Francisco Pacheco and Jerome Nadal: New Light on the Flemish Sources of the Spanish "Picture-Within-The-Picture" Author(S): John F

Francisco Pacheco and Jerome Nadal: New Light on the Flemish Sources of the Spanish "Picture-within-the-Picture" Author(s): John F. Moffitt Source: The Art Bulletin, Vol. 72, No. 4 (Dec., 1990), pp. 631-638 Published by: College Art Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3045765 Accessed: 07/10/2009 12:09

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http://www.jstor.org FranciscoPacheco and JeromeNadal: New Light on the Flemish Sourcesof the Spanish"Picture-within-the-Picture"

John E Moffitt

"Asi lo estampo el padre Nadal." Iberian treatment of this device dates to 1616, appearing -Francisco Pacheco (1638) in Saint Irene Healing the Wounds of Saint Sebastian (Fig. 1) painted by Francisco Pacheco (1564-1654).6 According The role of Netherlandish prints in providing composi- to Priscilla E. Muller, Pacheco's painting contains those tional prototypes for Spanish artists of the Siglo de Oro is generalized Flemish characteristics of "immobility, com- increasingly being considered significant, since the matter positional symmetry, . . . dichotomy of perspective (sep- was first surveyed in a fairly comprehensive fashion in 1948 arate vanishing-points in the earthly and the celestial areas), by the late Martin Soria.1 More recently, Netherlandish [and] similarity of pose and gesture in the figures." As she prints (particularly in the form of illustrations in emblem concludes, "the traits of Hispano-Flemish painting of the books) have been shown to have formed a point of de- earlier sixteenth-century (correctness, reticence and exact- parture for many Spanish artists.2 The geographical exten- itude) remained [Pacheco's] heritage."7 What is especially sion of such practices is striking. For instance, some studies noteworthy in the composition of the canvas is Pacheco's have documented the indispensability of these well-trav- inclusion of an enframed scene, illustrating the martyrdom eled graphic materials for artists working in Latin Amer- of Saint Sebastian. As has been recently demonstrated, the ica,3 and Northern engravings can even be credited with model for Pacheco's "cuadro dentro del cuadro" was a having spawned certain characteristic motifs seen in Ba- Flemish print of the same title, by Jan Harmensz. Muller roque architectural designs in the New World.4 As such (Fig. 2).8 Regardless of its particular graphic source, it is findings reveal, a densely detailed Netherlandish print was even more significant that Pacheco employed the motif for for Spaniards more often than not the preferred icono- a specific purpose: to illustrate an episode that had tran- graphic source. The focus of this essay is a single com- spired before the moment represented in the scene in the positional device, in effect a narrative format, that was to foreground of the painting, showing the obviously later become a characteristic staple of Spanish Baroque painting, moment of the healing of the arrow wounds. The result is the so-called "cuadro dentro del cuadro," or "the picture- what we may call "temporal displacement." Even though within-the-picture."/5 Pacheco's painting no longer exists (it was destroyed in 1936 The first instance of what was to become the typically during the first months of the Spanish Civil War), the artist

