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Lin Foxhall Source: World Archaeology, Vol The Running Sands of Time: Archaeology and the Short-Term Author(s): Lin Foxhall Source: World Archaeology, Vol. 31, No. 3, Human Lifecycles (Feb., 2000), pp. 484-498 Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/125114 Accessed: 18/02/2009 15:58 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=taylorfrancis. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with the scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Taylor & Francis, Ltd. is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to World Archaeology. http://www.jstor.org The running sands of time: archaeology and the short-ter Lin Foxhall Abstract Social archaeology encounters a fundamental theoretical dilemma. The dynamic flow of social life is speedy. As the study of the past has increasingly shifted away from the elites, towards unravel- ling the ordinary patterns of everyday living, we are increasingly forced to confront the short-term time scales of lived reality. The aim of this paper is to address the gap between the short-term time scales of lived life and the traditional interpretation of 'the archaeological record'. Time scales for the generation of archaeo- logical data for three historical Greek contexts will be examined: sanctuary sites, permanent struc- tures in rural landscapes and houses. The short-term patterns which led to the formation of these archaeological settings will be contrasted with the long-term patterns which archaeologists have frequently perceived. In conclusion I will outline interpretative strategies by which we might access the past in terms of the temporal processes through which archaeological contexts have originated. Keywords Greek archaeology; social theory; time. Introduction Archaeology and history have only recently discovered that time is something other than intellectual wallpaper. Time is so much part of the package of our fundamental assump- tions that it has been easy to take it for granted, without unwrapping that package and looking at the individual bits and pieces inside. Traditionally, time has been considered largely in terms of 'chronology' and 'periodization'. In recent years some archaeologists have built on the foundations laid by the Annales historians and have focused on the 'longue duree', approaching the material record in terms of 'culture history' archaeology (Bintliff 1991; Knapp 1992; Hodder 1987a, 1987b). Perspectives which have stressed symbols, power and monumentality (Clarke et al. 1985; Thomas 1992) also highlight the long-term lives of archaeological remains. Postprocessual and related postmodern approaches which highlight contextuality (Thomas 1996; Hodder World Archaeology Vol. 31(3): 484-498 Human Lifecycles ? 2000 Taylor & Francis Ltd 0043-8243 The running sands of time: archaeology and the short-term 485 1999) further develop the notion that the archaeological past is not fixed, and that mean- ings are therefore not fixed in time. Still, the focus has remained on the great length of time between 'us' and 'them', including all the things that have happened in between. While these approaches have led to major new insights over the last two decades, they also exacerbate a fundamental theoretical dilemma. The dynamic flow of social life is speedy and its time scales are short-term. As the study of the past has increasingly shifted away from the spectacular, the great and the good, towards unravelling the ordinary patterns of everyday living, 'life paths' (Thomas 1996: 82) and lifecycles, as archaeologists we are increasingly forced to confront these short-term time scales of lived reality. Yet as a discipline we have not yet devised adequate hermeneutic tools for this task. The lifecycles of artefacts, structures and spaces are entwined with the lifecycles of humans. 'Lifecycle' is potentially a misleading expression, since it could be understood to imply that social life is governed by repeated but static underlying patterns, but it is hard to think of a better term. Lifecycles and life stages of things and the people associated with them are not fixed or evolutionary, though they may be recognizably (if not entirely regularly) patterned. They are certainly fundamentally dynamic. Even when there are recognizable similarities, lifecycle/stage thresholds may vary in their impact. Reaching sexual maturity or growing old is not the same for a slave as for a member of the elite, or for a marriageable man as for a woman destined for celibacy. Tracking the material culture of life stages is therefore complex, in part because objects themselves may be more perma- nent than any of the rapidly changing meanings attributed to them. A toy trolley may linger long after children have stopped playing with it, then be put to use in the garden. A cot for one's own baby will later be used for visiting babies and then for visiting grand- children. The aim of this paper is to address this gap between the short-term time scales of lived life and the traditional interpretation of 'the archaeological record'. I shall examine the range of time scales for the generation of archaeological data through three contexts where short-term time scales can be shown to have had considerable impact on the formation of material record: sanctuary sites, permanent structures in rural landscapes and houses. Here I particularly want to highlight the short-term patterns which led to the formation of these archaeological contexts, in contrast with the long-term patterns which archaeologists have frequently assumed they were seeing. In conclusion I will outline interpretative strategies through which we might access the past in terms of the temporal processes through which archaeological contexts have originated. The examples I have used are drawn from ancient Greece, but similar theoretical disjunctures can be found in other branches of archaeology as well. What offsets some of these problems for Greece is the existence of a huge body of literary and documentary sources which provides another, very different, source of poten- tial understandings (and misunderstandings) of the temporal contexts of the past. Time scales on the ground: the interplay of the long-term and the short-term on sanctuary sites Whether consciously or not, archaeologists conceptualize their finds, at least for the purpose of presenting an archaeological narrative, as 'events'. Such 'events' might include 486 Lin Foxhall destruction levels, building phases, changes in style or custom. Historical and archaeo- logical 'events' are not the same. The former, though they vary widely in scale, ranging from a war to the birth or death of an individual, consist of waypoints highlighted and mapped onto the flow of human activity. An 'archaeological event', which we can perceive and document, is differently constructed. Frequently, it is an aggregate of small-scale, short-term acts performed in the course of everyday living. Often - and this is where there is considerable scope for ambiguity - we look at that aggregate and interpret it as a unified long-term process. In the end, that may well be correct at one level. But it seems to me dangerous to make that interpretative leap without examining the short-term contexts in which data were generated. There are, certainly, long-term time scales, which, in part, drive the accumulation of the material cultural record. Though small, this part is highly visible, indeed monumental, inspired as it is by culturally-specific notions of posterity. Though not the main focus of this paper, it is worth noting that elements of the monumental can be combined with the artefacts of acts on other time scales. So, for example, the fifth-century BCsculpted pedi- ment of the Temple of Zeus at Olympia, by Pheidias, is unquestionably monumental. It is, however, set in the context of artefacts which are not: the heaps of small votives deposited and re-deposited all over the sacred precinct (including inside the temple itself) and the animal bones representing the remains of innumerable sacrifices. Many votives dedicated in Greek sanctuaries consisted of ephemeral items, by their very nature lacking in monumentality. For example, it was common practice (especially for women) to dedi- cate items of clothing in the shrines of certain deities, in particular, Artemis, Hera and some cults of Athena (Linders 1972; Foxhall and Stears 2000) (Fig. 1). All of these things represent the aggregate of innumerable individual acts of worship. Most of them were prompted by short-term motivations. Though we may be able to unravel some of these motivations on the basis of the archaeological evidence, we should not assume that in such contexts typological parity equals identical inspiration or behaviour. For example, the lead figurines of hoplite soldiers at the Spartan sanctuary of Artemis Orthia (Fig. 2a) are normally associated with men's cult activity, connected with Sparta's well-known mili- tarism (e.g. Osborne 1996: 183-5). However, given the number of 'feminine' offerings at the sanctuary, including lead models of cloth and clothing (Fig.
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