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The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi 3

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The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi 3 1. “PATH OF TRUTH FOR THE BRAVE ALONE”1 July, 1920 “The path of truth is for the brave alone, never for a coward.” I realize the significance of this poem2 more and more as days pass. I also see that it is not for grown-ups only to put the idea of this verse into practice; children and students, too, can do so. If we try to know and follow the path of truth right from childhood, then alone, on growing up, shall we be saved from following the path of untruth. Just as a disease, if neglected, becomes chronic and incurable, so also untruth, if permitted to take rot in us from childhood, will later grow into a serious disease and, becoming incurable, gradually ruin our health. It is for this reason that we find untruth increasing in us. So the highest lesson to be learnt during one’s student-life is that one should know truth and act on it. This path has always been for the brave because a much greater effort is required to go up the steep slope of truth than to climb the Himalayas. If at all, therefore, we want to work in this direction and serve ourselves, we should give the first place to truth and march forward with unshakable faith in it. Truth is God. MOHANDAS [From Gujarati] Madhpudo, I, ii 1 This was Gandhiji’s contribution to Madhpudo, the manuscript magazine of the Ashram School, Sabarmati. 2 By Pritamdas (c. 1720-1798); a Gujarati poet and Vedantin VOL. 21 : 1 JULY, 1920 - 21 NOVEMBER, 1920 1 2. LETTER TO THE PRESS ON REPATRIATION OF SOUTH AFRICAN INDIANS July 1, 19201 I have just read the interim report2 of the South African Commission3 published in Indian Opinion recently received. As it reads, the report seems to be harmless. Even the word “Repatriation” does not occur in it. It is a cautiously-worded document. And as there seems to be no opposition to the recommendation from the resident Indian population, I am not inclined to oppose the proposal of the Commission. At the same time there is no mistaking its intention. Indeed they have not even attempted to conceal it, for, they ask His Excellency the Governor of South Africa “to appoint an official well acquainted with the Indian mind and their methods to act in a sympathetic manner and lay before the Indians the advantages of immediately returning to India”. The case for the scheme is that the Indians are anxious to return and that the scheme satisfies that anxiety whereas the anxiety seems to be all on the part of the Commission and their return is to be stimulated by placing its advantages before our sorely tried countrymen. The working of the scheme will, however, require ceaseless watching. There should be no compulsion of any kind whatsoever and no forfeiture of rights of domicile. I was pleased to notice absence of any reference to such forfeiture in the interim report. One however never knows what undertaking may not be taken from the poor returning Indians against the grant of a free passage. If the scheme is benevolently intended to relieve the present distress the Union Government will simply facilitate the return of those who are unable to support themselvs in South Africa, without bargaining for the forfeiture of domicile. To insist upon the loss of that valuable right would be to take a mean advantage of the distressful condition on some of our countrymen in South Africa. Young India, 7-7-1920 1 Released on this date through the Associated Press of India; vide The Bombay Chronicle, 2-7-1920 2 It contained a scheme of voluntary repatriation of Indians from South Africa to be carried out under Section 6 of the Indians’ Relief Act, 1914; vide “Uncanny”, 14-7-1920. 3 Appointed by the South African Government to enquire into the question of Asiatics trading and holding land in South Africa. The Commission was assisted by Sir Benjamin Robertson on behalf of the Government of India. 