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Northern Ireland's Snap Assembly Elections: Outcome and Implications
CRS INSIGHT Northern Ireland's Snap Assembly Elections: Outcome and Implications March 7, 2017 (IN10663) | Related Author Kristin Archick | Kristin Archick, Specialist in European Affairs ([email protected], 7-2668) On March 2, 2017, voters in Northern Ireland—which is one of four component "nations" of the United Kingdom (UK) —went to the polls in snap elections for Northern Ireland's Assembly, its regional legislature. The Assembly is a key institution in Northern Ireland's devolved government, in which specified powers have been transferred from London to Belfast, as set out in the 1998 peace agreement aimed at ending Northern Ireland's 30-year sectarian conflict (in which almost 3,500 people died). The peace accord mandated that power in the devolved government would be shared between Northern Ireland's two dominant communities: unionists, or Protestants who largely define themselves as British and support remaining part of the UK, and nationalists, or Catholics who consider themselves Irish and may desire a united Ireland. (For more information, see CRS Report RS21333, Northern Ireland: The Peace Process.) Since 2007, Assembly elections have produced successive power-sharing governments led by the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and the nationalist all-Ireland political party Sinn Fein. Assembly elections determine the composition of Northern Ireland's Executive, comprised of ministers in charge of policy departments. Following the May 2016 Assembly elections, DUP leader Arlene Foster and Sinn Fein's northern leader Martin McGuiness returned to head the Executive as First Minister and Deputy First Minister, respectively. Despite a much-improved security situation in Northern Ireland and progress in implementing important aspects of the peace accord, significant divisions and distrust persist between the unionist and nationalist communities and their respective political parties. -
1. Debbie Abrahams, Labour Party, United Kingdom 2
1. Debbie Abrahams, Labour Party, United Kingdom 2. Malik Ben Achour, PS, Belgium 3. Tina Acketoft, Liberal Party, Sweden 4. Senator Fatima Ahallouch, PS, Belgium 5. Lord Nazir Ahmed, Non-affiliated, United Kingdom 6. Senator Alberto Airola, M5S, Italy 7. Hussein al-Taee, Social Democratic Party, Finland 8. Éric Alauzet, La République en Marche, France 9. Patricia Blanquer Alcaraz, Socialist Party, Spain 10. Lord John Alderdice, Liberal Democrats, United Kingdom 11. Felipe Jesús Sicilia Alférez, Socialist Party, Spain 12. Senator Alessandro Alfieri, PD, Italy 13. François Alfonsi, Greens/EFA, European Parliament (France) 14. Amira Mohamed Ali, Chairperson of the Parliamentary Group, Die Linke, Germany 15. Rushanara Ali, Labour Party, United Kingdom 16. Tahir Ali, Labour Party, United Kingdom 17. Mahir Alkaya, Spokesperson for Foreign Trade and Development Cooperation, Socialist Party, the Netherlands 18. Senator Josefina Bueno Alonso, Socialist Party, Spain 19. Lord David Alton of Liverpool, Crossbench, United Kingdom 20. Patxi López Álvarez, Socialist Party, Spain 21. Nacho Sánchez Amor, S&D, European Parliament (Spain) 22. Luise Amtsberg, Green Party, Germany 23. Senator Bert Anciaux, sp.a, Belgium 24. Rt Hon Michael Ancram, the Marquess of Lothian, Former Chairman of the Conservative Party, Conservative Party, United Kingdom 25. Karin Andersen, Socialist Left Party, Norway 26. Kirsten Normann Andersen, Socialist People’s Party (SF), Denmark 27. Theresa Berg Andersen, Socialist People’s Party (SF), Denmark 28. Rasmus Andresen, Greens/EFA, European Parliament (Germany) 29. Lord David Anderson of Ipswich QC, Crossbench, United Kingdom 30. Barry Andrews, Renew Europe, European Parliament (Ireland) 31. Chris Andrews, Sinn Féin, Ireland 32. Eric Andrieu, S&D, European Parliament (France) 33. -
LE19 - a Turning of the Tide? Report of Local Elections in Northern Ireland, 2019
