Anti-Semitism [A Brief History]
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Project: Representations of Host Desecration in Medieval Aragon
Project: Representations of Host Desecration in Medieval Aragon The accusation of host desecration by Jews in the Middle Ages was a pan- European phenomenon driven by Christian ideology in tandem with more local political and social concerns. The host was perhaps the most heavily invested and, as a result, the most volatile Christian symbol, representing at once the body of Christ and the body of Christian believers. At different times and different places, accusations of host desecration were used to define boundaries and communities, others and enemies. The NEH Institute on the Medieval Mediterranean allowed me to lay the groundwork for a study of several such accusations that occurred in the Kingdom of Aragon during the second half of the fourteenth century as well as of artistic representations of host desecration from the same area and period. During the month-long institute I focused primarily on one artistic representation and one documented case of host desecration: the altarpiece from the monastery of Santa María de Vallbona de les Monges, now in the Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya; and the case of host ‘desecration’ that occurred in Barcelona in 1367. The Corpus Christi altarpiece was painted, perhaps by Guillem Seguer, around 1335-1345 for the Corpus Christi chapel in the monastery of Santa María de Vallbona de les Monges, located in the county of Urgell. The retaule and its accompanying frontal are organized, literally and figuratively, around the Eucharistic wafer that one sees in the representation of the Trinity and in an array of scenes drawn from wide variety of source types. -
From Ritual Crucifixion to Host Desecration 25 Derived the Information He Put to Such Disastrous Use at Lincoln
Jewish History 9Volume 12, No. 1 9Spring 1998 From Ritual Cruc,ifixion to Host Desecration: Jews and the Body of Christ Robert C. Stacey That Jews constitute a threat to the body of Christ is the oldest, and arguably the most unchanging, of all Christian perceptions of Jews and Judaism. It was, after all, to make precisely this point that the redactors of the New Testament reassigned resPonsibility for Jesus's crucifixion from the Roman governor who ordered it, to an implausibly well-organized crowd of "Ioudaioi" who were alleged to have approved of it. 1 In the historical context of first-century CE Roman Judea, it is by no means clear who the New Testament authors meant to comprehend by this term loudaioi. To the people of the Middle Ages, however, there was no ambiguity, ludaei were Jews; and the contemporary Jews who lived among them were thus regarded as the direct descendants of the Ioudaioi who had willingly taken upon themselves and their children the blood of Jesus that Pilate had washed from his own hands. 2 In the Middle Ages, then, Christians were in no doubt that Jews were the enemies of the body of Christ. 3 There was considerably more uncertainty, however, as to the nature and identity of the body of Christ itself. The doctrine of the resurrection imparted a real and continuing life to the historical, material body of Christ; but it also raised important questions about the nature of that risen body, and about the relationship between that risen body and the body of Christian believers who were comprehended within it. -
Justifying Religious Freedom: the Western Tradition
Justifying Religious Freedom: The Western Tradition E. Gregory Wallace* Table of Contents I. THESIS: REDISCOVERING THE RELIGIOUS JUSTIFICATIONS FOR RELIGIOUS FREEDOM.......................................................... 488 II. THE ORIGINS OF RELIGIOUS FREEDOM IN EARLY CHRISTIAN THOUGHT ................................................................................... 495 A. Early Christian Views on Religious Toleration and Freedom.............................................................................. 495 1. Early Christian Teaching on Church and State............. 496 2. Persecution in the Early Roman Empire....................... 499 3. Tertullian’s Call for Religious Freedom ....................... 502 B. Christianity and Religious Freedom in the Constantinian Empire ................................................................................ 504 C. The Rise of Intolerance in Christendom ............................. 510 1. The Beginnings of Christian Intolerance ...................... 510 2. The Causes of Christian Intolerance ............................. 512 D. Opposition to State Persecution in Early Christendom...... 516 E. Augustine’s Theory of Persecution..................................... 518 F. Church-State Boundaries in Early Christendom................ 526 G. Emerging Principles of Religious Freedom........................ 528 III. THE PRESERVATION OF RELIGIOUS FREEDOM IN MEDIEVAL AND REFORMATION EUROPE...................................................... 530 A. Persecution and Opposition in the Medieval -
Let Me Distill What Rosemary Ruether Presents As the Critical Features Of
