What Does It Mean to Be a South Asian-American Woman?

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What Does It Mean to Be a South Asian-American Woman? THE ABCD CONUNDRUM: WHAT DOES IT MEAN TO BE A SOUTH ASIAN-AMERICAN WOMAN? by ROKSANA BADRUDDOJA A Dissertation submitted to the Graduate School-New Brunswick Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Program in Sociology Written under the direction of Ethel C. Brooks and approved by __________________________________________ __________________________________________ __________________________________________ __________________________________________ New Brunswick, New Jersey May, 2007 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION The ABCD Conundrum: What Does it Mean to be a South Asian-American Woman? by ROKSANA BADRUDDOJA Dissertation Director: Ethel C. Brooks In this dissertation, I explore the perceptions of second-generation South Asian- American women about daily social practices in the U.S. and how they view themselves in comparison to broader American society. I do this by engaging in an eight-month long feminist ethnographic study with a cross-national sample of twenty-five women in the U.S. I spent a day in the life of each woman, eating, drinking, and talking about work, partners, families, food, clothing, and how they feel about being children of immigrants, among other areas of interest. In my work, I ask the following questions: What are the meanings of ABCD or American-Born Confused Desi - a popular term for second- generation South Asian Americans - in the U.S. racial and ethnic imaginary? How do these meanings travel through class, gender, sexual, and cultural hierarchies, both in the United States and transnationally? The notion of binary constructs within white, western, and feminist thinking is an important conceptual tool in this study. The oppositional poles of East/West, white/black, man/woman, and South Asian/American acquire social significance and meaning through Orientalist knowledge production - an assumed ii experience based on dominant representation - rendering the second-generation as misplaced and cultural-conflict-bound. The testimonies reveal that such expectations do not wholly reflect the realities of my research participants’ lives. While the women I interviewed experience “whiteness” and the oppressor role along class lines, they are also asked to distance themselves from their “whiteness” through imposed racial and cultural definitions, taking on the role of the oppressed, and at times not, vis-à-vis black people. With time and age, the women’s self-definitions come to include manipulation and expressions of opposition as they grow to appreciate “their culture” while simultaneously owning whiteness and white spaces. Here, through the appropriation of Orientalist tropes, my respondents construct “resistant identities.” The Orientalist dichotomies between East and West and tradition and modernity fall far behind the actual construction of the women’s identities and dispersion of culture. The twenty-five women’s oral histories speak to the gendered and sexualized discourses of assimilation, racism, and U.S. Orientalism, as well as the multiple points in which they break down. The conceptual insights gained from studying second-generation South Asian-American women are not limited. Here, I focus on broader theoretical or epistemological concerns – identity, identity grammar, and shifts in identity grammar. My informants reveal the process of identity-management and that it is not a uniquely second-generation South Asian-American enterprise. This study situates itself on the margins of both U.S. nationalism and South Asian-American cultural nationalism within the context of race, ethnicity, class, gender, sexuality, and South Asian-American femininities. iii DEDICATION To my daughter Raneem, my magnum opus, you give me the strength to be a better person and do something extraordinary. iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This dissertation, one of my largest and thought-provoking academic, professional, and personal endeavors and accomplishments, would not have been possible without a core group of people who supported me throughout the seven year journey. I recognize the guidance I received from my dissertation committee members, an outstanding group of scholars who contributed to my training in specific ways. I especially thank Ethel C. Brooks - my mentor, advisor, and committee chair - for her careful guidance in the evolution of this dissertation and for her friendship. Ethel believed in me as a scholar and took great care in respecting my work and academic integrity. I am grateful to Eviatar Zerubavel, my mentor and committee reader, for guiding my sociological training from the moment I stepped into Lucy Stone Hall and continuously supporting my academic journey. Eviatar saw in me what I never saw in myself as a scholar. I am thankful to Richards Williams, my committee member, and Jasbir K. Puar, my external reader, for their scholarly guidance. Richard called on me to let my respondents “speak,” and it is here that I came to realize the complexities of my