1 M. Soria, "Some Flemish Sources of Baroque Painting in Spain," Art analyze the strictly Spanish adaptations of the device and, additionally, Bulletin, xxx, 1948, 249-259. to reveal the didactic purposes of its original and very specific, Flemish 2 source. For the emblematic sources in particular, see esp. J. Gallego, Visi6n y simbolos en la pintura espaiola del Siglo de Oro, Madrid, 1972; and S. 6 On this artist, see J.M. Ascenci6 y Toledo, Francisco Pacheco, sus obras Sebastian, Contrarreforma y barroco: Lecturas iconograficas e iconol6- artisticas y literarias, Seville, 1867; A.L. Mayer, Die Sevillaner Maler- gicas, Madrid, 1981. Dr. Sebastian has since published many other studies schule, Leipzig, 1911, 90-101; F. Rodriguez Marin, Francisco Pacheco, on the same issue. Maestro de Velazquez, Madrid, 1923; P.E. Muller, "FranciscoPacheco as 3 a For the impact of Netherlandish prints in the New World, see esp. P. Painter," Marsyas, x, 1961, 39-44; M. Barbadilla, Pacheco, su tierra y Kelemen, Baroque and Rococo in Latin America, New York, 1951; M.B. su tiempo, Jerez de la Frontera, 1964; J. Brown, Images and Ideas in Sev- Burke, Spain and New Spain: Mexican Colonial Arts in Their European enteenth-Century Spanish Painting, Princeton, 1978, 32-48; E. Bermejo, Context, Corpus Christi, 1979; and S. Sebastian, Arte iberoamericano, "Influencia de una obra flamenca en Francisco Pacheco," Archivo espaiol desde la colonizacion a la independencia, Madrid, 2 vols., 1985-86. de arte, LV, 1982, 3-8; and S.A. Vosters, "Lampsonio, Vasari, van Mander y Pacheco," Goya, Nov.-Dec. 1985, 130-139. 4 See esp. J.F. Moffitt, "Wendel Dietterlin and the Estipite. Observations 7 on Architectural Style in Colonial Mexican Ecclesiastical Facades: 'Ba- Muller (as in n. 6), 39. 8 roque,' or 'Neo-Mannerist'?" Boletin del Seminario de Estudios de Arte y This iconographic source was only recently identified by different schol- Arqueologia de la Universidad de Valladolid, L, 1984, 325-349. ars: E. Valdivieso Gonzalez and J.M. Serrera Contreras, Pintura sevillana 5 On this compositional motif, see B. Mestre Fiol, El cuadro en el cuadro: del primer tercio del siglo XVII (Historia de la pintura espaiola), Madrid, Pacheco, Velazquez, Mazo, Manet, Palma de Mallorca, 1977; A. Chastel, 1985, cat. no. 239; and L. Konecny, "Una ojeada en la 'carcel dorada' del maestro "Le Tableau dans le tableau" in Fables, formes, figures, Paris, 1978, II, Pacheco," Boletin del Museo e Instituto Camon Aznar, xxvII, 75-97; and J. Gallego, El cuadro dentro del cuadro, Madrid, 1978. Al- 1987, 17-25. As these different authors indicate, the print had been derived though Gallego demonstrates that this motif, with its innumerable vari- in its turn from a painting by Hans van Aachen of ca. 1588. ations, is found throughout the history of art, it is my intention only to 632 THE ART BULLETIN DECEMBER 1990 VOLUME LXXII NUMBER 4

1 F Pacheco, Saint Irene Healing the Wounds of Saint Sebas- 2 Jan Harmensz. Muller, The Martyrdom of Saint Sebastian, tian, 1616 (formerlyAlcala de Guadaira) ca. 1598 wrote in some detail about his unusual work, so different pies the foreground: "Aquella Santa viuda Irene que le cur6 from any other Saint Sebastian known to us.9 de las heridas." This present moment/foreground motif is Given this published testimony, the rather unusual em- complemented by an event in the past represented by the phasis placed upon the nurse-like ministrations of Saint picture-within-the-picture, which takes place in the back- Irene in the foreground is easily explained by the painting's ground of the picture, "donde le estan asaeteando." Pa- intended destination. According to Pacheco, his picture was checo concluded his statement by alluding to a third, or commissioned "para un Hospital de San Sebastian de Al- "future moment" (which he did not depict), when the saint cala de Guadaira, donde hay una Cofradia de la Miseri- was definitively dispatched at the order of the Roman cordia que viste algunos pobres, cura y da medicinas a nat- emperor. urales y forasteros."10Pacheco also remarked upon the other Although Pacheco was a decidedly stiff and mediocre odd iconographic features in the painting. As he explained, painter, he remains significant, first, as a writer who doc- there is "a window on the wall, through which the Saint uments the peculiar polemics of early seventeenth-century is seen in a field, tied to a tree, where he is being shot at Spanish art theory, and, second, as the teacher (and future with arrows."1lHe makes it clear that foremost in his mind father-in-law) of Diego Velazquez (1599-1660), the fore- is the sense of temporal displacement. This is the factor most painter of the Siglo de Oro. A work like Pacheco's predetermining the painter's unusual, two-stage, narrative- Saints Sebastian and Irene, particularly in its distinctive compositional arrangement. The "present moment" occu- compositional aspects, represented a significant influence

