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Conjunction Fallacy' Revisited: How Intelligent Inferences Look Like Reasoning Errors
Journal of Behavioral Decision Making J. Behav. Dec. Making, 12: 275±305 (1999) The `Conjunction Fallacy' Revisited: How Intelligent Inferences Look Like Reasoning Errors RALPH HERTWIG* and GERD GIGERENZER Max Planck Institute for Human Development, Berlin, Germany ABSTRACT Findings in recent research on the `conjunction fallacy' have been taken as evid- ence that our minds are not designed to work by the rules of probability. This conclusion springs from the idea that norms should be content-blind Ð in the present case, the assumption that sound reasoning requires following the con- junction rule of probability theory. But content-blind norms overlook some of the intelligent ways in which humans deal with uncertainty, for instance, when drawing semantic and pragmatic inferences. In a series of studies, we ®rst show that people infer nonmathematical meanings of the polysemous term `probability' in the classic Linda conjunction problem. We then demonstrate that one can design contexts in which people infer mathematical meanings of the term and are therefore more likely to conform to the conjunction rule. Finally, we report evidence that the term `frequency' narrows the spectrum of possible interpreta- tions of `probability' down to its mathematical meanings, and that this fact Ð rather than the presence or absence of `extensional cues' Ð accounts for the low proportion of violations of the conjunction rule when people are asked for frequency judgments. We conclude that a failure to recognize the human capacity for semantic and pragmatic inference can lead rational responses to be misclassi®ed as fallacies. Copyright # 1999 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. KEY WORDS conjunction fallacy; probabalistic thinking; frequentistic thinking; probability People's apparent failures to reason probabilistically in experimental contexts have raised serious concerns about our ability to reason rationally in real-world environments. -
The Status Quo Bias and Decisions to Withdraw Life-Sustaining Treatment
HUMANITIES | MEDICINE AND SOCIETY The status quo bias and decisions to withdraw life-sustaining treatment n Cite as: CMAJ 2018 March 5;190:E265-7. doi: 10.1503/cmaj.171005 t’s not uncommon for physicians and impasse. One factor that hasn’t been host of psychological phenomena that surrogate decision-makers to disagree studied yet is the role that cognitive cause people to make irrational deci- about life-sustaining treatment for biases might play in surrogate decision- sions, referred to as “cognitive biases.” Iincapacitated patients. Several studies making regarding withdrawal of life- One cognitive bias that is particularly show physicians perceive that nonbenefi- sustaining treatment. Understanding the worth exploring in the context of surrogate cial treatment is provided quite frequently role that these biases might play may decisions regarding life-sustaining treat- in their intensive care units. Palda and col- help improve communication between ment is the status quo bias. This bias, a leagues,1 for example, found that 87% of clinicians and surrogates when these con- decision-maker’s preference for the cur- physicians believed that futile treatment flicts arise. rent state of affairs,3 has been shown to had been provided in their ICU within the influence decision-making in a wide array previous year. (The authors in this study Status quo bias of contexts. For example, it has been cited equated “futile” with “nonbeneficial,” The classic model of human decision- as a mechanism to explain patient inertia defined as a treatment “that offers no rea- making is the rational choice or “rational (why patients have difficulty changing sonable hope of recovery or improvement, actor” model, the view that human beings their behaviour to improve their health), or because the patient is permanently will choose the option that has the best low organ-donation rates, low retirement- unable to experience any benefit.”) chance of satisfying their preferences. -
A Task-Based Taxonomy of Cognitive Biases for Information Visualization
A Task-based Taxonomy of Cognitive Biases for Information Visualization Evanthia Dimara, Steven Franconeri, Catherine Plaisant, Anastasia Bezerianos, and Pierre Dragicevic Three kinds of limitations The Computer The Display 2 Three kinds of limitations The Computer The Display The Human 3 Three kinds of limitations: humans • Human vision ️ has limitations • Human reasoning 易 has limitations The Human 4 ️Perceptual bias Magnitude estimation 5 ️Perceptual bias Magnitude estimation Color perception 6 易 Cognitive bias Behaviors when humans consistently behave irrationally Pohl’s criteria distilled: • Are predictable and consistent • People are unaware they’re doing them • Are not misunderstandings 7 Ambiguity effect, Anchoring or focalism, Anthropocentric thinking, Anthropomorphism or personification, Attentional bias, Attribute substitution, Automation bias, Availability heuristic, Availability cascade, Backfire effect, Bandwagon effect, Base rate fallacy or Base rate neglect, Belief bias, Ben Franklin effect, Berkson's paradox, Bias blind spot, Choice-supportive bias, Clustering illusion, Compassion fade, Confirmation bias, Congruence bias, Conjunction fallacy, Conservatism (belief revision), Continued influence effect, Contrast effect, Courtesy bias, Curse of knowledge, Declinism, Decoy effect, Default effect, Denomination effect, Disposition effect, Distinction bias, Dread aversion, Dunning–Kruger effect, Duration neglect, Empathy gap, End-of-history illusion, Endowment effect, Exaggerated expectation, Experimenter's or expectation bias, -
Avoiding the Conjunction Fallacy: Who Can Take a Hint?
