CSW u p d at e

1 thinking gender 2012 CSW uu p p d d at at e e

Panel Summaries by AMANDA APGAR, Linda JuHasz-Wood, and Lindsey Mclean

2 coordinator’s notes CSW u p dTHINKING at GENDER e2012 ecause I had stimulated, but even more, my heart would be warmed. ence, which is what conferences are supposed to be. Bravo, coordinated CSW’s I knew my heart would be warmed because, as I re- on all counts! BThinking Gender membered it, coordinating Thinking Gender meant working CSW works very hard to create opportunities for people conference in 2009, I with CSW’s incredible network of good, kind, and generous to connect, and that’s exactly what we saw at Thinking knew exactly what I was people. It meant the excitement of meeting lots of new Gender this year. If you were at the morning panel “Mods in for when I had the people, along with the joy and comfort of working with and Vlogs: Gender Techs,” you know there was even an good fortune of being familiar faces. This year, 82 presenters shared their work unexpected virtual connection that took place! Panelist selected as the coordina- at the UCLA Faculty Center. There was, of course, a strong Gopinaath Kannabiran almost missed out on his own panel tor for Thinking Gender showing of students from UCLA and the surrounding Los when he got stuck at the airport during a winter storm. 2012: a really fun six months of planning and preparation Angeles area. We had students come in from Oregon, Ohio, The “Mods and Vlogs” moderator, CSW Research Scholar for an extraordinary day that makes a real difference in Maryland, Texas, New Mexico, Indiana, New York, New Rosemary Candelario, wouldn’t hear of it! When I delivered the lives of young scholars who are, in turn, making a real Jersey, Kentucky, North Carolina, Michigan, and the list goes her what I thought was some bad news, she didn’t miss a difference in other people’s lives. There would be brain- on... Some of our panelists had even longer journeys and beat: why not just Skype the presenter in? I asked, “Can you storming sessions and some creative problem solving… joined us from Hawai’i, Canada, England, Germany, and The do that?” No problem! And suddenly, there was Gopi on some arranging and then some rearranging…I would . The result was a Faculty Center filled with a the screen. How fitting for a panel on Gender and Technol- get to read and hear about all kinds of interesting projects crowd of people who represented not only geographic di- ogy… Once again, CSW’s crew came through. Everyone in all sorts of areas of study. Lots of anticipation and lots versity, but a range of perspectives and approaches to some just rolls with the punches, and they do it with a smile. of excitement, all because of one day, one opportunity really exciting work. As one presenter told me after the What I witnessed on the day of the conference was, to be surrounded by all kinds of people from all over the conference, she felt Thinking Gender was one of the most quite simply, a lot of sharing. Presenters were engaged in country and, in fact, all over the world. It would be one genuinely interdisciplinary conferences she’d ever attended. conversations about each other’s work, both inside and day during which I could enjoy being completely sur- In fact, she said she was happy Thinking Gender was the last outside the sessions. They raised their hands with questions, rounded by people eager to share their ideas and research conference she would attend before graduating, because it sought each other out in the halls, and offered each other about women, gender, and sexuality. My mind would be was a truly supportive environment and a positive experi- resources—but it doesn’t end there. I have received so

3 cn coordinator’s notes CSW u p dTHINKING at GENDER e2012 many inquiries from panelists, as well as audience members, Creating Community and Meaning with Household Artifacts”; What’s funny is that while the actual staff and volunteer base who want to get in touch with one another and find out more and the plenary session: “Thinking Gender in Space, Place, I had at my side this round was almost entirely different than about the work that was presented at Thinking Gender. People and Dance.” it was last time, I am compelled to say the same thing. This want the dialogue to continue, and it will. It does! My personal thanks go out to all of Thinking Gender’s year’s Thinking Gender team was truly one of the best groups If you missed some of the panels because you couldn’t be presenters and moderators, with a special thank you to of coworkers with which I’ve had the pleasure to work. Our in two places at once, or if you were, unfortunately, not able Jacqueline Shea Murphy, Associate Professor of Dance at UC Director, Kathleen McHugh, and Managing Editor, Brenda to make your way to the Faculty Center this year, there is still Riverside, for leading a lively discussion after the plenary, Johnson-Grau, have been part of Thinking Gender’s success for more Thinking Gender to be had: which included papers on women and textiles, the indig- many years, and they have a wealth of information to share Many of the papers, drawn from the plenary and the enous performance group FOMMA, female mariachis, and with the next conference coordinator. Assistant Director Julie other 20 panels included in the program, will be published gender shifting in Taiwanese salsa. Abbreviated versions of all Childers was never more than a phone call or e-mail away and through the California Digital Library at the beginning of next the plenary presentations can be found in this very newslet- always either had or found the answers to my many ques- month. Papers from panels such as “Altar Alternatives,” “Voices ter, so please be sure to read on (as well as watch the video tions. Associate Director Rachel Lee, thank you for all your on Violence/Wars on Women,” “Pedagogies across Time: Cre- that I-Wen Chang has provided to illustrate some of the danc- enthusiasm and ideas. Your energy is just infectious! No matter ated, Contested, and Changed,” “Global Spirits,” and “The 99%,” ing techniques she describes)! who is at CSW next year, I know the next coordinator will have among others, will be available soon. Do watch for their As I prepare to wrap things up and hand over the reins a great team of people behind her or him. While I was coordi- posting at http://escholarship.org/uc/search?entity=csw_ to next year’s Thinking Gender conference coordinator, I’m nating this conference, I never worried about a thing because thinkinggender in early April. reminded of what I said about the CSW staff when I wrote the I knew I had so many reliable people working with me to pull In addition, CSW filmed the following panels, which “Coordinator’s Notes” after my last conference, back in 2009. this great day together. I know it will be the same for the next you can watch now, at http://www.youtube.com/playlist To the next conference coordinator, I wrote: “You have a phe- coordinator. Actually, I know it will be even better, because ?list=PLA929BBD1F30DC69A&feature=plcp: “Mumbling, nomenal group of people upon which to depend while you Thinking Gender just seems to keep getting better with every Stuttering, Yelling: Gender Inarticulation in , Chile, are at CSW. Our Director, Kathleen McHugh, has assembled year that passes. So, here’s to the next year… Thinking Gender Brazil and… Downtown Los Angeles”; “Parasexuality and the one of the best teams I have ever had the pleasure to work 2013 – February 1st, to be exact – see you there! Arts”; “Masculinity Inside Out”; “From Chickens to Cookbooks: with, and you will enjoy every minute you are in the office.” –Mirasol Riojas

4 Excerpt from “Thinking Gender in Space, Place, and Dance,”TG 2012 Plenary Session by Leticia Isabel Soto Flores

The “Doing” of Image by Women in Mariachi Music

n music studies, scholars have often avoidably succumbed to the ideological horizons difference through musical language. In mariachi explored music as a metaphor for emotions, manifested through language. Musicologist Susan music, a similar situation has manifested with Ithoughts, and life. In the 19th century, music McClary refers to this as gendered aspects of tra- the increasing participation of women mariachi critic Edward Hanslick recognized the inherent ditional music theory in Feminine Endings (1991), musicians. As more and more women perform in metaphorical sense of musical discourse. As he a founding text in feminist musicology. She states: mariachi ensembles, the songs traditionally in a stated in 1891, “what in every other art is still de- “music theorists and analysts quite frequently vocal register for men are necessarily transposed scription is in music already metaphor”, (Hanslick betray an explicit reliance on metaphors of gen- to suit the female voice. This alternative vocal reg- 1986: 30). When verbalizing what music is, from der (“masculinity” vs. “femininity”) and sexual- ister quickly became categorized as the “girl key,” representation to technique, one cannot avoid us- ity in their formulations. The most venerable of or tono para mujer. While the use of this gendered ing figurative language, metaphors in particular, these—because it has its roots in traditional poet- metaphor is colloquial, we cannot ignore the real- because a verbal description of sound is, of neces- ics—involves the classification of cadence-types ity that the metaphors in music terminology rely sity, an interpretation. or endings according to gender” (McClary 1991: explicitly on metaphors of gender. Metaphor is In the first case regarding metaphors in 9). Musicians and music critics utilize the terms thus not merely a poetic aspect of music language; music, metaphorical language is used to describe “feminine endings” and “masculine endings” to it is also a way in which individuals and commu- music in relation to musical practice or music describe how a cadence ends, most without ever nities conceptualize their “doing” through meta- theory. These metaphorical descriptions have un- realizing that these metaphors perpetuate sexual phorical language.