9 F.J.Sanchez Cant6n, ed., Francisco Pacheco: Arte de la pintura. Edici6n depuis le XVe siecle, Paris, 1979; and S. Forestier, Saint Sebastien: Rituels del manuscritooriginal acabada el 24 de enero de 1638, 2 vols., Madrid, et figures, Paris, 1983. in 1956, II, 327-330. For other kinds of representations of the saint ques- 10 Pacheco (as in n. 9), 327. tion, see V. Kraehling, Saint Sebastien dans 'art, Paris, 1938; M. Sandoz, 11 Ibid., 328. "Riberaet le theme de 'Saint Sebastien soigne par Irene,"' Cahiers de Bor- deaux, 1955, 65-78; F. Le Targat,Saint Sebastiendans I'histoirede l'art FRANCISCO PACHECO AND JEROME NADAL 633

3 Diego Velazquez, Christ in the House of Martha and Mary, ca. 1618. London, National Gallery

4 Diego Velazquez, The Fable of Arachne and Minerva ("Las Hilan- deras"), ca. 1659. Madrid, Museo del Prado upon the greater talents of the pupil. Supporting this as- this aspect of the paintings by Velazquez must ultimately sertion is the evidence of two paintings, from the very be- have stemmed from Pacheco's practice, as exemplified by ginning and the end of Velazquez's long and distinguished his lost painting of 1616. The specific point to be considered career: Christ in the House of Martha and Mary (ca. 1618) here is the matter of the origin and significance of Pacheco's and, finally, The Fable of Arachne and Minerva ("Las Hil- initial appropriation of the formal invention, later to be anderas") from around 1659 (Figs. 3, 4). Since recent stud- used with more spectacular results by his gifted pupil. ies have discussed the narrative basis of the anomalous tem- It has been repeatedly observed that the source for Pa- poral displacement characterizing these two paintings, the checo's compositional anomaly was Flemish in origin. This arguments involved need not be repeated.12 In any event, conclusion is quite correct, but only in a very general, or

12 See, reviewing the literature, J.F. Moffitt, "'Terebat in Mortario': 90 (these and other studies will be collectively published as Symbolism in Velazquez's Christ in the House of Martha and Mary, "Arte Velazquez: Practica e idea, University of Malaga Press, 1991). For a re- christiana, LXVII, 700, 1984, 13-24; and idem, "Painting, Music and Poetry buttal of the idea of temporal displacement, see Brown (as in n. 39 below). in Velazquez's Las Hilanderas," Konsthistorisk Tidskrift, LIV, 2, 1985, 77- 634 THE ART BULLETIN DECEMBER 1990 VOLUME LXXII NUMBER 4

5 Pieter Aertsen, Christ in the House of Martha and Mary, 1553. Rotterdam, Boymans-Van Beunin- gen Museum geographical sense. Adherents of the proposition generally depicted the same protagonists in the foreground and back- concur in pointing specifically to the unusual "kitchen- and ground of the given scene, and from one moment of the market-scenes," with traditional biblical narratives hidden given story to another. In this case, the fundamental con- in the backgrounds, that were painted by Pieter Aertsen cepts underlying the functioning of bipartite compositional (ca. 1508-75) and his disciple Joachim Beuckelaer (ca. 1535- practice were radically different in Flanders and in Spain. 74).13 How do these hypothetical models support the cur- The Spanish examples, furthermore, represent an anach- rent hypothesis? The representative example is Aertsen's ronism, using a typically "medieval" compositional tech- Christ in the House of Martha and Mary, a painting dating nique known as "simultaneous narrative," so characteristic from 1553 (Fig. 5).14 Commenting on this work, Julian Gal- of, for example, the contrasted, Old vs. New Testament lego acutely observed how "neither Beuckelaer nor Aertsen time sequences of the Biblia pauperum. ever clearly arrives at systematically employing one scene As a result, there is no evidence of the moralizing func- in order to explain the other" within the same picture. He tion of the compositional device that Aertsen and Beucke- concluded that "their originality consists in the juxtaposi- laer used; with them, the caesura is locational and not tem- tion of one sacred scene to another [quite different] profane poral, and it specifically underlines a wide separation scene, with the former being placed in the foreground," between the zones of the sacred and the profane. On the where it functions as a "vanitas" motif (significatio in contrary, for Pacheco and Velazquez there is no such dis- malo).15 It is also quite apparent that in the Spanish ex- ruption. Instead, there is only a seamless narrative conti- amples cited here (Figs. 1, 3, 4), neither Pacheco nor Ve- nuity, itself a function of the peculiarly Iberian principle lazquez ever meant to disrupt the narrative flow, running of temporal displacement. Not only are the two sorts of from foreground to background, or from past to present.16 bipartite paintings markedly different in intention, but there Also contrary to the supposed precedent of the Flemish is also no evidence in Spain of paintings by either Aertsen painters is the fact that the two Spaniards have in effect or Beuckelaer at that time, or prints by them, that specif-