Avoiding the conjunction fallacy: Who can take a hint? Simon Klein Spring 2017 Master’s thesis, 30 ECTS Master’s programme in Cognitive Science, 120 ECTS Supervisor: Linnea Karlsson Wirebring Acknowledgments: The author would like to thank the participants for enduring the test session with challenging questions and thereby making the study possible, his supervisor Linnea Karlsson Wirebring for invaluable guidance and good questions during the thesis work, and his fiancée Amanda Arnö for much needed mental support during the entire process. 2 AVOIDING THE CONJUNCTION FALLACY: WHO CAN TAKE A HINT? Simon Klein Humans repeatedly commit the so called “conjunction fallacy”, erroneously judging the probability of two events occurring together as higher than the probability of one of the events. Certain hints have been shown to mitigate this tendency. The present thesis investigated the relations between three psychological factors and performance on conjunction tasks after reading such a hint. The factors represent the understanding of probability and statistics (statistical numeracy), the ability to resist intuitive but incorrect conclusions (cognitive reflection), and the willingness to engage in, and enjoyment of, analytical thinking (need-for-cognition). Participants (n = 50) answered 30 short conjunction tasks and three psychological scales. A bimodal response distribution motivated dichotomization of performance scores. Need-for-cognition was significantly, positively correlated with performance, while numeracy and cognitive reflection were not. The results suggest that the willingness to engage in, and enjoyment of, analytical thinking plays an important role for the capacity to avoid the conjunction fallacy after taking a hint. The hint further seems to neutralize differences in performance otherwise predicted by statistical numeracy and cognitive reflection. -
The Availability Heuristic
CHAPTER 11 THE AVAILABILITY HEURISTIC According to Amos Tversky and Daniel Kahneman (1974, p. 1127), the availability heuristic is a rule of thumb in which decision makers "assess the frequency of a class or the probability of an event by the ease with which instances or occurrences can be brought to mind." Usually this heuristic works quite well; all things being equal, common events are easier to remember or imagine than are uncommon events. By rely ing on availability to estimate frequency and probability, decision mak ers are able to simplify what might otherwise be very difficult judg ments. As with any heuristic, however, there are cases in which the general rule of thumb breaks down and leads to systematic biases. Some events are more available than others not because they tend to occur frequently or with high probability, but because they are inherently easier to think about, because they have taken place recently, because they are highly emotional, and so forth. This chapter examines three general questions: (1) What are instances in which the availability heuristic leads to biased judgments? (2) Do decision makers perceive an event as more likely after they have imagined it happening? (3) How is vivid information dif ferent from other information? AVAILABILITY GOES AWRY Which is a more likely cause of death in the United States-being killed by falling airplane parts or by a shark? Most people rate shark attacks as more probable than death from falling airplane parts (see Item #7 of the Reader Survey for your answer). Shark attacks certainly receive more publicity than do deaths from falling airplane parts, and they are far easier to imagine (thanks in part to movies such as Jaws). -
Graphical Techniques in Debiasing: an Exploratory Study
GRAPHICAL TECHNIQUES IN DEBIASING: AN EXPLORATORY STUDY by S. Bhasker Information Systems Department Leonard N. Stern School of Business New York University New York, New York 10006 and A. Kumaraswamy Management Department Leonard N. Stern School of Business New York University New York, NY 10006 October, 1990 Center for Research on Information Systems Information Systems Department Leonard N. Stern School of Business New York University Working Paper Series STERN IS-90-19 Forthcoming in the Proceedings of the 1991 Hawaii International Conference on System Sciences Center for Digital Economy Research Stem School of Business IVorking Paper IS-90-19 Center for Digital Economy Research Stem School of Business IVorking Paper IS-90-19 2 Abstract Base rate and conjunction fallacies are consistent biases that influence decision making involving probability judgments. We develop simple graphical techniques and test their eflcacy in correcting for these biases. Preliminary results suggest that graphical techniques help to overcome these biases and improve decision making. We examine the implications of incorporating these simple techniques in Executive Information Systems. Introduction Today, senior executives operate in highly uncertain environments. They have to collect, process and analyze a deluge of information - most of it ambiguous. But, their limited information acquiring and processing capabilities constrain them in this task [25]. Increasingly, executives rely on executive information/support systems for various purposes like strategic scanning of their business environments, internal monitoring of their businesses, analysis of data available from various internal and external sources, and communications [5,19,32]. However, executive information systems are, at best, support tools. Executives still rely on their mental or cognitive models of their businesses and environments and develop heuristics to simplify decision problems [10,16,25]. -