A Study of the Rev. Naim Ateek’s Theological Writings on the Israel-Palestinian Conflict The faithful Jew and Christian regularly turn to the texts of the Hebrew Bible and the New Testament for wisdom, guidance, and inspiration in order to understand and respond to the world around them. Verses from the Hebrew Bible and the New Testament are regularly employed in the discussion of the Israel-Palestine conflict. While the inspiration for justice and righteousness on behalf of all who are suffering is a hallmark of both scriptures, the present circumstance in the Land of Israel poses unique degrees of difficulty for the application of Biblical text. The prophets of old speak eternal and absolute ideas, in the circumstance and the vernacular of their time. God speaks. Men and women hear. The message is precise. The challenge of course is to extract the idea and to apply it to the contemporary circumstance. The contemporary State of Israel is not ancient Israel of the First Temple period, 11th century BCE to 6th century BCE, nor Judea of the first century. Though there are important historical, national, familial, faith, and communal continuities. In the absence of an explicit word of God to a prophet in the form of prophecy we can never be secure in our sense that we are assessing the contemporary situation as the ancient scriptural authors, and, more importantly, God, in Whose name they speak, would have us do. If one applies to the State of Israel biblical oracles addressed to the ancient people Israel, one has to be careful to do so with a sense of symmetry. -
Jews and Altarpieces in Medieval Spain
jews and altarpieces in medieval spain 76 JEWS AND 77 ALTARPIECES IN MEDIEVAL SPAIN — Vivian B. Mann INTRODUCTION t first glance, the title of this essay may seem to be an oxymoron, but the reali- ties of Jewish life under Christian rule in late medieval Spain were subtle and complicated, even allowing Jews a role in the production of church art. This essay focuses on art as a means of illuminating relationships between Chris- tians and Jews in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Historians continue to discuss whether the convivencia that characterized the earlier Islamic rule on the Iberian Peninsula continued after the Christian Reconquest, the massacres following the Black Death in 1348 and, especially, after the persecutions of 1391 that initiated a traumatic pe- riod lasting until 1416. One view is that the later centuries of Jewish life on the Peninsula were largely a period of decline that culminated in the Expulsion from Spain in 1492 and the Expulsion from Portugal four years later. As David Nirenberg has written, “Violence was a central and systematic aspect of the coexistence of the majority and minorities of medieval Spain.”1 Other, recent literature emphasizes the continuities in Jewish life before and after the period 1391–1416 that witnessed the death of approximately one-third of the Jewish population and the conversion of another third to one half.2 As Mark Meyerson has noted, in Valencia and the Crown of Aragon, the horrific events of 1391 were sudden and unexpected; only in Castile can they be seen as the product of prolonged anti-Jewish activity.3 Still the 1391 pogroms were preceded by attacks on Jews during Holy Week, for example those of 1331 in Girona.4 Nearly twenty years ago Thomas Glick definedconvivencia as “coexistence, but.. -
The Blood Libel in Eastern Europe
Jewish History (2012) 26: 275–285 © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2012 DOI: 10.1007/s10835-012-9166-2 The Blood Libel in Eastern Europe ROBERT WEINBERG Swarthmore College, Swarthmore, PA, USA E-mail: [email protected] Keywords Antisemitism · Blood libel · Kiev · Mendel Beilis · Russian Empire This issue of Jewish History explores the phenomenon of “blood libel” in eastern Europe in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The accusation that Jews murder Christians, particularly young boys and girls, for ritual purposes has a long and lurid lineage that dates back to the Middle Ages.1 The accusa- tion of ritual murder emerged in England in the mid-twelfth century with the charge that Jews had killed a Christian youth in order to mock the Passion of Christ. By the middle of the thirteenth century the belief that Jews killed Christians had spread to the European continent, where gentiles now accused Jews of desecrating the Host and using gentile blood for religious purposes, including consuming it in matzo. The charge of ritual murder gained strength in the wake of the Fourth Lateran Council, held in 1215, when the Western Christian church affirmed that the wafer and wine used in the sacrament of the Eucharist contained the body and blood of Christ. According to some histo- rians, the belief that Christians consumed the blood and flesh of their savior during weekly communion—the doctrine of transubstantiation—prompted many believers to project onto Jews their own guilt over ritual cannibalism.2 Church officials in Rome issued numerous papal bulls that rejected the notion of blood libel, asserting that Jews did not engage in Host desecration or use gentile blood for the baking of matzo. -