5 UCLA Center for the Study of Women ✪ csw update: thinking gender 2012 In the second case, metaphors about music, metaphors do only represent the musical experience itself, but they also affect the way the music is to be experienced. These types of metaphors tend to both reflect and change one’s experience of the music. McClary regards this as gender and sexual- ity in musical narrative: “Not only do gender and sexual- ity inform our “abstract” theories, but music itself often relies heavily upon the metaphorical simulation of sexual activity for its effects” (McClary 1991: 12). In the case of mariachi music, in the early 1990s when all-female maria- chi ensembles began making their presence known on the U.S. concert stage, I remember many listeners describing their experience of the music with social codes taken to be “natural,” those associated with femininity and masculin- ity. Judgments regarding their music included comments and complaints that it sounded “feminine,” “weak,” “slow,” and that “something was missing.” The music by all-female mariachi groups was not judged on musical qualities alone; instead the audience employed metaphorical language to characterize and express what the music meant to them, the listener. This was neither the macho masculine sound many were accustomed to, nor was it presented in the macho mas- culine image ubiquitously associated with mariachi music. Expressivity of judgments is not an attribute of the music; it is attributed to the music. In this sense, music serves as a metaphor for the significance of the experience, where the significance is founded on an ideological framework. Although research concerning metaphor in and about music is common in music studies, I would like to propose an alternative way of approaching metaphor as it relates to performance. Philosopher John L. Austin, in coining the

6 UCLA Center for the Study of Women ✪ csw update: thinking gender 2012 word “performative,” refers to the meaning of FIgure 1: Example of the utterances, or spoken words, as the “doing” of the masculine mariachi image action that it accomplishes (Austin 1978: 5-6).1 popularized with the Golden Although this is the case with spoken words, what Era of Mexican Film happens with the “doing” that has no words? For this, I refer to feminist Judith Butler’s notion of “bodily action.” In understanding the relationship between the speech act and the bodily act, Butler writes, “there is what is said, and then there is a kind of saying that the ‘bodily instrument’ of the utterance performs” (Butler 1997: 11). Actions are thus to be understood as performative metaphors, which are effective in bringing about the situation they represent, using an image rather than words. The image created and negotiated by women mariachi musicians, both in their verbal descrip- tions of themselves as well as the non-verbal “doing” of their image, affirms the idea that a metaphor is not merely a linguistic mechanism; metaphors can also be performed, meaning that one does not have to “say” something to enact a metaphorical truth-value. A performance, for Image in mariachi music its significance as a symbol of Mexico. example, is a public action in which meanings are Around the world, mariachi music is a power- Embraced as an emblem of Mexican identity manifested into actions (and words) that stand for ful mode of cultural expression that has been during the nationalist movement in the 1930s, the something else. In the following, I will illustrate predominantly recognized as a male-dominated mariachi image was constructed from a collection briefly how metaphors can be performed, not musical tradition, despite the fact that women of symbols—such as the sombrero, the traje de through the music itself, but through the image also play an integral role. Since the beginning charro (the stylized bullfighter outfit adopted by presented by female mariachi musicians. of its worldwide popularity, the mariachi image mariachi musicians), and pistol brandishing—all has been utilized to represent a symbol of manli- which collectively presented an image of Mexican 1. According to Austin, there are two types of performatives: 1) a perlocution- ary act is “what we bring about or achieve by saying something,” (consequences ness—in part established by the National Charro maleness through films, television, and radio. brought about by a speech act); 2) an illocutionary act is the act we perform “in saying something.” Association’s 1921 code of ethics—in addition to Moreover, the masculine self-representation of

7 UCLA Center for the Study of Women ✪ csw update: thinking gender 2012 male mariachi performers has largely influenced Figure 2: Mariachi the common perception of this musical expres- Feminil Estrellas de Mexico sion, and it is this male conception that has been handcrafted their primarily accepted by much of the media and own outfits. scholars of this performance practice. Courtesy of Felisa In her article on the discourse surrounding González, 2011 the Mexican charro, Olga Nájera-Ramírez pos- its that the charro must be approached as both a national symbol and a cultural construction of maleness (Nájera-Ramírez 1994). Despite the fact that there is a feminine translation for the word charro (charra), mariachi musicians do not de- scribe the female versions of the mariachi suit as a traje de charra. Women have nonetheless created and negotiated their image in a variety of creative ways. The following are only a few of the ways in which women mariachi musicians have innovated Figure 3: Mexico the traje de charro. City’s Mariachi Xochitl was formed All-female in 1982 by Ramona mariachi ensembles Madera Gálvez In the 1950s in Mexico, three all-female mariachi groups were formed and directed by women in the Mexican capitol: Mariachi Las Adelitas by Ad- ela “Adelita” Chávez, Mariachi Femenil Estrellas de México (initially called Mariachi Michoacano) by Lupe “Lupita” Morales Ayala, and Mariachi Las Coronelas (initially called Mariachi Noriega) by Carlota Noriega, actress and a musician. These women, instead of adopting a feminized version of the traje de charro while performing mariachi

8 UCLA Center for the Study of Women ✪ csw update: thinking gender 2012 music, they handcrafted their own outfits, most Figure 4: Mariachi of them knee-length variations of Mexican re- Reyna de Los gional dresses. Figure 2 shows Mariachi Feme- Angeles de José L. Hernández, nil Estrellas de México in examples of the very established in dresses they concocted. 1994, performed Since their formation in 1982, Mexico City’s at the White Mariachi Xochitl by Ramona Madera Gálvez House in 2009. had a different vision of how to highlight their femininity as an all-female mariachi ensemble (fig. 3). Despite the mass dissemination of the masculine image associated with the traje de charro, and the feminine examples set by the first all-female mariachi groups that preceded them, Mariachi Xochitl feminized their image by wearing short length skirts that came just Figure 5: Mariachi above the knees. Mujer Internacional In the United States, Mariachi Reyna de Los by Lucila Torres, formed in 2008, Angeles de José L. Hernández, established in modified the charro 1994, had the opportunity to perform for Presi- image by adding a dent Barrack Obama and first lady Michelle bright pink reboso Obama and at the White House for their 2009 (shawl) with a matching flower. Cinco de Mayo celebration (fig. 4). For this cel- ebration, among their large variety of suits, they chose to wear their purple traje de charro with a white sash draping from the right hip. In San Antonio, Texas, Mariachi Mujer Internacional by Lucila Torres, formed in 2008, modified the charro image by adding a bright pink reboso (shawl) with a matching flower in their hair (fig. 5). The rebozo has a special sig- nificance to Mexican women; although warmly