13The conclusionabout Aertsen and Beuckelaerhad been reachedby, 15 Gallego (as in n. 5), 161. According to another scholar, this compo- among others, JulianGallego (as in n. 5), 159-162;idem, Velazquezen sitional dichotomy would have had an insistent moralizing significance: Sevilla, Seville, 1974, 102-103;idem, Diego Velazquez,Barcelona, 1983, foreground "materialism" is deliberately contrasted to "divinity," ob- 42-43;J.-E. Muller, Velazquez, London, 1976, 32-33;M.M. Kahr,Velaz- scured in the background: J.A. Emmens, "'Eins aber ist notig.' Zu Inhalt quez:The Art of Painting,New York,1976, 15; and J. Brown,Velazquez, und Bedeutung von Markt- und Kuchenstucken des 16. Jahrhunderts,"in Painterand Courtier,New Haven, 1986, 15-16. Album Amicorum J.G. van Gelder, The Hague, 1973, 93-101. 14 On thesetwo Flemishpainters, respectively uncle and nephew, see K.P.F. 16 See Moffitt (as in n. 12), for further details on the mechanics of this Moxey,Pieter Aertsen, Joachim Beuckelaer and the Riseof SecularPaint- effect in the two works by Velazquez. Pacheco's terse explanation for his ing in the Contextof the Reformation,New York,1977; for my example appropriation of the unusual device has already been cited. by Aertsen,see the discussionon pp. 44-51. FRANCISCO PACHECO AND JEROMENADAL 635 ically copied compositions of this kind.17There is thus no mation iconography, first published in Antwerp in 1593, proof for the common assertion that Pacheco took these Evangelicae historiae imagines / Ex ordine Evangeliorum paintings as his conceptual models. Had he been shown quae toto anno in Missae sacrificio recitantur, / In ordinem these works, however, he might have viewed them as sus- temporis vitae Christi digestae.21Although this Jesuit's al- pect, not just as "foreign"but specifically as a "Protestant" bum of Catholic iconographic orthodoxy has been cited as form of expression.18Moreover, by the end of the sixteenth- having exerted a measurable impact upon painting in century there seems to have been native reaction in Spain Rome,22to date its influence upon Pacheco (and thus also against contemporary Flemish painting. For example, Fray Velazquez) has only been discussed in a general way as a Pedro de Vega asserted (Declaraci6n de los siete psalmos form of orthodox doctrinal expression. There has been no penitenciales, 1606) that "whereas Flemish paintings are specific analysis of its actual compositional effects upon truly handsome when hung high upon a wall, when seen Spanish painting.23Even though this important picture book close up they only appear to be gross daubs [borrones gro- is still little cited by art historians, its significance cannot seros], with badly placed colors and crude draftsman- be overlooked. As Thomas Buser comments, "if the en- ship."19 Notwithstanding this comment about Northern gravings were better known today, scholars might recog- paintings, it is obvious that Spaniards never wavered in nize adaptations of its imagery by later artists,"24something their acceptance of Northern engravings. that has recently been shown in the case of a painting by Pacheco's odd narrative device of temporal displacement Francisco Zurbaran.2s was not a novelty but an anachronism in his era. Although The Evangelicae historiae imagines consists of a series of the iconographic model for his anomalous scheme was 153 folio-size engravings, with a frontispiece. These prints Flemish, it came from the engravers of the Spanish Neth- illustrate significant narrative elements developed in each erlands rather than from the painters. In the particular in- of the Gospels read at the Mass on Sundays. Terse legends, stance, the source is a suite of book illustrations executed inscribed beneath each print, directly correspond to letters by artists based in Antwerp, namely the three Wiericx of the alphabet placed upon or near the incidents occurring brothers (Hieronymus, Jan, and Anthony) and others within the narrative time-span of each engraved, multi- working under their artistic direction.20 By Pacheco's ac- partite Gospel story. The distinctive Nadalian pictorial for- count, he had carefully studied a set of illustrations from mat - employing displacements in time, either "before"or the Wiericx workshop that had appeared in Jerome Nadal's "after" the principal scene - has been cogently analyzed notable pietistic picture book of Catholic Counter-Refor- by Miguel Nicolau, Nadal's modern Spanish biographer:

17A painting by Beuckelaer, The Poultry Sellers (ca. 1565), recently turned of the Imagines, see C. Sommervogel, S.J., Bibliotheque de la compagnie up in a private Spanish collection, but no indication of the date of its de Jesus, Louvain, 1960, v, cols. 1517-20. A lengthy accompanying text arrival in Spain is given. In any event, the principle of temporal displace- by Nadal, entitled Adnotationes et meditationes, was published in 1594- ment is not employed in this example: M. Diaz Padr6n, "Dos tablas de 95. Although these commentaries are extensive, they do little more than Joachim Beuckelaer y de Maerten van Heemskerk in colecciones espai- reiterate the visual facts of the plates (as keyed to the letter identifications), olas," Archivo espaiiol de arte, no. 236, 1986, 412-415. For other com- and any further symbolic or exegetical information is rarely given the ments on the presence of Flemish genre paintings in Madrid (none exhib- reader. The format is very much that of the spare and sense-oriented char- iting this compositional trait), see S. Schroth, "Early Collectors of Still acter of Loyola's Spiritual Exercises. I am most grateful to my colleague, Life Painting in Castile," in Kimbell Art Museum, Spanish Still Life in the Dr. Eugene R. Cunnar, of New Mexico State University, for his critical Golden Age: 1600-1650, exh. cat., Fort Worth, 1985. In spite of the fun- reading of this paper and for allowing me to examine his microfilm copy damental differences between the Spanish and Flemish bipartite compo- of the explanatory text, acquired after I lent him my copy of the 1607 sitional procedures, as these are explained here, one scholar had distin- edition of the folio volume of plates (of which he made good use; see n. guished as many as five iconographic sources from the North for the 25 below). On the author of the Imagines, see M. Nicolau, Jeronimo Na- Pacheco-Velazquez bodegones: H. Soehner, "Der Herkunft der Bodegones dal, sus obras y doctrinas espirituales, Madrid, 1949. Velazquez," in Varia Velazqueiia, Madrid, 1960, i, 233-244. 22 For Nadal's influence on Italian Baroque painting, see H. Hibbard, "Ut 18 See Moxey (as in n. 14), 109ff, "The Image Debate: The Reformed Chal- picturae sermones: The First Painted Decoration of the Gesu," in R. Witt- lenge," noting (p. 163ff) how Calvinism in effect actually encouraged kower, and I.B. Jaffe, eds., Baroque Art: The Jesuit Contribution, New "genre"-likeimagery in the Netherlands. See also p. 229ff, "The Religious York, 1972 (esp. p. 44); and T. Buser, "JeromeNadal and Early Jesuit Art Attitudes of Aertsen and Beuckelaer," observing the absence of docu- in Rome," Art Bulletin, LVIII,1976, 424-433. mentation about the possible doctrinal allegiance of these two Flemish 23 F. Delgado, S.J., "El Padre Jer6nimo Nadal y la pintura sevillana del painters. Apparently they were both Protestants after all, since "theirwork siglo XVII," Archivum historicum Societas Iesu, ii, 1959, 354-363; and coincides with Calvin's call for an art of the visible . . . 'without any A. Rodriguez de Ceballos, S.J., "Las 'Imagenes de la Historia Evangelica' meaningful intention"' (p. 268). To the contrary, Pacheco's Catholicism del P. Jeronimo Nadal en el marco del jesuitismo y la contrarreforma," was notoriously militant, and is documented as such throughout his Arte Traza y baza, v, 1974, 77-95. Although Delgado's title in particular sug- de la pintura. gests some serious art-historical scrutiny, unfortunately neither author 19 Vega, as quoted in Rodriguez Marin (as in n. 6), 16. mentions any paintings that might have been directly influenced by the Imagines. 20 On these illustrators, see L. Arvin, Catalogue raisonne de l'oeuvre des 24 trois freres Jean, Jeromeet Antoine Wiericx, Brussels, 1866; and M. Rooses, Buser (as in n. 22), 427. "De plaatsnijders der 'Evangelium Historiae Imagines,"' Oud Holland, ii, 25 E.R. Cunnar, "Jerome Nadal and Francisco Pacheco: A Print and a 1888, 277-288. Verbal Source for Zurbaran's Circumcision (1639)," Boletin del Museo e 21 For the titles, dates, and places of appearance of the various editions Instituto Cam6n Aznar, xxxiii, 1988, 105-112. 636 THE ART BULLETIN DECEMBER 1990 VOLUME LXXII NUMBER 4