The Jew of Celsus and Adversus Judaeos Literature
ZAC 2017; 21(2): 201–242 James N. Carleton Paget* The Jew of Celsus and adversus Judaeos literature DOI 10.1515/zac-2017-0015 Abstract: The appearance in Celsus’ work, The True Word, of a Jew who speaks out against Jesus and his followers, has elicited much discussion, not least con- cerning the genuineness of this character. Celsus’ decision to exploit Jewish opinion about Jesus for polemical purposes is a novum in extant pagan litera- ture about Christianity (as is The True Word itself), and that and other observa- tions can be used to support the authenticity of Celsus’ Jew. Interestingly, the ad hominem nature of his attack upon Jesus is not directly reflected in the Christian adversus Judaeos literature, which concerns itself mainly with scripture (in this respect exclusively with what Christians called the Old Testament), a subject only superficially touched upon by Celsus’ Jew, who is concerned mainly to attack aspects of Jesus’ life. Why might this be the case? Various theories are discussed, and a plea made to remember the importance of what might be termed coun- ter-narrative arguments (as opposed to arguments from scripture), and by exten- sion the importance of Celsus’ Jew, in any consideration of the history of ancient Jewish-Christian disputation. Keywords: Celsus, Polemics, Jew 1 Introduction It seems that from not long after it was written, probably some time in the late 240s,1 Origen’s Contra Celsum was popular among a number of Christians. Eusebius of Caesarea, or possibly another Eusebius,2 speaks warmly of it in his response to Hierocles’ anti-Christian work the Philalethes or Lover of Truth as pro- 1 For the date of Contra Celsum see Henry Chadwick, introduction to idem, ed. -
Chapter 3: History and Philosophy
3 +LVWRU\DQG3KLORVRSK\ 3.1 This chapter surveys the development of freedom of religion from 200 BC until 1945. This material has not been drawn from the Committee’s inquiry. It is intended to provide a background to the development of the philosophy of religious freedom and the legal protections in place today. Introduction Toleration was attained by the legal guarantee of free belief and the public exercise of that belief. Legal toleration is limited in its scope, somewhat ignoble in some of its sources, but constitutes, none the less, one of the most significant advances that the human race has ever achieved.1 3.2 This Chapter surveys the history and development of the philosophy of freedom of religion. This is not a modern notion, for arguments against intolerance and for religious liberty can be traced back to ancient times. The first known charter of religious toleration was carved in rock over two hundred years before the birth of Christ. Neither have ideas on religious freedom developed in a linear manner: indeed, some countries are further from religious freedom today than they were centuries ago. It is, therefore, necessary to consider the social context in which protagonists of toleration worked in order to understand the significance of their achievements. 3.3 Whilst numerous examples of religious intolerance could be found in each of the periods mentioned below, this chapter concentrates on examples of tolerance and influential individuals and events which contributed in a positive manner to the development of religious freedoms. 1 W K Jordan, The Development of Religious Toleration in England, Vol I, (London, George Allen & Unwin, 1932), p. -
The Building of a Wall of Separation Between New
The Building of a Wall of Separation between New Testament Theology and Its Jewish Roots/Context: A Consideration of Early Church History and a Call for Re-Examination for 21st Century Everyday Theological Reality Amy Karen Downey -- Director, Tzedakah Ministries (LBTS Ph.D. Student [ABD]) Christopher Hall in Reading Scripture with the Church Fathers recounts the story of Thomas Oden's transformation from liberal theologian to a scholar with a deep respect for Biblical orthodoxy. This revolution began when Oden abandoned the teachings of Sartre and Bultmann for the Patristic writings of Nemesius.1 In fact, Hall writes of Oden's theological conversion that "he increasingly realized that theology could be, indeed, must be done in the context of the worshipping community of the church, a fellowship that stretched across a vast expanse of years, cultures, and languages."2 Thomas Oden's desire to return the church to the Patristic ideal as it would draw the community of the redeemed back together in unity and fellowship sounds appealing. It sounds especially appealing in a time when the divide between denominations grows wider and the schisms within many denominations has created a chaotic discord that indicates a forgetfulness of the Scriptural adage — "Remove not the ancient landmark, which thy fathers have set" (Pro 22:28, KJV). However, one has to question if this ideal is either really possible or was even real at the time of the Patristic Era. Thomas Oden in his introduction to the Ancient Christian Commentary series seeks to respond to two of the problematic issues that are often raised by historians of the period—the misogynistic attitudes of the Church Fathers and concerns over both latent and overt 1 Christopher A. -