9 UCLA Center for the Study of Women ✪ csw update: thinking gender 2012 they have the now-conventional female traje de Figure 6: Mariachi Continental Femenil by Carla Bibiano Riveles employ a variety of mariachi suits that uniquely draw charro, they also present their music wearing a attention to the female body. fitted top and pants with a red flower in their hair (fig. 7). Mariachi Femenil de América by María de Jesús Xolocotzi Mata and her husband, Armando Muñoz Vasquez, was formed in 2011 in Tlaxcala de Xicohténcatl, Tlaxcala. In designing their first traje de charro, María de Jesús chose to have a more traditional look, albeit with princess-cut jackets (fig. 8). By developing their awareness of the signs and signals that serve as a language of their body, and by choosing to “do” their image in order to perform a female version of the historically mas- culine mariachi suit, women mariachi musicians metaphorically assert and contest that which individuals and communities once conceptual- linked to indigenous and rural Mexican women, it ized as the norm: the traje de charro. The meta- emphasizes femininity across social classes. phoric assertions by women in mariachi today, In Jerez, Zacatecas, Mariachi Continental Fe- seen as perhaps a metaphor of the role of women menil by Carla Bibiano Riveles employ a variety in musical activities, thus provoke enticing ques- of mariachi suits that uniquely draw attention tions regarding tradition, judgment, and symbolic to the female body (fig. 6). In one example, they meanings. perform wearing a formal contemporary strap- less dress with “botunadura” decorations, some- Speech acts and times with a jacket, as shown below. In other bodily actions occasions, they wear a strapless top with a long In formal interviews and informal conversations and colorful Mexican regional skirt. with women mariachi musicians, many enthusi- Figure 7: In Los Angeles, four women More recently in Los Angeles, four women astically share what they do to make the mariachi came together to create Mariachi came together to create Mariachi Bella. Though image more feminine. Some describe the colors Bella. 10 UCLA Center for the Study of Women ✪ csw update: thinking gender 2012 they choose for their attire, the length of skirt they prefer, whether they prefer skirts or pants, and some still critique women who choose not to wear the long “feminine” traditional skirt while per- forming mariachi music. In addition to the desire to create a feminine image, there is the underlying notion of “the tradi- tional” and “the proper.” In a recent interview with Ramona Madera, director of Mariachi Femenil Xochitl, she felt the need to justify why they prefer wearing their short skirt, just above the knees. She explained that it was more convenient because the long skirts can be dangerous and their heels tend to get stuck in the hem, causing them to trip if they are not careful. She added that with the longs traditional mariachi skirts, they wouldn’t be able to walk fast if they needed to.2 Truthfully, as she later revealed, they did not mind looking like sexy women mariachi musicians. Despite their reasons for wearing knee-length skirts, Mariachi Xochitl has a matching full-length skirt to use in front of audiences who prefer more “proper-looking” all- female mariachi groups. The metaphoric assertion of Mariachi Xochitl’s feminine, or even sexy, mariachi image is only one example in which the verbal description of their image may in fact complement the non-verbal “doing” of their image. The diverse attitudes that respond to these performative metaphors, many Figure 8: Mariachi Femenil de América, formed in 2011 in Tlaxcala de Xicohténcatl, of which concern important notions of tradition, Tlaxcala have a more traditional look, albeit with princess-cut jackets. , 2. Personal interview with Ramona Madera, 17 December 2011.

11 UCLA Center for the Study of Women ✪ csw update: thinking gender 2012 judgment, and symbolic meanings, have impor- actions. Thus, a closer look at the performative of Vom Musikalisch-Schönen. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company. tant effects on what should be preserved and actions, which are at the root of the preservation McClary, Susan. 1991. Feminine Endings: Music, Gender, what could involve change. of performing arts, shed light on the quotidian and Sexuality. Minnesota: University of Minnesota On Sunday, November 27, 2011, El mariachi: metaphoric assertions made by women mariachi Press. música de cuerdas, canto y trompeta (Mariachi: musicians today. Searle, John R. 1969. Speech Acts: An Essay in the Philoso- phy of Language. Cambridge: Cambridge University string music, song, and trumpet) was among Performativity, thus, cannot be limited to Press. eighteen new items of intangible world heritage metaphors in and about music. A closer look at to be added to the Representative List of the how women mariachi musicians “do” their image Intangible Culture of Humanity by the United takes into account not only what they wear and Nations Organization for Education, Science how they look, but also the performative meta- and Culture (UNESCO). The idea that it is now phors that include the characteristics, attitudes, a responsibility of the Mexican government and gestures, behaviors, and the musical manifes- the mariachi musicians themselves to preserve tations themselves. All of these are subject to the music (which is ambiguously disdained) has reflexive judgments that oscillate between preser- shed new light on how female mariachi groups vation and change. will be included in efforts to preserve this musical tradition, particularly since UNESCO’s recogni- Leticia Isabel Soto Flores is a doctoral student in tion aims to protect heritage—often interpreted the Department of Ethnomusicology at UCLA. She as old—and all female groups are more recent. presented a version of this essay at the plenary session, which was titled “Thinking Gender in Performative Space, Place, and Dance.” metaphors Performative metaphors address embodied ac- References tions that capture emotion and expression in the Austin, John L. 1978. How To Do Things With Words, 2nd edition. Boston: Harvard University Press. fluidity and adaptability of human activity. They Butler, Judith. 1997. Excitable Speech: a Politics of the Per- are associated with self-presentation, display, formative. Florence, KY: Psychology Press. and interpersonal communication. In this sense, Delgado, Martha I. 2010. La Metáfora en la Imagen the metaphors performed account for an appro- Fotográfica. México D.F.: Tesis de Maestría, Universi- dad Nacional Autónoma de México. priation and transformation of the ubiquitous Kittay, Eva Fedor. 1998. “Woman as Metaphor.” Hypatia masculine mariachi appearance. Performance is 3(2):63-86. not just about music; it is also about the bodily Hanslick, Edward. 1986. On the Musically Beautiful, trans- lation by Geoffrey Payzant of the 8th edition (1891) 12 UCLA Center for the Study of Women ✪ csw update: thinking gender 2012 Excerpt from “Thinking Gender in Space, Place, and Dance,”TG 2012 Plenary Session by I-Wen Chang

Throwing Out Gender Rules in Taiwanese Salsa Today

Agency and Flow in the women, such as being able to interpret chang- Experienced dancers are able to sense the energy Pair-dancing es in pressure, position, and weight that signal a of their partners and adjust their response accord- In the traditional conceptions of gender role as- change in the movement and the direction of the ingly. This ensures a smooth interaction between signments for pair-dancing, the woman is typical- dance. In this way, dance is like a conversation; the two, making sensitivity to this energy vital in ly conceptualized as a passive follower. However, like any conversation, roles and power are negoti- dance. if we examine the flow between the two dancers ated and not necessarily given, giving agency to Salsa in particular has a movement flow that more closely, we can see that the interaction is both men and women. favors equality between partners. Unlike waltz or far more complex. In partner dancing, partners To further understand my argument concern- tango, which highly emphasize gender etiquette cannot be understood as separate parts, but must ing flow, I would like to make the analogy that with closed positions, salsa partners use open be analyzed as a single whole and experiential flow is like the energy that each person pos- positions in which partners are connected primar- body. The whole lived body is an intentional body, sesses, similar to chi or life-force in martial arts. ily at the hands. Therefore, compared with other which is lived through and in relation to possi- More concretely in pair-dance, it is the exchange forms of pair-dancing, salsa has fewer pre-estab- bilities in the world. In order for the dance to go of energy that occurs during the dance, which lished moves between partners, which allows for smoothly and successfully, there has to be clear can manifest in subtle body language, change more improvisation and dynamic interactions. In bilateral communication between the man and in contact, and sensitivity to one’s partner. addition, salsa’s movements are explicitly sensual