Nudge Theory
Nudge Theory http://www.businessballs.com/nudge-theory.htm Nudge theory is a flexible and modern concept for: • understanding of how people think, make decisions, and behave, • helping people improve their thinking and decisions, • managing change of all sorts, and • identifying and modifying existing unhelpful influences on people. Nudge theory was named and popularized by the 2008 book, 'Nudge: Improving Decisions About Health, Wealth, and Happiness', written by American academics Richard H Thaler and Cass R Sunstein. The book is based strongly on the Nobel prize- winning work of the Israeli-American psychologists Daniel Kahneman and Amos Tversky. This article: • reviews and explains Thaler and Sunstein's 'Nudge' concept, especially 'heuristics' (tendencies for humans to think and decide instinctively and often mistakenly) • relates 'Nudge' methods to other theories and models, and to Kahneman and Tversky's work • defines and describes additional methods of 'nudging' people and groups • extends the appreciation and application of 'Nudge' methodology to broader change- management, motivation, leadership, coaching, counselling, parenting, etc • offers 'Nudge' methods and related concepts as a 'Nudge' theory 'toolkit' so that the concept can be taught and applied in a wide range of situations involving relationships with people, and enabling people to improve their thinking and decision- making • and offers a glossary of Nudge theory and related terms 'Nudge' theory was proposed originally in US 'behavioral economics', but it can be adapted and applied much more widely for enabling and encouraging change in people, groups, or yourself. Nudge theory can also be used to explore, understand, and explain existing influences on how people behave, especially influences which are unhelpful, with a view to removing or altering them. -
Working Memory, Cognitive Miserliness and Logic As Predictors of Performance on the Cognitive Reflection Test
Working Memory, Cognitive Miserliness and Logic as Predictors of Performance on the Cognitive Reflection Test Edward J. N. Stupple ([email protected]) Centre for Psychological Research, University of Derby Kedleston Road, Derby. DE22 1GB Maggie Gale ([email protected]) Centre for Psychological Research, University of Derby Kedleston Road, Derby. DE22 1GB Christopher R. Richmond ([email protected]) Centre for Psychological Research, University of Derby Kedleston Road, Derby. DE22 1GB Abstract Most participants respond that the answer is 10 cents; however, a slower and more analytic approach to the The Cognitive Reflection Test (CRT) was devised to measure problem reveals the correct answer to be 5 cents. the inhibition of heuristic responses to favour analytic ones. The CRT has been a spectacular success, attracting more Toplak, West and Stanovich (2011) demonstrated that the than 100 citations in 2012 alone (Scopus). This may be in CRT was a powerful predictor of heuristics and biases task part due to the ease of administration; with only three items performance - proposing it as a metric of the cognitive miserliness central to dual process theories of thinking. This and no requirement for expensive equipment, the practical thesis was examined using reasoning response-times, advantages are considerable. There have, moreover, been normative responses from two reasoning tasks and working numerous correlates of the CRT demonstrated, from a wide memory capacity (WMC) to predict individual differences in range of tasks in the heuristics and biases literature (Toplak performance on the CRT. These data offered limited support et al., 2011) to risk aversion and SAT scores (Frederick, for the view of miserliness as the primary factor in the CRT. -
Observational Studies and Bias in Epidemiology
The Young Epidemiology Scholars Program (YES) is supported by The Robert Wood Johnson Foundation and administered by the College Board. Observational Studies and Bias in Epidemiology Manuel Bayona Department of Epidemiology School of Public Health University of North Texas Fort Worth, Texas and Chris Olsen Mathematics Department George Washington High School Cedar Rapids, Iowa Observational Studies and Bias in Epidemiology Contents Lesson Plan . 3 The Logic of Inference in Science . 8 The Logic of Observational Studies and the Problem of Bias . 15 Characteristics of the Relative Risk When Random Sampling . and Not . 19 Types of Bias . 20 Selection Bias . 21 Information Bias . 23 Conclusion . 24 Take-Home, Open-Book Quiz (Student Version) . 25 Take-Home, Open-Book Quiz (Teacher’s Answer Key) . 27 In-Class Exercise (Student Version) . 30 In-Class Exercise (Teacher’s Answer Key) . 32 Bias in Epidemiologic Research (Examination) (Student Version) . 33 Bias in Epidemiologic Research (Examination with Answers) (Teacher’s Answer Key) . 35 Copyright © 2004 by College Entrance Examination Board. All rights reserved. College Board, SAT and the acorn logo are registered trademarks of the College Entrance Examination Board. Other products and services may be trademarks of their respective owners. Visit College Board on the Web: www.collegeboard.com. Copyright © 2004. All rights reserved. 2 Observational Studies and Bias in Epidemiology Lesson Plan TITLE: Observational Studies and Bias in Epidemiology SUBJECT AREA: Biology, mathematics, statistics, environmental and health sciences GOAL: To identify and appreciate the effects of bias in epidemiologic research OBJECTIVES: 1. Introduce students to the principles and methods for interpreting the results of epidemio- logic research and bias 2. -
