of material objects. As Senda （1979） decoded the overt structure in the morphology of ancient space in Japan, several human geographers dealt with cosmologies both in the past and present by reading a variety of texts : maps, paintings, landscapes, literature, and so on. Maps, in a broad sense, are the most preferred objects of study. For example, Iwahana （1985） and Kuroda （1992） interpreted old pictorial maps depicting pilgrimage and “mandalas,” a Buddhist world view representation. Hisatake （1978） approached the sense of the world among the Native Americans through a reading of their sand art maps and rock art maps. Oshiro（ 1990 ; 1994） and Shibuya（ 1991）, mentioned above, also interpreted the old maps of geomancy. Among others, we can no longer ignore a vigorous informal research group named the “Katsuragawa Ezu Kenkyukai” （Katsuragawa Ezu Research Group）, which was named after a Japanese medieval manor map, and whose activities ranged from 1981 to 1993. The group published an epoch ― making two―volume work entitled Ezu no Kosumoroji （Cosmology of Pictorial Maps） from 1988 to 1989 （Katsuragawa Ezu Kenkyukai 1988―89）. Literature also drew attention from Japanese human geographers. In 1982, Japanese literature scholar Ai Maeda published an influential book, Toshi Kukan no Nakano Bungaku（ Literature in the Urban Space）, which is an elegant criticism of modern urban novels using literary theories such as textual theory and semiotics（ Maeda 1982）. Influenced partly by this book, some geographers were approaching the realm of literature. Aoyama（ 1985） discussed the image of a place through a fantasy novel written by Kenji Miyazawa. Fukuda（ 1991） focused on novels written by Fumiko Hayashi and reflected on the humanistic notion of “place” from the viewpoint of the experience of place and home. Moreover, geographer Yoshio Sugiura edited a collection of geographical papers dealing solely with literature （Sugiura 1995）. However, literature includes not just written texts but also oral traditions. For a few geographers, oral literature also could serve as another representation of the world. Sasaki（ 2003） and Doi（ 1996） both addressed the literary representation of places in oral traditions. The fourth category includes the exploration of sensory landscapes. Yamano （1990） pointed ― 10 ― Imported Scholarship or Indigenous Development? : Japanese Contributions to the History of Geographical Thought and Social and Cultural Geography since the Late 1970s（ SHIMAZU, FUKUDA and OSHIRO） 483

out that the concept of landscape contains a physiognomic aspect. He insisted that people recognize the outer world as a consequence of the ebb and flow of human emotion. He thus strongly criticized the idea that landscapes exist as objective entities before the eyes of the spectators and is waiting to be discovered by researchers. He was not alone in focusing on sensory landscapes. Maida and Gatayama（ 1991） reviewed the new trend of “sensuous geography” in relation to humanistic geography and proposed a geographical research agenda with emphasis on human senses other than “seeing.” They also published an anthology comprised of Japanese translations of key papers concerning sensory landscapes originally written by Douglas Pocock and Douglas Porteous （Maida and Gatayama 1992）. Furthermore, Gatayama （1995） focused on the idea of soundscape and developed his studies on English folk songs from the viewpoint of soundscape. One of his studies was found also in an interdisciplinary book edited by ethnomusicologist Shin Nakagawa（ Nakagawa 1997）. The idea of soundscape, created by Canadian composer Raymond Murray Schafer in the late 1960s, was also introduced to Japanese intellectuals in the late 1980s. Differing from the previous thrust of sound studies, soundscape implies a mutual relationship between people and their sonic environment. Geographical approaches toward sensory landscapes and soundscape studies have something in common. At the same time, we found a growing interest among Japanese intellectuals in genfukei, which refers to a primal landscape in people’s minds. A book entitled Bungaku ni Okeru Genfukei （Primal Landscapes in Literature）, written by literary critic Takeo Okuno, took the initiative in this trend（ Okuno 1972）. Following this argument, social anthropologist Yasumasa Sekine reviewed the arguments about genfukei with a focus on living space（ Sekine 1982）. We can identify a similarity between these perspectives on genfukei and the concerns of humanistic geographers.