13 UCLA Center for the Study of Women ✪ csw update: thinking gender 2012 and erotic, as both men and women move their Taiwanese salsa scene, it is generally expected hips and sway their upper bodies in a soft and there will be mutual agreement on the flow, and Salsa’s ability to subtle way. The movement quality in salsa is not if the male dancer detects the female dancer’s necessarily formally locked in a gendered binary wishes to go in a certain direction, generally the create a safe space but is flexible, allowing for more equality. male dancer will yield in order to preserve the These qualities of salsa have contributed to harmony of the flow. for women to be its fast adoption in Taiwan, where it has been adapted to emphasize mutual respect between Cultural Background the partners and enjoyment rather than showy in Taiwan free of traditional acrobatic moves. This is very different from what Salsa’s ability to create a safe space for women to I see in the Los Angeles salsa style, which is a be free of traditional cultural norms in Taiwan is cultural norms in male-directed form and has developed into a another reason for its popularity and acceptance much more staged performance full of flashy and among Taiwanese women. In order to understand Taiwan is another showy “tricks.” In Taiwan it is considered proper this phenomenon better, it is important for us etiquette for male dancers to be sensitive to their to understand how traditional culture in Taiwan reason for its partner’s skill level and not execute technically disciplines the Taiwanese body. Taiwan has a his- difficult and forceful movements such as lifts or tory of multiple colonizations; here I focus mostly popularity and dips excessively. In fact, that kind of spectacle is on the major long tradition of Chinese and rarely seen at all. Since there is less pressure to Confucian conservatism. The female body is very perform flashy movements, women are able to restricted in Taiwanese society, and a woman’s acceptance among more actively participate in the flow process.1 For body position in public is highly regulated. One example, female dancers are able to communicate relevant example of this is the old Chinese saying Taiwanese women their willingness to do certain movements such that states, “[Women] must be decent when you as the number of turns or their willingness to do stand and sit” (站有站相，坐有坐相). “Decent” solo dance via the points of contact (usually pres- in this context means that women must keep sure on the palms). More importantly, the male their legs together and their hands on their knees dancers are receptive to this, and the expectation when they sit. When women stand, they have to is to comply with female dancer’s intentions. In stand up straight and not sway. Slouching and this way, there is a balanced flow, especially in fidgeting are also frowned upon. Under these cases where there is close physical contact. In the regulations of the body, people always stand up

1. Click here to view the “Taiwanese salsa scene” video. straight and tall, and avoid rocking the lower part

14 UCLA Center for the Study of Women ✪ csw update: thinking gender 2012 Taiwanese salsa scene

15 UCLA Center for the Study of Women ✪ csw update: thinking gender 2012 Because of the of their bodies while standing or sitting down. male follower are not strictly adhered to and that The movement of salsa directly contradicts these gender roles are blurred. These male dancers can sexualized nature norms. Furthermore, there is an old saying by easily switch the leader–follower roles without Mencius (a famous Confucian scholar): “Men and difficulty and display different leader–follower women should not touch each other when giving roles freely in public without fear. In fact, it is not of salsa and or receiving an item” (男女授受不親), which de- unusual for other people to form a crowd around mands a strictly regulated body distance between them to watch and encourage them with clapping. its inclusion of men and women. This concept has been extended However, rarely are women seen dancing to any general public contact. Those traditions with women. Same-sex dance couples are a privi- masculine and still operate in contemporary Taiwan. lege almost exclusively for male dancers, and Thus, for Taiwanese practitioners salsa is a allow them to transgress the heterosexual nor- feminine expression, form of escapism through which they redefine the mativity. They exercise their power and are able concept of self within a passionate and responsive to inhabit the femininity in the practice of salsa. body to counteract the dominance of the tradi- They are gambling their masculinity by “being the salsa dance scene tional Chinese identification and challenge the feminine in public” while at the same time show- restriction of body distance in public. In addition, ing their dance techniques. They are so "brave" allows Taiwanese salsa, with its subtle and sometimes not-so-subtle to dance together in public; people look at them mimicking of courtship and sexual interest, and admire them. The existence of these male- men to explore their provides a way for dancers in Taiwan to make male dance couples at the exclusion of same-sex connections. This flirtation with the opposite sex female dance couples actually reinforces the feminine dance quality is not a privilege only for men but for women as patriarchy by claiming gender latitude as a form well. of male power in male-dominated public space. safely in a public In Taiwan there are also same-sex male salsa couples.2 Because of the sexualized nature Class in Taiwanese of salsa and its inclusion of masculine and Salsa Scene space without fear feminine expression, the salsa dance scene allows Class also plays an important role in the Taiwan- Taiwanese men to explore their feminine dance ese salsa scene. Due to the comparatively higher of being labeled quality safely in a public space without fear of costs of learning salsa and attending salsa clubs, being labeled homosexual. From this, we can see the majority of salsa club-goers in Taiwan tends to homosexual. that the traditional roles of male leader and fe- be young middle-class professionals with leisure time and extra money. Salsa requires skill and 2. Click here to view the “Taiwanese male-male dancing couple” video

16 UCLA Center for the Study of Women ✪ csw update: thinking gender 2012 Taiwanese male-male dancing couple

17 UCLA Center for the Study of Women ✪ csw update: thinking gender 2012 practice in order to flow with a partner. Therefore, are both challenged and restored. Through salsa, Novack, Cynthia. 1990. Sharing the Dance: Contact Im- provisation and American Culture. Madison, WI: U of the salsa dance club remains a territory of the elite gender norms redefine a concept of self within a Wisconsin. beyond the reach of Taipei working-class people. passionate and responsive body to counteract the O’Shea, Janet. 2007. At home in the world: bharata natyam The lavish furnishing of the dance floor itself dominance of Chinese identification. Taiwanese on the global stage. Middletown, Conn: Wesleyan U is a microcosmic dream world of urban moder- people participate in this international salsa trend Press. Pietrobruno, Sheenagh. 2006. Salsa and its Transnational nity and serves only the people who can afford it. to construct their national identity and establish Moves. Oxford: Lexington Books. These entertainment spaces are not just a place global citizenship. In the future I will further Savigliano, Marta. 1995. Tango and the Political Economy of dance but also function as salons where young analyze how class, nationality, and gender operate of Passion. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Young, Iris Marion. 2005. On female body experience: professionals can gather together to present and in complex ways in Taiwan. “Throwing like a girl” and other essays. New York: share information on a wide range of social, Oxford U Press. intellectual, and political issues. The “salon” of I-Wen Change is a doctoral student in the the salsa class makes exclusive a politicized space Department of World Arts and Cultures/Dance of bodies. By making a space to negotiate social at UCLA. She presented a version of this essay at body politics in the salsa “salon,” the everyday the Thinking Gender 2012 plenary session, which expression of bodies on the streets is depoliticized was titled “Thinking Gender in Space, Place, and in an inverse action of class-defined political Dance.” realms. Bibliography Conclusion hmed, Sara. 2006. Queer Phenomenology: Orientations, Objects, Others. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. The global trend in salsa reveals different cho- Appadurai, Arjun. 1996. Modernity at Large: Cultural reographies embodied in the different social Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: U of Min- codes that are deployed in salsa practice in vari- nesota Press. ous national contexts. In Taiwan, the way these Burt, Ramsay. 1995. The male dancer: bodies, spectacle, sexualities. : Routledge. practitioners imagine their gender roles is deeply Butler, Judith. 1990. Gender Trouble: Feminism and The related to the class position they occupy, and that Subversion of Identity. New York: Routledge. very fact gives them relative freedom to challenge Desmond, Jane C. 2001. Dancing Desires: Choreograph- ing Sexualities On and Off the Stage. Madison, Wis.: the traditional hierarchy through and in vari- University of Wisconsin Press. ous spaces. A full grasp of the meaning of salsa Foster, Susan. 1998. “Choreographies of Gender.” Signs practice in Taiwan thus requires understand- 24(1): 1-33. ing how it performs as part of a particular class Grosz, Elizabeth. 1994. Volatile Bodies: Toward a Corporeal Feminism. Bloomington: Indiana U Press. structure, and also how traditional gender norms