The manner in which these engravings reproduce the life Reformation."32Certainly, if only for its splendid pictorial of the Savior is as follows. A primary scene, the nucleus effects, Nadal's Imagines is the most important document of the evangelical act commemorated, first catches our of this kind that survives. eye. However, either in the landscape background, or In the preface to the "Adnotationes" - the second part through the aperture of a window, or perhaps in the vi- of Nadal's Imagines, consisting of learned exegetical an- cinity of the architecture depicted, there will appear let- notations about each lettered incident displayed in the sep- ters demarcating different scenes connected with the arately bound picture-book - Nadal explains that this principal representation. These other scenes, usually sit- manual had been composed in order "to afford seminarians uated as though they were seen in the distance, either of the [Jesuit] Society continual and ready material and represent the preceding steps, leading up to the main profit for meditating and praying." As stated in the preface, event, or they may represent successive steps, deriving it was Saint Ignatius himself who had charged Father Je- from the main event, or they may also make allusions rome Nadal with the task of completing the Imagines; ac- to the metaphorical language to which the evangelical cordingly, the form and the content of the picture book narration refers. . . . The first letters of the alphabet dis- naturally derive from the Ignatian concept of "compositio cretely signal those other parts at the same time that they loci," or mental reconstructions of given religious scenes, refer to the "adnotationcula" containing the titles or epi- a procedure recommended some years previously by Loy- graphs of those other scenes.26 ola in his highly influential meditative manual, the Exer- citia spiritualia. The concept underlying Nadal's Imagines A recent student of Nadal's mnemonics, Fernando R. de la also fulfills the Tridentine dictate of 1563, ordering the Flor, succinctly sums up the larger art-historical implica- "bishops diligently to teach that, by means of the stories tions of this procedure, "in which the composition is bro- of the mysteries of our redemption portrayed in paintings ken up into a multiplicity of sub-pictures, and which there- and other representations, the people are instructed and fore seems a return to the medieval technique of pictorial confirmed in the articles of the Faith, which ought to be fragmentation."27With the help of Nadal's terse legends (or borne in mind and constantly reflected upon." These de- "captions"), all carefully keyed to the component parts of votional images are repeatedly recommended as "salutary the various biblical stories, the reader-viewer was meant examples [that] are set before the eyes of the faithful."33 to meditate upon the pictures, the texts of which he would, For a pious Catholic artist like Pacheco, the Imagines in any event, have been expected to know already in their represented two great virtues: scriptural exactitude and written form. The meditational purpose of the engravings doctrinal authority. As Pacheco put it, such a lavishly il- was reinforced by the addition of complementary texts in lustrated devotional work represented "la verdad y el de- the 1594 edition, the Adnotationes, and further enhanced coro." A third factor, largely of interest to a devout painter, a direct reading of the New Testament Scriptures. In short, was that this collection of minutely detailed engravings em- Nadal's Imagines belong to the Ignatian tradition of the ployed and, in 1593, "modernized" the venerable compo- "Ars memoriae," a mnemonic tradition as vital in Spain as sitional format of temporal displacement. This process of it was elsewhere.28As De la Flor has demonstrated, how- pictorial and narrative fragmentation was largely confined ever, Nadal's "arte de la memoria" is indebted to native to the Imagines at the time of its appearance. Alonzo Rod- Spanish sources: besides the obvious immediate influence riguez de Ceballos points out that the compositional proof Saint Ignatius's Exercitia spiritualia (1553), the Ars cedure is centered upon: magna of Raymond Lull was particularly important to Na- dal.29 The strictly art-historical significance of Nadal's ... A Gospel scene broken up or subdivided into var- Imagines, above all as a devotional-mnemonic aide, should ious temporal or psychological moments, to each of be evident, since this represents, among other things, a lit- which there is affixed a letter which points to the ex- eral embodiment of the idea of "ut sermones picturae,"30a planatory commentary found in the Adnotationes. This reshaping of the commonplace motto "ut pictura poesis"31 procedure, by which the larger composition is subdi- for contemporary Catholic purposes. As Buser reminds us, vided into a multitude of internal pictures, appears to "the concept of using pictures for lessons in prayer is an represent a reversion to medieval techniques of pictorial important document for the purposes of art in the Counter fragmentation. The result is the loss of that unity of vi-