Place and Contemporary Society Thus, humanistic approaches in Japanese geography have developed in different directions with interdisciplinary relations. Not surprisingly, these approaches unfolded in concert with contemporary social trends to seek for “our place,” which extends from the body and mind to the community. In fact, there are numerous explorations of our place and various reasons can be identified for this trend. For example, we can point out the diversified senses of place and meanings of place in contemporary society. It is quite natural because the idea of place can be considered as inclined to emphasize subjectivity. Every person may be different from another and may have his or her own place. In contrast, it can be also said that a sense of loss makes us eager for “our place” and makes us desire the revitalization or rehabilitation of place as a community. Especially in face of a perceived unprecedented crisis, the idea of place seems to be becoming more prevalent in Japanese society. A typical example is the increasing attention to place within the process of the reconstruction of devastated areas after natural disasters. After the Great Hanshin ―Awaji Earthquake in 1995, Edward Relph was invited to a forum about community development with the theme “Towns and Identity.” He played a crucial role in 13 promoting the basic and theoretical discussions about place and identity. Augustin Berque also gave a keynote speech at an international conference entitled “Disaster and the Creation of Value Systems” held at Tohoku University in March 2012, a year after the Great East Japan Earthquake. Why do people rely on the idea of place in a crisis? What sort of place has been sought for? These are key questions when we consider places as socially constructed entities. We should not forget that discussions about place have moved beyond the discipline of geography and these are actively unfolding in the broader society. ― 11 ― 484 Japanese Journal of Human Geography 64―6（2012）

IV Social and Cultural Geography since the Late 1980s

Cultural Turn : Some Movements in Human Geography The 1980s witnessed a growing concern with humanistic geography among Japanese social and cultural geographers. However, since the late 1980s, the younger generation had been gradually 14 aware of the limits of humanistic geography. And they increasingly came to be influenced by renovated Anglophone human geography stimulated by social, political and cultural theory. Many articles in journals such as Progress in Human Geography and Environment & Planning D : Society and Space were enthusiastically read and cited by them. Furthermore, several trendy books on social and cultural geography published by Routledge also attracted attention from some younger geographers（ Duncan and Ley 1993 ; Keith and Pile 1993 ; Duncan and Gregory 1999）. It seemed a symptom of the “cultural turn” in human geography that the Social Geography Study Group of the Institute of British Geographers changed its name to “Social and Cultural Geography Study Group” in 1988. Younger Japanese geographers at that time, including the current authors, especially enjoyed the publication of New Words, New Worlds（ Philo 1991） and the launching of a new journal dedicated to cultural geography, Ecumene （currently Cultural Geographies） in 1994. One year before the start of Ecumene, David Ley, one of the journal’s editors, was invited to Japan. He talked to us about this fascinating journal and left a deep impression on a few younger geographers who guided him in Kyoto and in Osaka, including Kamagasaki, a problematic inner city area of day laborers. Generally speaking, those who sensitively responded to these movements belong to the generation born during the 1960s who were influenced during their undergraduate years by the “new academism” boom in Japan in the early 1980s. The “new academism” was an intellectual fad that occurred both inside and outside academia following mainly modern French ideas such as structuralism and post―structuralism stimulated by Claude Lévi―Strauss, Louis Althusser, Roland Barthes, Michel Foucault, Jacques Derrida, Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari. In fact, this boom was closely linked with print capitalism in harmony with the coming of the “bubble economy” period that celebrated a “faddish” cultural life. It could be said that several young Japanese geographers had been interested in modern French ideas some ten years earlier than Anglophone geographers. However, they could not make effective use of these ideas and concepts in their theoretical or empirical articles. They had therefore found their “lost ten years” in journal articles and chapters of books in Anglophone geography. The main currents of human geography in Japan were still conventional ones employing empirical field surveys or statistical methodologies, although interest in social thought and philosophy had long existed among Japanese human geographers. This is not to say that changing the name of a study group in the Institute of British Geographers mentioned above was only to add the term “cultural” to the name. It needs to be recognized that the shift toward the “cultural” took place under their interaction with Stuart Hall and the Birmingham School of cultural studies. One of the main themes in British social geography was that of ethnic segregation using census data addressed by Ceri Peach, Peter 15 16 Jackson and Susan J. Smith. The influential Exploring Social Geography published in 1984 was a good showcase. Heavily impressed by its theoretical orientation, we were further surprised by 17 Peter Jackson’s Maps of Meaning published in 1989 and his ringing reassertion of the “cultural” within the British context. Jackson’s book was published in the same year as other no less ― 12 ― Imported Scholarship or Indigenous Development? : Japanese Contributions to the History of Geographical Thought and Social and Cultural Geography since the Late 1970s（ SHIMAZU, FUKUDA and OSHIRO） 485