18 UCLA Center for the Study of Women ✪ csw update: thinking gender 2012 Excerpt from “Thinking Gender in Space, Place, and Dance,”TG 2012 Plenary Session by Yvette Martínez-Vu

in Reflejo de la Diosa Luna’s ‘Migración’ Performance

ast summer (2011) I served as an intern issues of gendered kinship relations in Mayan lives, offering workshops on commercial baking at the Mayan Women’s cultural Center in communities. (bread-making), sewing, and computer literacy, L Chiapas. The Center is called FOMMA, Two pioneering Mayan writers and actresses, as well as offering training in creative endeavors or Fortaleza de la Mujer Maya, meaning Mayan Isabel Juárez Espinosa and Petrona de la Cruz such as photography and performance. Women’s Strength. It is partnered with the Cen- Cruz, founded FOMMA in an effort to promote For this presentation, I want to focus on tro Hemisférico, a regional research and cultural bilingual theater and education in the Mayan one of FOMMA’s central missions: to stage how center funded by the Hemispheric Institute for languages of Tzotzil and Tzeltal through perfor- embodied gender dynamics in performance play Performance and Politics. FOMMA centers on mance and also through other programs. This a role in promoting a collective intersectional performances of Theater in the Center and in sur- organization helps Mayan women and children identity. Specifically, I will investigate Reflejo de rounding Mayan villages. The performances stage to develop skills that will improve their daily la Diosa Luna’s “Migración” (1996) to underscore

19 UCLA Center for the Study of Women ✪ csw update: thinking gender 2012 that identity is not only performed but also cho- reographed and gendered. Particularly, I am focus- ing on the shared, though distinctive, experience of intersectionality among indigenous women in Mexico. The term “intersectionality,” is borrowed from Kimberle Crenshaw’s theory of intersection- ality in which she questions the ways that experi- ences of Black women are excluded because femi- nism presumes whiteness and blackness assumes masculinity. In this case, I would add that studies of indigeneity most often elide the issues of gender that oppress indigenous women. This presentation will focus on two performance strategies aimed at critiquing gendered indigenous roles for women: cross-dressing and a materialist use of objects. I argue that the forms of cross-dressing employed and the ways performers cite or use objects define their body techniques and forms of identification. I argue that the performer modifies her body move- ments depending on the character she plays and the contextual factors of the performance. She uses objects to situate the body and the scene. In doing so, the performer provides alternative options for gendered representations, which in turn influence representations of indigeneity. In “Migración,” Petrona de la Cruz Cruz plays the “male” protagonist, Mario, who, in her cross- dressing, points to his masculinist assumptions. Mario convinces a fellow farmer, Carlos also played by a woman, to move his family from its rural hometown to the city in hopes of finding a better

20 UCLA Center for the Study of Women ✪ csw update: thinking gender 2012 life. Without his wife’s consent, and this is key to many Mayan women actually wear. These dress In using masculine the gendered politics, Carlos sells his home, fields, codes are strictly followed in the communities, and livestock to a friend. Then, when he loses his so just playing and the audience seeing women in and feminine job in the city, he copes with his losses by drink- these clothes already makes an intervention into ing. With no hope of finding a new job, Carlos traditional gender codes. Ironically, by cross- finds himself at rock bottom, and his family is dressing, the actresses also feminize the tradition- costumes, the left without basic necessities like food and shel- ally male space of theater by the mere fact that ter. The play brings several issues common to the they are pioneer indigenous women performers. actresses offer struggles of these indigenous women to the stage: As Tamara Underiner notes, the performers are male chauvinism, sexual abuse, poverty, migra- reversing “…these cross-gender casting traditions, the option to tion, alcoholism, and violence in general. not only in fact, but also in style. On stage, they are able to refashion a whole performance tradi- identify with more Cross-Dressing and tion that has historically mocked and excluded the Hybridization of them” (360). Body Techniques The necessity to use masculine clothing to than one gender. In the play, the actors use cross-dressing to make represent a male character simultaneously makes visible the ways that systems of fashion and visible and hybridizes body techniques. Within They also offer a gesture naturalize differences between men and the story, Mario and Carlos’ conflicts trigger a women. When Carlos and Mario first appear on moment of confrontation. When Oceguera Cruz, subject position stage, both wear baseball caps, khaki pants, and as Carlos, and Cruz Cruz, as Mario, perform acts button down shirts. Mario wears glasses, tucks of violence, they, mock and threaten the image that resists the in his shirt, and wears close-fitting pants while of a physically violent masculine, or macho man. Carlos leaves his shirt hanging over his oversized As the characters argue, Cruz Cruz rolls up her heteronormative baggy pants. These styles are typical of Mayan sleeves, extends her arms, and holds on to Oce- men from communities in Chiapas. While their guera Cruz’s chest. Both women flail their arms, differences indicate social gender codes, they comically careful not to hurt each other, making construction of function only in relation to a strict binary. In the a mockery of the characters’ violence. In Mayan process of performing the characters, the women culture, it is commonplace for women to be quiet femininity. performers must slip into men’s clothes—a sharp and submissive. In demonstrating these moments, contrast to the conservative huipiles or embroi- the actors must exercise aggressive body tech- dered blouses and long cotton or wool skirts that niques associated with men. Thus, when donning

21 UCLA Center for the Study of Women ✪ csw update: thinking gender 2012 men’s clothing, the women performers are access- ly, objects shape the bodies with which they are comes public. The properties displayed and refer- ing a wider range of movements atypical for Ma- in contact (54). As Sara Ahmed argues in Queer enced on the backdrop include: a tortilla press (or yan women and, at the same time, they mock the Phenomenology, “gender is an effect of how bodies tortilladora), bucket, bonfire, window, and kitchen very masculinities that release them from their as- take up objects, which involves how they occupy table, among others. The backdrop symbolizes the signed social gender codes. In representing other space by being occupied in one way or another…. gestures representative of an indigenous woman’s options for women, theater becomes a potential Bodies are shaped by the work they do” (59). quotidian life in Chiapas. It also stands in for a site of resistance against patriarchal norms on and Ahmed’s study treats objects as tools. But what if domestic space, a home, calling attention to how off stage. an object is purposely misused or purposely not the sense of intimacy and belonging within a Given the fact that all the performers are used? What happens to the signification of the space is produced through the forms of objects women, their performance excludes the presence object within play? Further, how does that inform placed in the background. The emergence of Ma- of men. But in using masculine and feminine body? In its intended function, an object can yan women in theater, as performers and charac- costumes, the actresses offer the option to iden- have an intended failure—not doing in the right ters, produces a sense of intimacy that combines tify with more than one gender. They also offer a way. In this section, I will highlight examples in private notions of family and home with public subject position that resists the heteronormative “Migración” that reference or exhibit gestures in- notions of narrative and performance. Yet Ahmed construction of femininity. In portraying gender duced by the (mis)use of objects. I will highlight asserts that that which takes shape as the back- codes, the actresses play with the codes and reveal how objects take part in citing a home and pro- ground is the result of the effect of the repetition their instability. As women portraying the roles ducing a sense of belonging. However, when the of a certain direction (88). Rather than using of men, Reflejo destabilizes the notion of subjects actresses use or cite objects, this involves a mime. these objects, and orienting themselves towards having a stable and unified identity by revealing In other words, rather than using objects present them, the actresses merely cite them. Ironically, the way that gender norms require constant cita- on stage, the actresses fail to use them and instead the backdrop and its images of objects becomes tion in order to maintain power. As I have noted, produce gestures that convey the idea of an ac- that which figuratively places what would typical- the members of Reflejo are careful to cite norma- tion. Thus, the absence of the object discloses and ly be in the background at the forefront. So they tive encounters between men and women, but in destabilizes the reiteration of gestures produced become signs of a Mayan woman, but they do not doing so they collectively reproduce more than within quotidian spaces. define her. Instead, she takes on the role of men one gender category for indigenous women to For example, the scene of Reflejo is a single while these signs remain on the scenery. identify with. generic backdrop with images that both denote The tactical choice of objects on the stage a campesino (peasant) house and cite objects reveal choreographed mimetic movements, Gendered Signification commonly used within that space. The domestic especially when considering the ways that many of Objects space is normally relegated to the background household objects are not and often times cannot Objects, like clothing, posit a gendered body for and allows for other, usually male-oriented, work. be used on stage. In one scene, Catalina prepares which the item was made (Ahmed 50). Alternate- In this case, the privacy of the domestic space be- a bonfire. Isabel Juárez Espinosa, as Catalina,