Statistical Tips for Interpreting Scientific Claims
Research Skills Seminar Series 2019 CAHS Research Education Program Statistical Tips for Interpreting Scientific Claims Mark Jones Statistician, Telethon Kids Institute 18 October 2019 Research Skills Seminar Series | CAHS Research Education Program Department of Child Health Research | Child and Adolescent Health Service ResearchEducationProgram.org © CAHS Research Education Program, Department of Child Health Research, Child and Adolescent Health Service, WA 2019 Copyright to this material produced by the CAHS Research Education Program, Department of Child Health Research, Child and Adolescent Health Service, Western Australia, under the provisions of the Copyright Act 1968 (C’wth Australia). Apart from any fair dealing for personal, academic, research or non-commercial use, no part may be reproduced without written permission. The Department of Child Health Research is under no obligation to grant this permission. Please acknowledge the CAHS Research Education Program, Department of Child Health Research, Child and Adolescent Health Service when reproducing or quoting material from this source. Statistical Tips for Interpreting Scientific Claims CONTENTS: 1 PRESENTATION ............................................................................................................................... 1 2 ARTICLE: TWENTY TIPS FOR INTERPRETING SCIENTIFIC CLAIMS, SUTHERLAND, SPIEGELHALTER & BURGMAN, 2013 .................................................................................................................................. 15 3 -
Correcting Sampling Bias in Non-Market Valuation with Kernel Mean Matching
CORRECTING SAMPLING BIAS IN NON-MARKET VALUATION WITH KERNEL MEAN MATCHING Rui Zhang Department of Agricultural and Applied Economics University of Georgia [email protected] Selected Paper prepared for presentation at the 2017 Agricultural & Applied Economics Association Annual Meeting, Chicago, Illinois, July 30 - August 1 Copyright 2017 by Rui Zhang. All rights reserved. Readers may make verbatim copies of this document for non-commercial purposes by any means, provided that this copyright notice appears on all such copies. Abstract Non-response is common in surveys used in non-market valuation studies and can bias the parameter estimates and mean willingness to pay (WTP) estimates. One approach to correct this bias is to reweight the sample so that the distribution of the characteristic variables of the sample can match that of the population. We use a machine learning algorism Kernel Mean Matching (KMM) to produce resampling weights in a non-parametric manner. We test KMM’s performance through Monte Carlo simulations under multiple scenarios and show that KMM can effectively correct mean WTP estimates, especially when the sample size is small and sampling process depends on covariates. We also confirm KMM’s robustness to skewed bid design and model misspecification. Key Words: contingent valuation, Kernel Mean Matching, non-response, bias correction, willingness to pay 2 1. Introduction Nonrandom sampling can bias the contingent valuation estimates in two ways. Firstly, when the sample selection process depends on the covariate, the WTP estimates are biased due to the divergence between the covariate distributions of the sample and the population, even the parameter estimates are consistent; this is usually called non-response bias. -
The Clinical and Ethical Implications of Cognitive Biases
THE CLINICAL AND ETHICAL IMPLICATIONS OF COGNITIVE BIASES Brendan Leier, PhD Clinical Ethicist, University of Alberta Hospital/Stollery Children’s Hospital & Mazankowski Heart Institute & Clinical Assistant Professor Faculty of Medicine and Dentistry & John Dossetor Health Ethics Centre Some games 2 Wason selection task • choose two cards to turn over in order to test the following E4 hypothesis: • If the card has a vowel on one side, it must have an even number on the other side 7K 3 • Most subjects make the error of choosing E & 4 E4 • Traditionally subjects fail to select the cards E & 7 that can both correctly confirm and falsify the hypothesis 7K 4 The Monty Hall Problem Monty asks you to choose between three boxes. One box contains a valuable prize, the other two boxes do not. 5 The Monty Hall Problem Box A Box B Box C 6 The Monty Hall Problem After you choose Box A, Monty reveals Box C as empty, and then asks you if you would like to switch your choice. Of the remaining two Box A and Box B, do you switch your choice? 7 Do you switch from A to B? Box A Box B 8 Should you switch from A to B? Box A Box B 9 Yes, you should you switch from A to B Box A Box B 33% 50% 10 last one A bat and a ball cost $1.10 in total. The bat costs 1 dollar more than the ball. How much does the ball cost? 11 Reasoning and Rationality • Sub-field of epistemology • Looks for normative guidance in acquiring/establishing claims to knowledge or systems of inquiry.