important books, that is, Edward Soja’s Postmodern Geographies and David Harvey’s The 18 Condition of Postmodernity. The impact of latter two books will be introduced later. The cultural turn in human geography meant the resurgence of “culture” as an object of study under the influence of cultural studies. By using the term “culture,” geographers preferably dealt here more with popular culture such as youth culture or counter culture than traditional folk culture or high culture. Jackson’s Maps of Meaning was in a sense an attempt to connect American cultural geography led by Sauer’s Berkeley School with British cultural studies. These new books stimulated us so that several younger cultural geographers at that time turned their interests to contemporary urban issues with theory ―oriented approaches. There were several papers in this regard, for example, on territoriality （Ueda 1986 ; Onjo 1993）, on materialism （Nakashima 1996）, and on Foucault’s thought（ Oshiro 1996）. Furthermore, as part of this trend, many articles on popular culture were produced by the younger next generation in Japan, for example, on the featuring of a town by women’s magazines （Naruse 1993）, on hangouts for youth such as shopping malls（ Sugiyama 2002）, and on street musicians（ Yamaguchi 2002）. The institutional contexts in which these trends developed were already discussed in section II. What should be mentioned here is the “Social and Behavioral Geography Study Group”（ later “Space and Society Study Group”）. Toshio Mizuuchi, one of the facilitators of the group, was especially eager to catch up with the changing intellectual trends abroad and to grasp theoretical and philosophical currents. He passionately attempted to create “intellectual spaces” with openness in which many younger scholars nationwide could gather and discuss together. This activity resulted in some publications including an anthology, Shakai―Kukan Kenkyu no Chihei（ Horizons in Socio―Spatial Studies） and a journal, Kukan, Shakai, Chirishiso（ Space, Society and Geographical Thought） mentioned in section II. Characteristic of this latter is that it contains many translated articles besides original articles. Herein we can find the legacy of the “Space and Society Study Group” mentioned above. These movements resulted mainly from the hunger among the younger generation for the renovation of conventional methodologies, although some pioneering work by Keiichi Takeuchi partly introduced these currents （Takeuchi 1993 ; 2003）. In addition, Takeuchi’s “younger collaborators,” such as Harumichi Yamada and Yoko Ogawa, searching for a common ground between geography and media studies, translated the seminal Geography, the Media and Popular Culture into Japanese（ Burgess and Gold 1992）. Yamada had been pursuing his research on information and popular culture by investigating the media, including newspapers, community television, and video clips. He also played an important role in an epoch―making symposium entitled “Space and Society” at the annual conference of the Japan Association of Economic Geographers in 1993（ Yamada 1994）. Speaking of academic conferences, we have to mention the inauguration of alternative international conferences, which acted as another context in which new trends in social and cultural geography in Japan developed. These include the “International Conference of Critical Geography”（ ICCG since 1997） and its Asian counterpart, the “East Asian Regional Conference in Alternative Geographies” （EARCAG since 1999）. Several Japanese social and cultural geographers have attended these conferences and actively discussed common themes with foreign scholars. It must be emphasized that those conferences have been playing important roles in creating some networks of scholars, to say nothing of serving as settings for presentation and debate. In addition, well―known scholars such as David Harvey, Allen Scott, Neil Smith, Don Mitchell, and Edward Soja came to Japan and delivered lectures or workshops at those times. Many Japanese geographers have been stimulated by the voices of these influential geographers. ― 13 ― 486 Japanese Journal of Human Geography 64―6（2012）