22 UCLA Center for the Study of Women ✪ csw update: thinking gender 2012 arranges three pieces of wood to make a fire on Conclusion Works Cited the center stage floor. The mimetic action begins Ahmed, Sara. Queer Phenomenology: Orientations, Ob- In this presentation, I have investigated how jects, Others. Durham: Duke U Press, 2006. when she kneels down to blow onto the “fire” for a bodily gestures, specifically in relation to the FOMMA, Fortaleza de la Mujer Maya. “Migración.” FOMMA few seconds. As Oceguera Cruz playing Carlos en- clothing and objects used in performance, both Video Collection. Hemispheric Institute Digital Video Library, 2006. Web. 7 June 2011, http://hidvl.nyu.edu/ ters the stage, Juárez Espinosa disregards the “fire” reproduce traditions and produce alternate and engages in dialogue. She stands up, moves video/000509445.html options for gender and therefore social repre- Foster, Susan. “Choreographies of Gender.” Signs 24 1 down stage left, and faces the audience while sentation. Specifically, cross-dressing and mim- (1998): 1-33. speaking to Oceguera Cruz. She blows on the ing provide opportunities to defy Mayan men’s Haraway, Donna. “A Manifesto for Cyborgs: Science, Tech- “fire” again but this time she bends over instead nology and Socialist Feminism in the 1980s.” Socialist patriarchal values, which are reliant on a defini- Review 8 2 (1985): 64-107. of kneeling, creating a larger distance between tion of women, which is biologically determin- Knudsen, Susanne. “Intersectionality—a Theoretical her body and the wood. Finally, Juárez Espinosa istic and essentialist. I extend my argument to Inspiration in the Analysis of Minority Cultures and Identities in Textbooks.” Caught in the Web or Lost in stands up and faces the audience once again. This note that Reflejo’s performances are continuously time she stops blowing. When starting the fire, the Textbook. Ed. Bruillard, Eric; Aamotsbakken, Bente; negotiating a collective intersectional identity Knudsen, Susanne V; Horsley, Mike. 2006 61-76. 3 she mimes the actions. Although making a fire given that they neither represent women as June 2011, http://www.caen.iufm.fr/colloque_iar- represents a domestic act that women perform in holistic nor stable and because neither body nor tem/pdf/knudsen.pdf Mexico, the performance resists the reproduction Underiner, Tamara L. “Incidents of Theatre in Chiapas, performance ever remain static. An intersectional Tabasco, and Yucatan: Cultural Enactments in Mayan of that function. The act is simulated but is not collective identity is one that is always changing Mexico.” Theatre Journal 50 3 (1998): 349. replicated because Juárez Espinosa is clearly miss- but remains connected through affinities. While ing the tools required to create an actual fire. As a proposing a pan-Mexican identity would run the result, the act is choreographed and mimed; codes risk of eliding difference and acknowledging dif- are cited but Juárez Espinosa refuses to reduce ferences can run the risk of essentializing, main- herself to a domestic act. Thus, while objects can taining an interest in affinities produces a space be gendered, the actresses have the choice to re- where subjects who identify with an intersection- sist, reveal, or exaggerate the proper way of using al identity can work together towards structural them. In this case, Juarez Espinoza’s resistance to change. perform realistic portrayals of this domestic act,

alters and produces new gestures that defy norma- Yvette Martínez-Vu is a doctoral student in the tive expectations for women. Department of Theater and Performance Studies at UCLA.

23 UCLA Center for the Study of Women ✪ csw update: thinking gender 2012 Excerpt from “Thinking Gender in Space, Place, and Dance,”TG 2012 Plenary Session by Jamie Aron

Warping thE Architectural Canon

extiles have long been a part of the manual skill rather than individual creativity intersected architecture at key moments in the canon of Western architecture—from the or intellectual drive. Eventually, through hard twentieth century, but also challenged the hier- Tfolds of draped female forms in ancient lobbying by Renaissance artists and humanists, archical position and cultural agency of architec- Greek temples to the abstract Mayan patterns the establishment of art academies dedicated ture. “knitted” together in Frank Lloyd Wright’s textile exclusively to the teaching of architecture, paint- In the early twentieth century, modern archi- block houses of the 1920s. Yet just as any façade ing and sculpture, and theoretical backing by tects and theorists reacted to broad social changes may conceal what’s inside, architecture’s shared Enlightenment philosophers, architecture sepa- brought about by Industrialization and social history with weaving is often obscured. Today rated from its mechanical compatriots to become and political upheaval by rejecting the historic architecture sits at the top alongside the “fine arts” one of the dominant “visual arts” of modernity, forms of the past. Partly due to theoretical build of painting and sculpture, while woven textiles leaving weaving behind as handicraft within the up from 19th century aesthetic debates on style occupy a less prominent position in the “applied” category of the “decorative arts.” It’s no secret that and the value of ornament, modern architects or the “decorative arts.” Appearing natural now, women have been generally left out of modern theorized that even textiles, considered inher- few remember that the hierarchy of the arts was visual art history and associated with the deco- ently ornamental within the interior, needed to be not always so stable. Architecture and weaving rative arts. Through the lens of historic reex- rejected if architecture was going to lead society were both at the bottom in the Medieval Period— amination I present three examples of “weaving towards a better future. In order for textiles to positioned as “mechanical arts” requiring learned workshops” led by women, whose work not only be reintegrated into the practice of architecture,

24 UCLA Center for the Study of Women ✪ csw update: thinking gender 2012 they would have to be reformulated as “functional wove textiles, threw pots, and made crafts.3 This equipment” rather than applied decoration, a con- paradox—democratization of the arts without ceptual struggle explored intensely by avant-garde democratization of artists—led many Bauhaus artists and weavers across Europe.1 women artists to become accomplished weav- Anni Albers entered into the Bauhaus after ers because of the restriction placed on them to the height of the European debates on style and study the “higher arts” of painting, sculpture, and ornament. As an eager young German student architecture. At points in the 1920s and 1930s, the in the late 1920s, she launched her artistic career Weaving Workshop represented the most finan- at the Bauhaus, the experimental new school cially successful sector of the Bauhaus, showing established in 1919 by the architect, Walter Gro- tapestries at industry fairs across Germany and pius, during the Weimar Republic in Germany. eventually licensing designs to manufacturers.4 Bringing all of the arts together under one roof, When the focus of the school shifted from one-off the Bauhaus sought to synthesize the fine and the designs to prototypes for mass-production, Albers decorative arts—with architecture acting as the embraced the transition without pause. For her as mother of them all—a belief institutionalized by a student and later as a practitioner, hand weaving amongst the “higher arts.” While Albers’s show the mid-eighteenth century, practiced by Arts was not only an end in itself but a necessary pro- did not single-handedly set up textiles as an and Crafts reformers like William Morris, and totyping process—an essential step that she would equal to architecture, the event signaled a posi- inherited by modern architects like Gropius, Le adhere to in America when machine looms came tive shift in the perception of modern textiles; Corbusier, and Mies van der Rohe. Like almost to dominate the textile industry from the 1940s one that gave more weight to the intellectual and all of the female students at this time, Albers on. 5 Later, after emigrating to the US, and teach- creative capacity of the modern weaver’s practice. was placed in the Weaving Workshop, led by ing at the experimental Black Mountain College, Albers wrote about her work extensively, in- technique master, Gunta Stolzl, supplemented Albers gained international success in 1949 as the cluding two books—On Designing (1959) and On with classes led by form masters like Johannes first woman weaver ever to have a solo exhibition Weaving (1962). These volumes embedded weav- Itten.2 Despite the fact that the Bauhaus was one at the MOMA in New York. Not only did this ing deeper into the modernist discourse. Within of the most liberal art schools of its time, gender broadcast the achievements of a woman artist to the field of architecture, there is a long history of roles were still medium-specific—men painted, an American audience at midcentury, it elevated writing critically about building—from Vitruvius sculpted, and designed buildings, while women modern weaving to the status of modern art, po- to the present—but there was no such long his- sitioning woven textiles as a topic of conversation tory of writing by women weavers until members