#LE19 - a turning of the tide? Report of local elections in Northern Ireland, 2019 Whitten, L. (2019). #LE19 - a turning of the tide? Report of local elections in Northern Ireland, 2019. Irish Political Studies, 35(1), 61-79. https://doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2019.1651294 Published in: Irish Political Studies Document Version: Peer reviewed version Queen's University Belfast - Research Portal: Link to publication record in Queen's University Belfast Research Portal Publisher rights Copyright 2019 Political Studies Association of Ireland.. This work is made available online in accordance with the publisher’s policies. Please refer to any applicable terms of use of the publisher. General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Queen's University Belfast Research Portal is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The Research Portal is Queen's institutional repository that provides access to Queen's research output. Every effort has been made to ensure that content in the Research Portal does not infringe any person's rights, or applicable UK laws. If you discover content in the Research Portal that you believe breaches copyright or violates any law, please contact [email protected]. Download date:29. Sep. 2021 #LE19 – a turning of the tide? Report of Local Elections in Northern Ireland, 2019 Lisa Claire Whitten1 Queen’s University Belfast Abstract Otherwise routine local elections in Northern Ireland on 2 May 2019 were bestowed unusual significance by exceptional circumstance. -
Zarah Bellefroid Corpus Qualitative Analysis
THE IMPACT OF BREXIT ON NORTHERN IRELAND A FRAMING ANALYSIS OF SPEECHES AND STATEMENTS BY NORTHERN IRISH POLITICIANS Aantal woorden: 17 544 Zarah Bellefroid Studentennummer: 01302366 Promotor(en): Dhr. David Chan Masterproef voorgelegd voor het behalen van de graad master in de Meertalige Communicatie: Nederlands, Engels, Frans Academiejaar: 2017 – 2018 THE IMPACT OF BREXIT ON NORTHERN IRELAND A FRAMING ANALYSIS OF SPEECHES AND STATEMENTS BY NORTHERN IRISH POLITICIANS Aantal woorden: 17 544 Zarah Bellefroid Studentennummer: 01302366 Promotor(en): Dhr. David Chan Masterproef voorgelegd voor het behalen van de graad master in de Meertalige Communicatie: Nederlands, Engels, Frans Academiejaar: 2017 – 2018 1 Verklaring i.v.m. auteursrecht De auteur en de promotor(en) geven de toelating deze studie als geheel voor consultatie beschikbaar te stellen voor persoonlijk gebruik. Elk ander gebruik valt onder de beperkingen van het auteursrecht, in het bijzonder met betrekking tot de verplichting de bron uitdrukkelijk te vermelden bij het aanhalen van gegevens uit deze studie. 2 Acknowledgements This master’s thesis marks the culmination of my academic journey at the University of Ghent, Department of Translation, Interpreting and Communication. I would like to express my deepest appreciation to the people who have helped me create this dissertation. Firstly, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my promotor Mr. Chan. His excellent guidance and encouragement throughout this writing process were of inestimable value. I am thankful for his useful feedback which gave me new insights and enabled me to look at my thesis from a different perspective. Moreover, Mr. Chan taught me the importance of being critical of your own work. -
Challenger Party List
Appendix List of Challenger Parties Operationalization of Challenger Parties A party is considered a challenger party if in any given year it has not been a member of a central government after 1930. A party is considered a dominant party if in any given year it has been part of a central government after 1930. Only parties with ministers in cabinet are considered to be members of a central government. A party ceases to be a challenger party once it enters central government (in the election immediately preceding entry into office, it is classified as a challenger party). Participation in a national war/crisis cabinets and national unity governments (e.g., Communists in France’s provisional government) does not in itself qualify a party as a dominant party. A dominant party will continue to be considered a dominant party after merging with a challenger party, but a party will be considered a challenger party if it splits from a dominant party. Using this definition, the following parties were challenger parties in Western Europe in the period under investigation (1950–2017). The parties that became dominant parties during the period are indicated with an asterisk. Last election in dataset Country Party Party name (as abbreviation challenger party) Austria ALÖ Alternative List Austria 1983 DU The Independents—Lugner’s List 1999 FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria 1983 * Fritz The Citizens’ Forum Austria 2008 Grüne The Greens—The Green Alternative 2017 LiF Liberal Forum 2008 Martin Hans-Peter Martin’s List 2006 Nein No—Citizens’ Initiative against -