Spatial Turn : Coordination with Adjacent Disciplines As mentioned earlier, the Japan Association of Economic Geographers held a symposium under the theme of “Space and Society” in 1993. Sociologist Naoki Yoshihara and historian Ryuichi Narita were invited to the symposium in order to search for common ground with adjacent disciplines. Following this, the cross―disciplinary “Study Group on Spatial Matters”［ Kukanron Kenkyukai］ was launched by sociologists Shunya Yoshimi and Naoki Yoshihara, media studies scholar Tatsuro Hanada, and geographer Toshio Mizuuchi. Later, cultural studies scholar Yoshitaka Mouri, sociologist Mikio Wakabayashi, geographer Naoki Oshiro, and Masahiro Kato joined. This group held several meetings a year and published as a result of its activities the transcript of a round ―table discussion on “new geographies” in a periodical called 10＋1（ Ten plus One） dedicated to urbanism and urban theory（ Mizuuchi et al. 1997）. This round table was held by cultural historians, sociologists, and geographers, and geographers themselves explained to non― geographers about what kind of disciplinary shifts had occurred in geography, especially human geography. It could be said that the round table made a fair breakthrough beyond the wall around geography as a discipline which so far had hardly transmitted and disseminated information into other disciplines in Japan. Interest in “the spatial” by scholars of adjacent disciplines who participated in the “Study Group on Spatial Matters,” especially sociologists, was very eager and they published their “theory of space” in waves（ Yoshimi 1996 ; Yoshihara 2008 ; Wakabayashi 1999）. Primarily, it goes without saying that there were some works by Harvey or Soja （or works by sociologists citing the new urban sociology） which had been inspiring their interest in “space.” In fact, those who translated Harvey’s The Condition of Postmodernity into Japanese were Yoshihara and his collaborators（ Harvey 1999）. 19 Of course, it is Henri Lefebvre’s argument on the “production of space” that served as the key concept for the works of Harvey and Soja. Lefebvre’s intricate argument is concerned with the interconnection between three moments : “representation of space,” “space of representation,” and “spatial practices.” And it is Derek Gregory who offered a comprehensive commentary on Lefebvre’s theory to geographers in his Geographical Imaginations（ Gregory 1994）. There are more than a few scholars who deployed the framework Gregory presented in their own empirical research in Japanese contexts. However, the manner in which this framework is deployed seems too simplistic and we should rethink and relativize this. “Are you satisfied with the situation that you are still learning ‘imported scholarship’ from Western academia?” is an often―repeated question in Japan ever since the Meiji era. As other disciplines in Japan concerned with the West have always been questioned in this way, geography in Japan is also no exception. Philosopher Nobuo Kioka attempts to bridge the gap between philosophical ideas and geographical ideas by organizing a small group called the “Geophilosophical Study Group” ［Chiri Tetsugaku Kenkyukai］, which includes as members cultural geographer Satoshi Imazato, who is interested in the methodologies of semiotics and linguistics, and social geographer Tsukasa Wakamatsu, whose mentality tends to be rather 20 radical. The motive behind this activity is Kioka’s sustained interest in the work of Augustin Berque who coined the concept of “medience” by reconsidering Tetsuro Watsuji’s theory on fudo through the interpretative hermeneutics of Martin Heidegger （Kioka 2011）. Japanese geographers should listen more and more to his thoughtful insights that Japanese geographers themselves have hardly tried to produce. Speaking of the geographers’ relationships with the broader society beyond the narrow academic world, it could be noted that Japanese geographers are beginning to contribute to ― 14 ― Imported Scholarship or Indigenous Development? : Japanese Contributions to the History of Geographical Thought and Social and Cultural Geography since the Late 1970s（ SHIMAZU, FUKUDA and OSHIRO） 487

major commercial journals devoted to philosophy in general such as Shiso（ Thoughts） and Gendai 21 Shiso（ Contemporary Thoughts）, to which geographers had hardly contributed so far. In regards to book publishing, books on geography are being issued from various publishers more than ever. It is possible that the significance of “the spatial” that Soja （2003） reasserted in his Postmodern Geographies came to gain ground also in Japan.