1. Christine Boydell, “Textiles in the Modern Home,” in Disentangling Tex- 3. Ulrike Müller, Ingrid Radewaldt, and Sandra Kemker, Bauhaus Women : of the Bauhaus, Albers included, intellectualized tiles : Techniques for the Study of Designed Objects, ed. Christine Boydell Art, Handicraft, Design (Flammarion, 2009). 6 and Mary Schoeser (London: Middlesex U Press, 2002). 4. Ibid. the practice from within. Weaving—as craft— 2. T’ai Lin Smith, Weaving Work at the Bauhaus: The Gender and Engender- 5. Anni Albers, “Handweaving Today: Textile Work at Black Mountain Col- ing of a Medium, 1919-1937 (U of Rochester, 2006). lege,” The Weaver VI, no. 1 (1941). 6. Smith focuses on the mostly unpublished writings of Bauhaus weaver, Otti Berger, who was a contemporary of Albers. 25 UCLA Center for the Study of Women ✪ csw update: thinking gender 2012 had been first dominated by men and then gener- Whereas Albers set up a conceptual frame- client, Hans Knoll.11 As historian Gwendolyn ally limited to the “passing on of patterns.”7 Like work for textiles to engage with modern architec- Wright pointed out in 1977, the traditional roles infamous critics such as Clement Greenberg and ture in the prewar period, Florence Knoll com- of women in architecture included “exceptional postwar American painters like Mark Rothko, Al- modified ideas of modernism through textiles in women,” “adjunct,” “anonymous designer,” and bers wrote about her experiments at the loom to the postwar period. Trained as an architect under “woman outside”.12 From Knoll’s background construct a theory for weaving, inventing, along influential émigrés from the Bauhaus and Scan- it does not appear that she wished to remain the way, a vocabulary unique to the structures, dinavia, first at the Cranbrook Academy of Art in anonymous or outside; rather, she found an un- process, and experience that making and view- Michigan under Eileel and Loja Saarinen, then at conventional way to play a part in architectural ing textiles could produce. She set out to both the Architectural Association School of Architec- production. After marrying Knoll and investing instruct her fellow weavers and students on the ture in London, and completing her degree in 1941 in his small-scale furniture company, Florence making of textiles, along with provide disciplin- at the “New Bauhaus” in Chicago (now known as developed a furniture line through key commis- ary boundaries that would set up weaving as an the Illinois Institute of Technology), Knoll came sions from her network of established architec- artistic practice. She defined a “tactile sensibility” into contact with many of the European “giants” tural colleagues and up-and-coming designers, to her practice, writing, “if a sculptor deals with of modernism, including architects Walter Gro- turning the Scandinavian-influenced tables and volume, an architect with space, a painter with pius and Mies van der Rohe.9 Florence started chair company into a full-scale, modern design color, than a weaver with tactile effects.”8 In this her career as an architect at Harrison & Abramo- and planning company.13 Against the backdrop of statement Albers removes weaving from the craft vitz, specializing in interiors, not because of the American optimism and a belief that good design category by inserting it alongside recognized ar- “integrated design” influence of her academic could make positive changes in people’s lives, tistic disciplines, arguing that weaving harnessed mentors, but because of the social conditions that Knoll’s Planning Unit team developed the “Knoll unique visual and haptic properties. Rejecting restricted women from prominent roles within Look”–a sleek, sophisticated interior that visually ideology that depicted weaving as gendered craft, the architectural profession.10 In postwar America, represented the speed, strength, and technologi- Albers set up the parameters for a proto-disci- sexism within the architectural profession was cal innovation that American companies strove pline in which weaving could be considered an not yet a recognized practice to be fought against; to embody in business in the postwar period.14 authoritative field onto itself, supportive to ar- it is remarkable that Knoll was able to secure a The production of textiles in-house became chitecture but not subsumed within it. Her work, place within an architectural firm at all. How- a vital component to the company as the Knoll writing, and teaching influenced multiple genera- ever, in 1943, Knoll’s career shifted dramatically 11. Ibid. 12. Dolores Hayden and Gwendolyn Wright, “Architecture and Urban tions of textile designers, an influence which can after freelance interior work for a client morphed Planning,” Signs 1, no. 4 (1976); Jane McGroarty and Susana Torre, “New Professional Identities: Four Women in the Sixties,” in Women in Ameri- still be felt today. into a full-time business partnership with her can Architecture : A Historic and Contemporary Perspective : A Publication and Exhibition Organized by the Architectural League of New York through 7. Anthea Callen, “Sexual Division of Labor in the Arts and Crafts Move- Its Archive of Women in Architecture, ed. Susana Torre (New York: Whit- 9. Bobbye Tigerman, “‘I Am Not a Decorator’: Florence Knoll, the Knoll ment,” Woman’s Art Journal 5, no. 2 (1984). ney Library of Design, 1977), 131. Planning Unit, and the Making of the Modern Office” (M.A thesis, U of 8. Anni Albers, “Tactile Sensibility,” On Weaving (Middletown, CT.: Wes- 13. Earl Martin and Design History Material Culture Bard Graduate Cen- Delaware Winterthur Program, 2005), 29. leyan U Press, 1965). ter: Decorative Arts, Knoll Textiles (New Haven: Yale U Press, 2011). 10 . Ibid., 33. 14. Ibid.

26 UCLA Center for the Study of Women ✪ csw update: thinking gender 2012 Planning Unit gained more commissions. For the earliest commissions, Knoll did not produce her own textiles; instead she outsourced the uphol- stery and drapery for the custom-designed fur- niture. The Rockefeller family offices were one of her first commissions in 1946, recommended to her by one of her former bosses, Wally Harrison, and Howard Meyers, editor of Architectural Fo- rum.15 Lore has it that Knoll had to search within men’s apparel fabrics to find the appropriate mate- rial to upholster an office chair, settling on men’s suiting fabric to fit the bill.16 The demand for appropriate upholstery and drapery fabrics was a priority to the firm, as it was only a year after she joined that Knoll opened a showroom on East 65th Street in New York to sell the first collection of Knoll Textiles.17 Knoll hired the most talented weavers and designers to design the first collec- tion, including Marianne Strengell of Cranbrook University and half a dozen others, eventually hiring an entire team of textile designers to design both hand-woven textiles and textiles meant for machine loom production. MA’s Good Design exhibition in 1951 and the Tex- peal to her high profile clients, like the architect, Highly textured weaves using new fibers such tiles USA show in 1956. Upholstered furniture and Eero Saarinen, and CBS president, Frank Stanton. as rayon and plastics came out of this creative drapery were two components of the Knoll look Knoll used textiles as the crucial communicator hotbed, surpassing utilitarian requirements to that became focal points within projects. Suc- between elements—color and texture could be receive widespread recognition in architectural cess, financially and in terms of innovative textile repeated on a sofa seat or a sheer curtain to create circles and in museum exhibitions such as Mo- design, depended upon designs that could be a visual rhythm—without disrupting the smooth, 15. Tigerman, “‘I Am Not a Decorator,’” 35. mass-produced and easily plugged into interiors clean lines of a modern interior. In the decade 16. Knoll au Louvre: Catalog of the Exhibition held at Pavillon de Marsan Musée des Arts Décoratifs (New York: Knoll International, Inc., 1971), 55. like a kit-of-parts, but sophisticated enough to ap- and a half in which Florence was the active cre- 17. Ibid.