26 Nicolau (as in n. 21), 117. 30 For this term, see Hibbard (as in n. 22). 27 F.R. de la Flor, Teatro de la Memoria: Siete ensayos sobre mnemotecnia 31 For this term (and its wide-ranging art-historical implications), see the espanola de los siglos XVII y XVIII, Salamanca, 1988, 82. classic study by R.W. Lee, Ut Pictura Poesis: The Humanistic Theory of New 1967. 28 On this long-standing tradition, see, besides de la Flor, the fundamental Painting, York, historical analysis by F.J. Yates, The Art of Memory, London, 1966; see 33 Buser (as in n. 22), 425. also The Palace Matteo New 1985. For J. Spence, Memory of Ricci, York, 33 H.J. Schroeder, O.P., ed., The Canons and Decrees of the Council of a late example of mnemonics in Spanish art theory, see J.F. Moffitt, "La Trent, Rockford, Ill., 1978, 216; for the Latin text, see J.D. Mansi, ed., Arcadia of Preciado de la and the Ars Pict6rica (1789) Vega Memoriae," Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, repr. Graz, 1961, 27-34. Boletin del Museo e Instituto Cam6n Aznar, xxII, 1986, xxxiiI, 171. 29 Flor (as in n. 27), 81ff. FRANCISCO PACHECO AND JEROME NADAL 637

sion which had been so laboriously acquired in the Ren- aissance. But this result largely proves that we are dealing with Mannerist, not Renaissance, prints, specifically with a "reformed"Mannerism that subordinates the aes- thetic value of the image to its strictly functional value as a pedagogical tool. Narrative dispersion is neverthe- less unified through an imposed system of single-point perspective and by the subordination of the complementary scenes to the principal one. The subsidiary compositions with the minor figures have additionally been endowed with a powerful realism arising from the scru- pulous observation of naturalistic minutiae that had never been lost in Northern painting.34 One engraving taken from the complete set of 154 prints contained in the Imagines will suffice to exemplify all the peculiar compositional traits enumerated by Nicolau, de la Flor, and Ceballos as characterizing the pictorial procedures common to Nadal's work - and to those compositional features described as generally pertaining to Pa- checo's painting of Saints Sebastian and Irene (Fig. 1).35 This example is Nadal's second plate, signed by Hierony- mus Wiericx and illustrating the Visitation ("In die Visi- tationis") (Fig. 6). There are at least a half-dozen "pictures- within-the-picture" within this single, meticulously cut plate, but one subsidiary scene is notable. Situated in the exact center of Nadal's engraving, this literally "enframed" vignette represents the closest compositional and func- ,, tional to the curious structural device character- A. Nazf.t,, rtfp,ntrttr ni..a;mmti' pr Fatt Mo analogue i, ps