Reexamining Modernity : The Particularity of Japan? Considering the overall current of social and cultural geography in Japan since the 1990s, it could be pointed out that there are many publications with a high level of interest in taking modernity more seriously. Kukan kara Basho e （From Space to Place）, published in 1998, is a showcase of these currents（ Arayama and Oshiro 1998）. It was edited by younger contributors at that time who, stimulated by the cultural turn, attempted to go beyond existing frameworks and cross over into modern history, cultural history, sociology, and politics from spatial perspectives. Contributions to this book showed broad interests : nationalism and media events, nature or landscape and the nation, the formation of national land or modern urban space, power and space, regionalism and youth culture, and so on. All these contributions have tried to incorporate theoretical and methodological concepts that proliferated in and overflowed from foreign journals into their empirical studies in Japanese settings and have exercised considerable 22 influences over the next younger generation. It may be peculiar to Japanese social and cultural geographers that research topics shifted from rural communities and rural ways of life to the city and urbanism since the late 1980s. As another form of concern with modernity, we can point out historical studies on Japanese cities carried out by Toshio Mizuuchi and his collaborators（ Mizuuchi et al. 2008）. In relation to this, we should also refer to the work of Hirokazu Niwa which focused on the lived space of day laborers in Kamagasaki mentioned above. He did so by not only analyzing empirical data but also seeking for a more socially relevant geography （Niwa 1992）. Following this pioneering work, studies on Kamagasaki and the urban underclass are being doggedly carried out by more younger scholars （Haraguchi et al. 2011）. In addition, some studies came out attempting to consider the city not only as the space of production but also as the space of consumption. In relation to modernity, some geographers had become acquainted with and discussed arguments such as Walter Benjamin’s “arcade project,” Michel Foucault’s idea of “heterotopia” or “other space,” and so on （Oshiro 1996 ; 2009 ; Kato 1998）. Thus, concepts and ideas hitherto prevalent in the realm of philosophy or the humanities have been brought into Japanese geographers’ interpretations of urban space. Incidentally, the Japanese historian Ryuichi Narita mentioned above addressed the idea of kokyo （native land） and published an influential book entitled “Kokyo” to iu Monogatari （The Narrative of “Native Land”） in 1998 （Narita 1998）. In the same year, another Japanese historian, Junro Ito, published another influential book entitled Kyodo Kyoiku Undo no Kenkyu （Studies in the Homeland Education Movement） tackling the ideas and practices around the controversial notion of kyodo （homeland）（Ito 1998）. Coincidentally, some Japanese social and cultural geographers also showed interest in the representations and practices concerning native land or homeland and they came to launch an informal study group on kyodo in 1999 and edited an often ―cited book, Kyodo : Hyosho to Jissen（ Homeland : Representations and Practices） in 2003（ Kyodo Kenkyukai 2003）. While many of the contributors contributed to the publication of Kukan kara Basho e mentioned above （Arayama and Oshiro 1998）, scholars such as a folklorist and a sociologist also contributed to the former. The homeland education movement arose in Japan in the 1930s, when Japanese folklore ― 15 ― 488 Japanese Journal of Human Geography 64―6（2012）

studies were activated at the initiative of Kunio Yanagita and the mingei（ folk art） movement also burgeoned under the influence of Muneyoshi Yanagi. This historical background in part accounts for the collaborative or interdisciplinary nature of research on kyodo. In relation to this, attention has also been paid recently to the geographies of “home”（ Fukuda 2008）. It could be said that the so―called “material turn” now prevailing in Britain substantially tapered off quite a while ago in Japan. Essays employing a historical materialist mode of analysis had long been flourishing in Japan since World War II（ Hiromatsu 1972）. The current proliferation of arguments on materiality, which itself looks like a kind of “relational reductionism,” seems similar to the ten ―year delayed wave of modern French thought in Anglophone human geography mentioned above. As Mori（ 2009a ; 2009b） put it in his articles on the material turn, this sort of argument was in part already made by some Japanese human geographers, although their arguments had few foreign audiences because of language barriers. Given that the Japanese language is still conceived of as an exotic one among Western scholars, this asymmetric and uneven situation will continue hereafter. Is it, however, truly a sound intellectual relationship?