respondents’ lives. Jasbir’s extensive knowledge and scholarship helped to situate the theoretical frame of this study and shape the methods of field work and data analysis. I deeply appreciate John Levi Martin for providing careful readings of a paper that became my dissertation proposal, coaching my first conference presentation, and consistent encouragement. And, I am thankful to Vilna Bashi for guiding my first qualifying paper which became my first journal publication, and her detailed reading of the dissertation and meticulous comments. Without her commitment to my scholarship, I v would have missed the complex racial and ethnic processes undertaken by my research participants. I acknowledge the support I received from my family and friends. I value the teachings of my mother, Bushra Efatul Rahman, and father, Dr. Mohammed Badruddoja. My parents taught me to appreciate education, and together, they consistently stressed that I could strive for excellence in my academic and professional life. I am deeply grateful for my close relationships with Dianne Yarnell and Shampa Raychaudhuri. Both Dianne and Shampa have been my sounding board for almost a decade now. My years in graduate school were made easier by the caring support of Joyce Amrhein. Without Joyce’s help to raise my daughter Raneem, I would not have been able to continue graduate school. And, my spouse and Raneem’s father, Shareq Rahman, has given me much needed support. Finally, I shall never forget the extensive time I spent with the twenty-five women who participated in this study. The dissertation would have been impossible without you. Thank you for letting me into your lives, sharing your memories and experiences, and teaching me to be comfortable in my own skin. This project was a process of self-repair and self-recovery, and the ties formed during my time at Rutgers will always be precious to me. vi TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ii-iii DEDICATION iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS v-vi Introduction THE CHESHIRE CAT: MISSING AND MARKED IDENTITES 1-29 Experience/Theory 3-10 Theoretical and Methodological Implications 10-19 Under-heard and Under-theorized Identities 20-29 Chapter 1 IMPOSSIBLE SUBJECTS: (RE-)COLLECTING SOUTH ASIAN- AMERICAN IM/MIGRATION 30-50 Welcome Desis…Not!: 1965 to 1990 30-36 Im/migration and The Second-Generation 36-39 ABCDs and (Constructed) Manifest Contradictions 39-50 Chapter 2 FROM RESEARCH TO PROCESS: SOCIAL RESEARCH, FEMINIST SCHOLARSHIP, AND WOMEN’S SUBJECTIVITIES 51-74 Researching (Dis)located Women 52-56 Exploring the Unexplored 57-58 Bengalis in the Limelight 58-64 Access Granted 64-67 Analyze This…Analyze That 67-68 Non-oppression to Negotiation of Power 68-73 Approaching (Dis)located Women 73-74 vii Chapter 3 RACIAL AND ETHNIC IMAGINARY: PROJECTS OF (RE-)NEGOTIATION 75-95 Contesting Race 76-80 Racing Ethnicity 81-88 The Multicultural Beast 88-89 Second-generation!?! I thought I was First-! 89-90 ABCD and FOB 91-92 I am Desi 92-95 Chapter 4 PATROLLING THE CULTURAL FENCES: COMMUNITY PLACE-MAKING 96-117 Culture:No Culture AS TO South Asian:American 97-110 Third World Women: Culture=Color=Oppression 110-117 Chapter 5 TERRITORIES OF THE SELF: LANGUAGE, HOLIDAYS, RELIGION, FOOD AND CLOTHING 118-148 What to Speak? 119-124 What to Celebrate? 124-127 Whom to Pray to? 127-132 What to Cook and Eat? 133-139 What to Wear? 139-148 Chapter 6 CULTURAL AUTONOMY: BOUNDARIES OF MARRIAGE 149-168 Feminized Cultural Carriers: The Ideal Husband 150-152 Masculinist Cultural Production: “How Old is Your Daughter?” 153-155 Changing Contours of Boundaries 155-158 Expressing the Need for Likeness 158-162 “Love-Cum-Arranged” Marriage 162-168 viii Chapter 7 QUEER SPACES, PLACES, AND GENDER: THE TROPOLOGIES OF RUPA AND RONICA 169-196 Rupa Not Muslim…But Muslim 174-180 Challenging Whiteness, Patriarchy, and Heteronormativity 180-181 South Asian Women’s Subjectivity and Managing Multiple 181-184 Identities (Sexuality, Family, and Culture) Ronica Rupturing White/Feminist/Queer Canon 185-189 Negotiating the Myth of the Model Minority 189-192 Confronting Sexual and Racial Binaries 192-196 Chapter 8 CONTESTING THE UNITARY SELF: THE ABCD CONUNDRUM AND SITES OF INTERVENTION 197-214 Dissenting Spaces and the Changing Landscape of Otherness Lesson 1: Identity Grammar and Shifts 199-203 Lesson 2: Marginality as a Space of Power 203-205 Working-the-Hyphen: Re-Negotiating the Boundaries of Identity 206-214 Appendix A: RESPONDENT EVALUATION 215-216 Appendix B: INTERVIEW GUIDE 217-224 Appendix C: INFORMED CONSENT FORM 225-229 Appendix D: DEMOGRAPHICS FORM 230-232 NOTES 233-238 BIBLIOGRAPHY 239-256 CURRICULUM VITA 257-258 ix 1 INTRODUCTION The Cheshire Cat: Missing and Marked Identities In November 2004, on an unusually warm weekday afternoon, I found myself ushering Rupa into my mother’s suburban home in Burr Ridge, Il – one of my interview sites.1 Our interview began in my mom’s efficient home office, and after more than three hours of speaking to each other, Rupa and I desperately needed a small break to serve our depleted minds and bodies.
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