Soule, Daniel PJ (2006) the Construction
Soule, Daniel P.J. (2006) The construction and negotiation of meaning in Scottish political discourse : a case study of the 2003 Scottish Parliament elections. PhD thesis. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/3088/ Copyright and moral rights for this thesis are retained by the author A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the Author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the Author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Glasgow Theses Service http://theses.gla.ac.uk/ [email protected] THE CONSTRUCTION AND NEGOTIATION OF MEANING IN SCOTTISH POLITICAL DISCOURSE: A CASE STUDY OF THE 2003 SCOTTISH PARLIAMENT ELECTIONS By DANIEL P. J. SOULE A Thesis Submitted in Fulfilment of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of English Language University of Glasgow August 2006 © Daniel P. J. Soule,2006 SUMMARY This study is concernedwith the nature of political discourse in the 2003 devolved Scottish elections. The investigation explores the potential effects of the new constitutional arrangementsand electoral system on the campaign discourse of Scottish political parties. The four weeks of election campaigning are studied, from the 1stApril to the 1StMay 2003. Analysis focuses on many of the main texts produced during the election campaign, including manifestos, party election broadcastsand newspaperarticles. Conducted in the Critical Discourse Analysis tradition, this investigation combines insights from Fairclough's social focus and three dimensional analysis of discourse and van Dijk and Chilton's cognitive approaches.This synthesis of approachesis an attempt to produce an analysis that can explicate both social and cognitive aspectsof ideological discourseproduction. -
The Struggle for a Left Praxis in Northern Ireland
SIT Graduate Institute/SIT Study Abroad SIT Digital Collections Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection SIT Study Abroad Spring 2011 Sandino Socialists, Flagwaving Comrades, Red Rabblerousers: The trS uggle for a Left rP axis in Northern Ireland Benny Witkovsky SIT Study Abroad Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/isp_collection Part of the Civic and Community Engagement Commons, Inequality and Stratification Commons, Peace and Conflict Studies Commons, Political Science Commons, and the Politics and Social Change Commons Recommended Citation Witkovsky, Benny, "Sandino Socialists, Flagwaving Comrades, Red Rabblerousers: The trS uggle for a Left rP axis in Northern Ireland" (2011). Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection. 1095. https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/isp_collection/1095 This Unpublished Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the SIT Study Abroad at SIT Digital Collections. It has been accepted for inclusion in Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection by an authorized administrator of SIT Digital Collections. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Witkovsky 1 SANDINO SOCIALISTS, FLAGWAVING COMRADES, RED RABBLEROUSERS: THE STRUGGLE FOR A LEFT PRAXIS IN NORTHERN IRELAND By Benny Witkovsky SIT: Transformation of Social and Political Conflict Academic Director: Aeveen Kerrisk Project Advisor: Bill Rolston, University of Ulster School of Sociology and Applied Social Studies, Transitional Justice Institute Spring 2011 Witkovsky 2 ABSTRACT This paper is the outcome of three weeks of research on Left politics in Northern Ireland. Taking the 2011 Assembly Elections as my focal point, I conducted a number of interviews with candidates and supporters, attended meetings and rallies, and participated in neighborhood canvasses. -
UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations
UCLA UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title The Party Politics of Political Decentralization Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6jw6f00k Author Wainfan, Kathryn Tanya Publication Date 2018 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles The Party Politics of Political Decentralization A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Kathryn Tanya Wainfan 2018 c Copyright by Kathryn Tanya Wainfan 2018 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION The Party Politics of Political Decentralization by Kathryn Tanya Wainfan Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Los Angeles, 2018 Professor Michael F. Thies, Chair In this dissertation, I ask why certain types of parties would agree to support creating or empowering sub-national governments. In particular, I focus on nationalized parties { those that gain support from throughout a country. Political decentralization can negatively impact nationalized parties in at least two ways. First, it reduces the amount of power a party can enjoy should it win control of the national-level government. Second, previous studies show that political decentralization can increase party denationalization, meaning regional parties gain more support, even during national-level elections. I argue that nationalized parties may support decentralization when doing so reduces the ideological conflicts over national-level policy among voters whose support they seek. By altering political institutions, a party may be able to accommodate differing policy prefer- ences in different parts of the country, or limit the damage to the party's electoral fortunes such differences could create. -
Second-Order Success, First-Order Gains and the European Electoral Cycle
Prepared for the 26th ECPR Summer School on Political Parties. The University of Nottingham (UK), School of Politics and International Relations, 12 September - 23 September, 2016. This is a preliminary draft that will be revised. Comments welcome. A Springboard to the Domestic Arena? Second-Order Success, First-Order Gains and the European Electoral Cycle Julia Schulte-Cloos 21 August 2016 [Word Count: 9250] Abstract European Parliament (EP) elections offer a distinct incentive structure to voters as there is no government formation at stake. Triggering protest and non-strategical votes, small and radical parties enjoy structural advantages in the supranational contest. While these patterns are well established in the literature, it remains puz- zling how success in the second-order arena impinges on the parties’ first-order trajectories. We lack a systematic understanding of the implications that the sec- ondary elections themselves have on party competition within the domestic arena. This paper posits that EP elections serve as a springboard for success in the national arena. The institution of the EP elections along with the different voting calculi therein has unanticipated consequences for domestic party competition. Drawing on a novel database encompassing the electoral results of all EU member states in national and EP elections since 1979, the temporal distance between these elections, and their position within the respective electoral cycles, I show that particularly populist radical right parties benefit from a spillover of European success to the na- tional arena. This effect is especially pronounced if the temporal distance between the national and the European election is close. The results suggest that the insti- tution of EP elections not only provides these parties with a permeable forum for politicising Europe and their antagonism towards further integration, but that the European campaign also bestows salience upon their nationalistic policy demands. -
Critical Engagement: Irish Republicanism, Memory Politics