V Conclusions

We have traced recent renewed trends in research in the history of geographical thought and social and cultural geography in Japan within their institutional contexts. Some research projects aimed at the holding of the 1980 IGC in Tokyo were commenced in the late 1970s, and it was to some extent in this context that the reform of the historiography of geographical thought and social and cultural geography was initiated. The impact of the 1980 congress was seen already among some of the pre―congress Japanese geographers as well as the post―congress ones. This congress triggered the emergence of new research groups within established geographical societies in Japan. These groups acted as incubators that propelled research on the history of geographical thought and social and cultural geography by Japanese geographers. Lectures delivered by eminent geographers invited mainly from the Anglophone countries attracted the attention of a body of younger Japanese geographers. Recent scholarship on the history of geographical thought has witnessed a considerable growth in interest in non ―academic as well as academic geographical ideas and practices in Japan, in addition to the traditional tendency to deal with the ideas of distinguished geographers in the West. Another impact of the 1980 IGC was found in the fact that concerns with humanistic perspectives grew among Japanese geographers from the late 1970s on. Research in this direction developed diversely, on the one hand articulating with traditional research topics such as the spatial structure of rural communities or human―environment relations, and on the other, generating new interests in themes such as “geography and literature” or “sensuous geographies.” This trend finally led, also in Japan, to reconsideration of the concept of “place” that humanist geographers once celebrated. In accordance with criticism raised by Anglophone social and cultural geographers leaning towards social theory, Japanese geographers also began to examine humanist geographers’ excessive inclination toward subjectivity. And since the 1990s, younger social and cultural geographers have been more than ever tackling issues around the “cultural turn” in Anglophone human geography, the “spatial turn” in social science, and the multiple aspects of modernity. We would not like to regard these research trends as absolutely based on “imported scholarship,” nor would we like to call instead for “indigenous development.” It should be ― 16 ― Imported Scholarship or Indigenous Development? : Japanese Contributions to the History of Geographical Thought and Social and Cultural Geography since the Late 1970s（ SHIMAZU, FUKUDA and OSHIRO） 489 recognized that texts produced by Japanese geographers may retain intertextuality in the same way as those produced by Western geographers do. These texts should be considered as outcomes of the often contingent “articulation” between what have been referred to as Japanese traditions and those referred to as Western innovations. This articulation itself should perhaps be the subject of attention in cultural studies（ Grossberg 1986）. Johnston （1983, 209―211） once proposed a “generational model” for the methodological or epistemological progress of a discipline, in which the changing external environment is regarded not as a sufficient condition but only as a necessary condition for progress. In his model, it is crucial that the younger generation susceptible to that change is supported by tolerant leaders of the older generation and is followed by the next younger generation. It seems that this model in part applies to the Japanese case mentioned in this paper. In Japan, the 1980 IGC and pre― congress meeting functioned as the external changes. The younger generation of that day, including Minoru Senda, Masahiko Yamano and Tetsuya Hisatake, all born in the 1940s, responded sensitively to those changes with support from progressive senior scholars including Ichiro Suizu （born in 1923） and Keiichi Takeuchi （born in 1932）. They were followed by the next younger generation mainly born in the 1960s through the medium of influential scholars such as Yasuyuki Yagi and Toshio Mizuuchi born in the 1950s. This interpretation may be too simplistic, but we believe that it nevertheless captures the broad trend. Finally, the three current authors of this paper were all born in the 1960s and therefore belong to the “third” generation in the narrative of this paper. As readers have noticed, we have consciously incorporated our own research history and trajectory into the narrative. Thus, we have observed ourselves, who were once absolute participants in the scene. We have done so, however, not as “straight observers,” but rather as “participants―as―observers” prone to “over― rapport”（ Jackson 1983, 41）. We might be criticized for an excessive inclination toward subjectivity, for which once we ourselves criticized humanist geographers. Therefore, we would like to look forward to the coming of another narrative from another generation in the near future.

Postscript This work was supported by a Grant―in―Aid for Scientific Research（ Grant Number 23320184） from the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science. Sections I, II, and V were initially written by Toshiyuki Shimazu, section III by Tamami Fukuda and section IV by Naoki Oshiro. The final version of the manuscript was completed through discussion among the three authors.