34 Ceballos (as in n. 23), 89-90. had received a commission from a hospital dedicated to the warrior-saint, and Saint Irene had to be included in his picture to make a specific ref- 35 Pacheco's painting of Saints Sebastian and Irene does not, of course, erence to the mission of the donor institution. In event, Pa- directly derive from Nadal's Imagines. Since the Saint Sebastian story is healing any checo also identifies for us the textual source of his painting: Car- largely apocryphal, it has no place in the Imagines, only depicting Gospel specific dinal Cesare Baronio's Annotationes in romanum (Arte, materials relating to the Divine Office. In this case, we also know that martyrologium Pacheco's choice of subject matter was really no choice at all, since he in, 327). 638 THE ART BULLETIN DECEMBER 1990 VOLUME LXXII NUMBER 4 paintings by Pacheco and Velazquez illustrated in Figures single authority on the proper manner of visually re- 1, 3, and 4. The only difference between the engraved creating the textual components of religious subject mat- source and the later paintings derived from its anomalous ter.38As proved by his now-lost painting of Saint Sebastian compositional principles is that Pacheco and Velazquez de- and Irene (and what must have been others like it), Pacheco cided to dispense with the letter labels and their corre- wholeheartedly embraced the unique Nadalian pictorial sponding captions. principle of temporal narrative displacement. This evi- Complementing the pictorial evidence, it can be shown dence also demonstrates that Velazquez found Pacheco's that Francisco Pacheco knew of Nadal's often reprinted workshop procedure useful to his painterly pursuits, for Imagines, which had recently reintroduced anachronistic example for purposes of drawing an odd moral from a Clas- principles of temporal displacement into modern Spanish sical mythological subject, as in Las Hilanderas (Fig. 4). Counter-Reformation art. In fact, Pacheco went so far as These findings also throw new light on Velazquez's com- to state that he regarded Nadal's Imagines as a largely un- positional methods,39 suggesting that he was on occasion rivaled authority on questions of orthodox Catholic icon- very likely to have deliberately employed principles of tem- ography. Accordingly, in his Arte de la pintura, he ap- poral displacement in a way that had already become tra- provingly cited Nadal's unsurpassed expertise in such ditional in Spanish painting of the Siglo de Oro. In this matters on no less than twenty different occasions.36 For case, the autoridad propelling the odd decision was not so our purposes, it is sufficient to observe how on one oc- much Francisco Pacheco but instead Father Jerome Nadal, casion, describing in fact just how one ought to paint the from whom Pacheco had initially derived the anachronistic Visitation, Pacheco decisively announced that "asi lo es- narrative technique that he repeatedly championed in his tampo el padre Nadal."37 influential book, the Arte de la pintura.40 If nothing else, this statement proves that Pacheco certainly knew the plate that has been cited as a model for the consistently applied Nadalian techniques of temporal displacement. Pacheco's repeated verbal allusions to the many John F Moffitt has published numerous studies dealing with other plates illustrating Nadal's exemplary picture-album aspects of Spanish art. His most recent book, Occultism in of Counter-Reformation iconographic orthodoxy thus Avant-Garde Art (UMI Research Press, 1988), focuses on should establish the Spaniards' view of the lavishly illus- the work of Joseph Beuys [Department of Art, New Mexico trated meditative manual: they considered it the greatest State University, Las Cruces, NM 88003-0001].

36 For quick reference to all of Pacheco's citations of Nadal, either his temporally displaced composition that Brown admits is Velazquez's Land- authority or his Imagines, see the index added to the modern edition of scape with Saint Anthony and Paul the Hermit (ca. 1633, Prado) where the Arte, II, 462. the two saints appear no less than three times within the same canvas; Brown, "he left no doubt about his intentions." For arguments 37 Ibid., II, 325. "then,"says to the opposite effect, that Velazquez resorted to the device in two other 38 It is that no art historian has ever made the visual surprising linkage major paintings, see the articles cited in n. 12 above. between Nadal's and Pacheco's pictorial imagery; certainly anyone who 40 I believe that we can even trace the of Pacheco's own, often has read the latter's Arte, a work very well known to students of Spanish presence consulted of the into his library, and up art, recognizes Pacheco's almost slavish dependance on this published copy Imagines pupil's personal to the 1660. In the of effects, the source. See also Delgado (as in n. 22), esp. pp. 361-363, who had com- year posthumous inventory Velazquez's title turns his books: "No. 492. - de la Biblia." mented at some length about Pacheco's repeated citations of the authority following up among Figuras Even without an author's name attached to this brief citation of a folio of the strictly pictorial details of the plates in the Imagines, but, alas, in volume of of "Scenes from the Bible," unaccompanied by the end he too made no attempt at cogent formal comparisons with Pa- engraved plates text, I am sure that its author was "Jer6nimoNadal, S.J." For checo's painted oeuvre. Since Pacheco's paintings are generally thin stuff, any quite the see Varia Madrid, 1960, ii, 397- the real motivation for this investigation was a better understanding of bibliographic inventory, Velazqueia, 399. Here Pacheco's book as "455. - Libro [del arte] de la pintura the reasons (or autoridad) for Velazquez's occasional allegiance to the appears su Since of the sources cited in the Arte principle of temporal displacement. y antigiiedad." many published de la pintura also reappear in the 1660 inventories of Velazquez's posse- 39 In his fine recent monograph, Velazquez, Painter and Courtier (1986), sions, it may be assumed that at his death Pacheco bequeathed his library Jonathan Brown asserts 285) that "in only one instance did Velazquez (p. to his son-in-law. paint a picture with consecutive narration, in which the same characters reappear in different parts of the composition." The single instance of a