2 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI 3. LETTER TO N. C. KELKAR1 CONGRESS2 BOMBAY-7, July 2 [1920]3 DEAR MR. KELKAR4 , I thank you for your very prompt rep[ly.] I retur[n] . t . which you may keep . I shall t . t an alternative of the cree[d in ter]ms of your suggestion. We ce[rtainly] ought to make it the broadest possible. I agree that we need not fix the fees for membership for Congress committees. Perhaps you will agree to a minimum fee. I accept [yo]ur suggestion as to the advisability of laying down the method of Taluka and District committees. If you wish to avoid overlapping and want a fairly scientific constitution you will find that there is no room for affiliations. Those who want to be represented must join one of the series of groups. Whether you accept the limit at 1,000 or will increase it, I think the membership ought to be limited to a manageable figure. Without that the Congress will remain an unwieldy body and we would not [be able] to carry the weight we othe[rwise cou]ld. In drafting the con[stitution I ha]ve attempted to give the [Congress] a representative character such as would make its demands irresis[tible.] I would therefore ask you to [recon]sider your views about limiting the number. I accept your figure for delegate’s fee. I agree that the other fees may not [be] fixed by the Congress. The present rules for the election of the president may remain as they are. I wanted to say so but my letter had already gone. But I would erase the bombastic speeches that are made at the time of the election. Two best speakers may in addition to the chairman of the R. 1 The office copy of the letter has been damaged in many places by termites. 2 The word “Congress” in Gandhiji’s hand indicates the file in which the letter was to go. 3 The consitution referred to in this letter was passed in 1920. Vide also “Letter to N. C. Kelkar and Others”, about 15-6-1920. 4 1872-1947; political leader of Maharashtra; author and journalist VOL. 21 : 1 JULY, 1920 - 21 NOVEMBER, 1920 3 C.1 introduce the president in the briefest speeches. I value your suggestion as to the treasurer, also as to the payment to British Congress Committee. I have not understood the raison d’ etre of your suggestion regarding elections to the All I.C.C2. Draft resolution[s and] suggestions quite sound. Your time . is quite worthy of you and [reasonab]le. The demonst[rative p]art I don’t like. The wh[ole] Con[gress] must be deliberaton and demonstration at the same time. If you divide the two, the demonstration will fall flat. The spectators pay to watch your actual d[eba]tes. We may here imitate the House of Commons. Call to mind the visitors’ gallery. When we have limited the number of delegates we carefully rope them in and isolate them from the visitors. Today our pandal3 is as unbusiness-like as our proceedings. Introduce business in your programme and you will evolve a pandal to suit your new needs, quite effective and much cheaper than at present. I think I have now touched all your points. I wish the other two4 would copy your prom[ptne]ss. Pray excuse my w[retched h]andwriting. Mahadev Des[ai]5 is in Bijolia. My other aman[uensis] had a bereavement in his [fam]ily.6 M. K. GANDHI From a pencil draft : S.N. 7420 R 1 Reception Committee 2 All-India Congress Committee 3 Enclosure 4 Iyengar and Sen; Vide “Letter to N. C. Kelkar and Others”, about 15-6-1920.. 5 1892-1942; Gandhiji’s secretary for 25 years 6 This paragraph is in Gandhiji’s hand. 4 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI 4. NON-CO-OPERATION Since there is no reason to hope that, before August 1, either the khilafat issue will have been satisfactorily solved or a revision of the peace terms promised, we must get ready to start non-co-operation. The Committee is making preparations in this behalf. Meantime, the following can be done : 1. Not to subscribe to new loans. 2. Not to register one’s name for recruitment in military or civil service. The Government has no right to occupy Mesopotamia. Mandate is in fact nothing but occupation. Moreover, according to newspaper reports, the Arabs do not like even the sight of Indian soldiers there. Whether or not this is true, it is the duty of every Indian not to join such service. Those who go to Mesopotamia will be doing so merely for money. We must refuse to do this, if we do no more. Not only can it never be our duty to rule by force over the Arabs, but we, who do not wish to remain in slavery, cannot wish to make others slaves. Thus it behoves us not to subscribe to new loans and to refuse, from this very day, to offer ourselves as new recruits for service under the Government, especially for service which requires us to go to Mesopotamia. In addition, it is hoped that the following things will be done from August I onwards : 1. Titles and honorary positions will be renounced. 2. Legislatures will be boycotted. 3. Parents will withdraw their children from Government schools. 4. Lawyers will give up practice and help people to settle their civil disputes among themselves.
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