27 UCLA Center for the Study of Women ✪ csw update: thinking gender 2012 ative director of the company, the Textile Division flourished as an artistic think tank—multiple disciplines working alongside each other to take one material to the highest level of aesthetic com- plexity, structural integrity, and durability. She advanced the commercial market for textiles at a critical stage in American postwar architecture, facilitating the reproduction of modern architec- ture on a grand scale by first styling the materi- als, then the client, to foster the need for modern fabrics. Overcoming barriers placed on her as a woman architect at midcentury, Knoll produced modern architecture as an influential tastemaker, defying ideology that had excluded women from significant roles in architectural production. Moving into the present, the work of Dutch textile designer, Petra Blaisse, has received inter- national recognition for her breathtaking curtains and wall treatments. Known within the architec- tural community as the “one who makes curtains,” vocabulary of modern architecture has inspired Velvet and Silk Café in Berlin, defining flexible Blaisse’s influence has extended beyond the realm critics to draw links between her practice and interior spaces, Blaisse assigns the curtain even of the decorative arts into a new terrain that de- that of prewar textile designers like Lilly Reich at more responsibility in order to investigate the fies traditional boundaries between decoration the Bauhaus, whose early collaboration with Mies limits of the textile to perform like architecture.20 and structure. In other words, her work is archi- van der Rohe, investigating the limits of the free- Blaisse’s firm—Inside/Outside—often receives tectural, structurally complex, and yet strikingly standing “textile wall,” share much in common commissions well before construction starts, join- elaborate in pattern and form. Blaisse is the first with Blaisse’s alliance with .19 While ing forces with architects and structural engineers to call her work architectural, even though she Reich first challenged the notion of the curtain as at the conceptual stages of planning. In one of the does not hold a professional license or construct decoration within avant-garde architecture, drap- most innovative, contemporary projects of our buildings.18 However, her critical awareness of the ing sensuous black and red velvets and yellow time—the Seattle Public Library (2004)—Blaisse 18. Petra Blaisse, Inside Outside (Rotterdam/New York, NY: NAI Publishers; silks over plates of vertical glass within the 1927 20. Matilda McQuaid, Magdalena Droste, and Available in North, South and Central America through D.A.P./Distrib- (New York N.Y.), Lilly Reich, Designer and Architect (New York: Museum of uted Art Publishers, 2007). 19. Dirk van Heuval has commented on the similarities between Modern Art : Distributed by H.N. Abrams, 1996). Blaisse’s and Reich’s practices, ibid.

28 UCLA Center for the Study of Women ✪ csw update: thinking gender 2012 was hired in 2000 to consult on all of the horizon- challenging the visitor to accept architectural been as relevant to the study of women’s contri- tal surfaces and to design a site-specific curtain norms, like solid walls and decorative curtains. butions to architecture as has material produc- for the interior auditorium, contributing ideas to Walls sway when viewers reach out to touch their tion. Without the expanded definition of archi- solve functional problems like circulation, acous- seemingly tectonic surface while photorealistic tectural production I’ve outlined above, women tics, and lighting, as well as addressing intangibles grass printed flat on the floor looks frighteningly would continue to be marginalized within the like mood and atmosphere. For the single—non- alive—so much so that visitors walk around it. field. For architecture the opportunities are two- structural—vertical element, Blaisse designed a The field of wishes it could claim fold: new definitions allow for the reconsidera- massive S-shaped curtain that wrapped around her as their own, as does the discipline of archi- tion of historic moments and materials—such the interior auditorium like a living, breathing, tecture. Sometimes landscape architecture, some- as the work of the three women I’ve presented, sculptural wall. Asked to resolve acoustics for two times sculpture, theater design, digital art, or an along with the reevaluation of what it means to spaces—the auditorium and the common areas installation, in total her work is in dialogue with be an architect practicing today, both of which outside—her team developed a double-sided many disciplines but refuses to be pinned down. contribute towards a more holistic view of curtain that suppressed noise at multiple levels, With renowned architects like Ben van Berkel and women in architecture. with a texture of plastic “bear hairs” woven on Caroline Bos of UN Studio, Kazuyo Sejima of SA- one side to buffer everyday library traffic and NAA, and Rem Koolhaas of OMA seeking her out Jamie Aron is a Ph.D. student in Department of green and white vertical striped “fins” on the to collaborate, Blaisse has upended the hierarchy Architecture and Urban Design at UCLA. other to address acoustical concerns inside the of architecture over the decorative arts to embark theater. As she explains in Inside/Outside (2007), upon a new, if not woven, terrain. instead of using a traditional, heavy material like While Blaisse’s work demands attention velvet, Blaisse opted for a bright, lightweight and within the architectural community, her work is, technologically complex fabric that her firm spent in part, indebted to the conceptual influence of several years developing through the investigation both Albers and Knoll, whom were both passion- of the surrounding landscape and fauna. While ately dedicated to their work despite patriarchal any texture would do, her formal imitation of barriers that originally excluded them from their nature—through the thick coat of a wild animal— chosen field. At the beginning of the twenty-first speaks to the depth of her theoretical investiga- century, architecture has extended well beyond tions and the sophisticated range of her formal the site of the building, and architectural pro- vocabulary. Blaisse’s surfaces—whether they be a duction is not limited to material artifacts. Con- synthetic bristle wall, a giant knitted felt curtain, ceptual production of architecture—through or a digitally-printed aerial view of the country- theoretical upheaval, influence rather than power, side on wallpaper—critically activate a space by subversive methods, and performative acts—has

29 UCLA Center for the Study of Women ✪ csw update: thinking gender 2012 Panel Summary by AMANDA APGAR

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30 UCLA Center for the Study of Women ✪ csw update: thinking gender 2012 31 UCLA Center for the Study of Women ✪ csw update: thinking gender 2012 32 UCLA Center for the Study of Women ✪ csw update: thinking gender 2012 Panel Summary by Linda Juhasz-Wood

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33 UCLA Center for the Study of Women ✪ csw update: thinking gender 2012 34 UCLA Center for the Study of Women ✪ csw update: thinking gender 2012 35 UCLA Center for the Study of Women ✪ csw update: thinking gender 2012 Panel Summary by LINDSEY MCLEAN

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Jacques Derrida. Photo by Ben Oswest on Flickr

36 UCLA Center for the Study of Women ✪ csw update: thinking gender 2012 37 UCLA Center for the Study of Women ✪ csw update: thinking gender 2012 Cool Moms

38 UCLA Center for the Study of Women ✪ csw update: thinking gender 2012 Thirza Cuthand’s blog

39 UCLA Center for the Study of Women ✪ csw update: thinking gender 2012 40 UCLA Center for the Study of Women ✪ csw update: thinking gender 2012 Panel Summary by Josh Olejarz

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41 UCLA Center for the Study of Women ✪ csw update: thinking gender 2012 42 UCLA Center for the Study of Women ✪ csw update: thinking gender 2012 ucla center for the study of women CSW u p d at e

DIRECTOR Kathleen McHugh Professor, English and Cinema and Media Studies

ASSOCIATE DIRECTOR Rachel Lee Associate Professor, English and Women’s Studies

ASSISTANT DIRECTOR Julie K. Childers, Ph.D.

MANAGING EDITOR Brenda Johnson-Grau

ADMINISTRATIVE SPECIALIST Erma Acebo

ADMINISTRATIVE ASSISTANT Emily Walker

STUDENT ASSISTANTS Chitra Guru, Maryssa Hall, Linda Juhasz-Wood, Angelica Lai, Susan McKibben, Lindsey McLean, Cathy Son, Michael Witte, and Stacy E. Wood

UCLA Center for the Study of Women 1500 Public Affairs Building/Box 957222 Los Angeles, CA 90095-7222 campus mailcode: 722203 310 825 0590 / 310 825 0456 (fax)

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