Antisemitism, Secularism, and the Catholic Church in the European Union
ANTISEMITISM, SECULARISM, AND THE CATHOLIC CHURCH IN THE EUROPEAN UNION An Undergraduate Research Scholars Thesis by MADISON COWART Submitted to the LAUNCH: Undergraduate Research office at Texas A&M University in partial fulfillment of requirements for the designation as an UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH SCHOLAR Approved by Faculty Research Advisor: Dr. Alexander Pacek May 2021 Major: Political Science Copyright © 2021. Madison Cowart. RESEARCH COMPLIANCE CERTIFICATION Research activities involving the use of human subjects, vertebrate animals, and/or biohazards must be reviewed and approved by the appropriate Texas A&M University regulatory research committee (i.e., IRB, IACUC, IBC) before the activity can commence. This requirement applies to activities conducted at Texas A&M and to activities conducted at non-Texas A&M facilities or institutions. In both cases, students are responsible for working with the relevant Texas A&M research compliance program to ensure and document that all Texas A&M compliance obligations are met before the study begins. I, Madison Cowart, certify that all research compliance requirements related to this Undergraduate Research Scholars thesis have been addressed with my Research Faculty Advisor prior to the collection of any data used in this final thesis submission. This project did not require approval from the Texas A&M University Research Compliance & Biosafety office. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................................... -
© Cambridge University Press Cambridge
Cambridge University Press 0521826926 - A Dictionary of Jewish-Christian Relations Edited by Edward Kessler and Neil Wenborn Excerpt More information AAAA Aaron Aaron, as a point of contact between Jews and Aaron is a figure represented in both Testaments Christians, was acknowledged in the Letter to and referred to typologically in both. His priestly the Hebrews as the founder of the Jewish priest- role is the dominant feature shared by Judaism and hood, who offered acceptable sacrifice to God. Christianity, but in the latter this role is appropri- The anonymous author appropriated the still- ated in order to highlight the superiority of the developing Jewish tradition and contrasts the once- priesthood of Jesus. Thereafter, because the Jewish and-for-all priesthood of Jesus (which was claimed tradition continued to stress his priestly status, he to derive from the priesthood of Melchizedek) with faded out of the Christian tradition. the inferior yet legitimate priesthood of Aaron. In the book of Exodus Aaron appears as the There is no polemic intent against Aaron in brother of Moses and Miriam, playing a subordi- Hebrews. Two texts, Ps. 2.7 and 110.4, are used to nate but important role as spokesperson for Moses show that God designated Jesus as the unique Son before the Pharaoh, although in the earliest literary and High Priest. His self-sacrifice, analogous to the strata of the Torah there is no evidence that he is sacrifice of the High Priest on the Day of Atone- a priest. His priestly role becomes clear only in the ment,isdepictedasacovenant-inauguratingevent, later so-called Priestly Document, in the descrip- fulfilling the expectations of the new covenant in tion of the construction of the Tabernacle and the Jeremiah. -
Jews and the Sources of Religious Freedom in Early Pennsylvania
Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 4-3-2018 Jews and the Sources of Religious Freedom in Early Pennsylvania Jonathon Derek Awtrey Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_dissertations Part of the Cultural History Commons, History of Religion Commons, Political History Commons, Social History Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Awtrey, Jonathon Derek, "Jews and the Sources of Religious Freedom in Early Pennsylvania" (2018). LSU Doctoral Dissertations. 4544. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_dissertations/4544 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized graduate school editor of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please [email protected]. JEWS AND THE SOURCES OF RELIGIOUS FREEDOM IN EARLY PENNSYLVANIA A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College In partial fulfillment of the Requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in The Department of History by Jonathon Derek Awtrey B.S. University of West Georgia, 2007 M.A. University of West Georgia, 2009 May 2018 For Christina, Sandra, Cole, Val, Suzy, April, Les, Carolyn, John, Nita, Kevin, and families ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The years of research, writing, and revision that resulted in this dissertation derived from conversations with family members, friends, colleagues, trusted mentors, and other scholars, archivists, and editors. My entire family, but especially my mother and sisters, have sustained my intellectual curiosity from an early age.