Notes 1. On occasion of the IGU Kyoto Regional Conference in 2013, the IGU Commission on the History of Geography plans to organize a session entitled “Languages, Materiality and the Construction of Geographical Modernities” （session organizers : Jacobo García―Álvarez and Toshiyuki Shimazu）. Needless to say, the theme is being proposed in consideration of that in the 1980 meeting. 2. Contributions to Geographers : Biobibliographical Studies by Japanese geographers continue to the present day （Takeuchi 1994 ; 2000a ; Ishida 2000 ; Okada 2007 ; 2008 ; 2009）. 3. Past head investigators were Ichiro Suizu, Keiichi Takeuchi, Hisako Kurihara, Toshio Mizuuchi, Masahiko Yamano, and Akihiko Takagi. The present one is Toshiyuki Shimazu. 4. For the full paper, see Harvey（ 1994）. 5. Authors of the original papers were Anne Buttimer, David Harvey, David Ley, Edward Soja, Derek Gregory, Denis Cosgrove and Nigel Thrift. 6. Past chairs were Minoru Senda, Masahiko Yamano, Tetsuya Hisatake, Koji Hasegawa, Haruo Noma, Yasuyuki Yagi, Hiroyuki Matsumoto, Masataka Tawa, Kenji Tsutsumi, Takashi Yamazaki, Naoki Oshiro and Tamami Fukuda. The present one is Toshiyuki Shimazu.

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7. This trend was in part introduced in Japanese by Takeuchi（ 1993）. 8. He was not the only geographer who gave attention to semiotic analysis. See Uchida（ 1987） and Imazato（ 2007）. 9. For example, Hajime Abe actively translated Yi ―Fu Tuan’s works into Japanese. He emphasized phenomenology as a theoretical basis and asserted the possibility of phenomenological landscape studies（ Abe 1990）. 10. The Japanese term fudo refers to a mixture of the physical and human environment of a region. 11. These include Space and Place, Dominance and Affection, Landscapes of Fear, Morality and Imagination, Topo- philia, Segmented Worlds and Self, Passing Strange and Wonderful, and Cosmos and Hearth（ Tuan 1988a ; 1988b ; 1991a ; 1991b ; 1992 ; 1993 ; 1994 ; 1997）. 12. It is worth noting that some Japanese positivist―oriented geographers launched studies on spatial perception in the framework of behavioral geography at the same time（ Okamoto 1982 ; Nakamura 2004）. Research on mental maps is one example. The influential book Mental Maps was translated and published in Japan in 1981（ Gould and White 1981）. Behavioral geographers and humanistic geographers had something in common, that is, a desire to reveal the subjective world and environmental perception. However, they had very different methodologies. 13. This was held in Kobe by the Japan Urban Design Institute on November 17th, 1995. 14. Later on, Arayama（ 1995） and Fukuda（ 1996） both made critical attacks on the “essentialist” bias that seemed to prevail in the literature of humanistic geography in Japan. 15. Ethnicity studies are also popular in Japanese social geography and have been developing in various directions. See, for example, Yamaguchi（ 2008）, Yamashita（ 2008 ; 2011）, Abe（ 2011）, Sugiura（ 2011） and Morimoto（ 2012）. 16. It was translated into Japanese in 1991（ Jackson and Smith 1991）. 17. It was translated into Japanese in 1999（ Jackson 1999）. 18. These books were translated into Japanese in 1999 and 2003, respectively（ Harvey 1999 ; Soja 2003）. 19. Lefebvre’s outstanding French book La Production de l’espace was translated into Japanese by Hideharu Saito in 2000（ Lefebvre 2000）. 20. See, for example, Imazato（ 2002） and Wakamatsu（ 2004）. As to work by another geographer who took part in this group, see Izumitani（ 2006）. 21. Shiso has been issued since 1921 by Iwanami Shoten, one of Japan’s most authoritative publishing houses. Gendai Shiso, more oriented towards contemporary philosophy including poststructuralism and postmodernism, has been issued by Seidosha, which specialize in philosophy and published the Japanese translation of Soja’s Postmosern Ge- ographies（ Soja 2003）. 22. Studies on modernity have become active among Japanese historical geographers as well（ Yamane and Nakanishi 2007 ; Nakanishi and Sekido 2008）.

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