Critical Engagement Critical Engagement Irish republicanism, memory politics and policing Kevin Hearty LIVERPOOL UNIVERSITY PRESS First published 2017 by Liverpool University Press 4 Cambridge Street Liverpool L69 7ZU Copyright © 2017 Kevin Hearty The right of Kevin Hearty to be identified as the author of this book has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication data A British Library CIP record is available print ISBN 978-1-78694-047-6 epdf ISBN 978-1-78694-828-1 Typeset by Carnegie Book Production, Lancaster Contents Acknowledgements vii List of Figures and Tables x List of Abbreviations xi Introduction 1 1 Understanding a Fraught Historical Relationship 25 2 Irish Republican Memory as Counter-Memory 55 3 Ideology and Policing 87 4 The Patriot Dead 121 5 Transition, ‘Never Again’ and ‘Moving On’ 149 6 The PSNI and ‘Community Policing’ 183 7 The PSNI and ‘Political Policing’ 217 Conclusion 249 References 263 Index 303 Acknowledgements Acknowledgements This book has evolved from my PhD thesis that was undertaken at the Transitional Justice Institute, University of Ulster (TJI). When I moved to the University of Warwick in early 2015 as a post-doc, my plans to develop the book came with me too. It represents the culmination of approximately five years of research, reading and (re)writing, during which I often found the mere thought of re-reading some of my work again nauseating; yet, with the encour- agement of many others, I persevered. -
The Devlinite Irish News, Northern Ireland's "Trapped" Nationalist Minority, and the Irish Boundary Question, 1921-1925
WITHOUT A "DOG'S CHANCE:" THE DEVLINITE IRISH NEWS, NORTHERN IRELAND'S "TRAPPED" NATIONALIST MINORITY, AND THE IRISH BOUNDARY QUESTION, 1921-1925 by James A. Cousins Master ofArts, Acadia University 2000 Bachelor ofArts, Acadia University 1997 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY In the Department ofHistory © James A. Cousins 2008 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY Summer 2008 All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission ofthe author. APPROVAL Name: James A. Cousins Degree: Doctor of Philosophy Title ofProject: Without a "Dog's Chance:" The Devlinite Irish News, Northern Ireland's "Trapped" Nationalist Minority, and the Irish Boundary Question, 1921-1925 Examining Committee: Chair Dr. Alexander Dawson, Associate Professor Department ofHistory Dr. John Stubbs, Professor Senior Supervisor Department ofHistory Dr. Wil1een Keough, Assistant Professor Supervisor Department ofHistory Dr. Leith Davis, Professor Supervisor Department ofEnglish Dr. John Craig, Professor Internal Examiner Department ofHistory Dr. Peter Hart, Professor External Examiner Department ofHistory, Memorial University of Newfoundland Date Approved: 11 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Declaration of Partial Copyright Licence The author, whose copyright is declared on the title page of this work, has granted to Simon Fraser University the right to lend this thesis, project or extended essay to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. -
Register of Political Parties 17 February 2021
Na hAchtanna Toghcháin, 1992 go 2012 Electoral Acts, 1992 to 2012 (Section 25 of the Electoral Act, 1992 as substituted by Section 11 of the Electoral Act, 2001 and as amended by the Electoral (Amendment) Political Funding Act, 2012) _________________________________________ Clár na bPáirtithe Polaitíochta Register of Political Parties 17 February 2021 NAME OF PARTY EMBLEM ADDRESS OF PARTY NAME(S) OF OFFICER(S) AUTHORISED TO TYPES OF ELECTIONS/ EUROPEAN DETAILS OF HEADQUARTERS SIGN AUTHENTICATING CERTIFICATES PART OF THE STATE PARLIAMENT – ACCOUNTING OF CANDIDATES NAME OF UNITS AND POLITICAL RESPONSIBLE GROUP/EUROPEAN PERSONS POLITICAL PARTY Áras de Valera, Any one of the following persons:- Dáil Renew Europe, See Appendix 1 FIANNA FÁIL 65-66 Lower Mount Micheál Martin T.D. or European Alliance of Liberals Street, Margaret Conlon or Local and Democrats for Dublin 2. DO2 NX40 Seán Dorgan or Europe (ALDE) David Burke FINE GAEL 51 Upper Mount Any one of the following persons:- Dáil Group of the See Appendix 1 Street, Leo Varadkar T.D. European European People's Dublin 2. DO2 W924 Simon Coveney T.D. Local Party (Christian John Carroll Democrats) Terry Murphy THE LABOUR 2 White Friars Alan Kelly T.D. or Dáil Socialists and See Appendix 1 PARTY Aungier Street Billie Sparks European Democrats Group Dublin 2 D02 A008 Local THE WORKERS' 8 Cabra Road Any two of the following persons:- Dáil See Appendix 1 PARTY Dublin 7 James O’Brien European Seamus McDonagh Local Michael Donnelly Richard O’Hara COMMUNIST James Connolly Any one of the following persons:- Dáil PARTY OF IRELAND House, John Pinkerton European 43 East Essex Street, Eugene Mc Cartan Local Temple Bar, Dublin 2.