Wagner Act) in 1935, They Did Not Include Antidiscrimination Measures Fought for by Civil Rights Groups
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The Trade Union Movement at the Dawn of the 21St Century
Notes and proposals • Lille 2001 Labour College of the Alliance for a responsible, plural and social world The trade union movement at the dawn of the 21st Century The Labour College of the Alliance for a responsible, plural and social world brings together trade unionists and other activists on five continents, in an exchange of information and experiences across sectors and region. We try to identify strategies and tactics which can modernise and improve our movement’s response to the challenge of globalisation, precarious working conditions, and the communication difficulties which can arise between trade unionists and members of other social movements working for a better world. This short text presents the College’s main proposals for a new strategy for the labour movement. This is work-in-progress, and we welcome your comments and participation. You can consult our full proposals, including the interactive version of this dossier, at our web site: www.forum-alternatives.net The Labour College is co-ordinated by Alternatives Action and Communications Network for International Development, 3720 Park Avenue #300, Montreal (QC) H2X 2J1, Canada. Tel. +1 (514) 982 6606, fax 982 6616, email: [email protected] 1 Contents Summary.............................................................................................................................3 Responding to neo-liberalism..............................................................................................3 Social movements: what convergence?...........................................................................3 -
Chapter 1 the Present and Future of the European Union, Between the Urgent Need for Democracy and Differentiated Integration
Chapter 1 The present and future of the European Union, between the urgent need for democracy and differentiated integration Mario Telò Introduction The European Union has experienced an unprecedented multi-dimensional and prolonged crisis, a crisis which cannot be understood in isolation from the international context, with major global economic changes to the detriment of the West. Opinions differ as to the overall outcome of the European policies adopted in recent years to tackle the crisis: these policies saved the single currency and allowed for moderate growth, but, combined with many other factors, they exacerbated the crisis of legitimacy. This explains the wave of anti-European sentiment in several Member States and the real danger that the European project will collapse completely. This chapter analyses the contradictory trends at play and examines more closely how to find a way out of this crisis – a way which must be built around the crucial role of the trade union movement, both in tackling Euroscepticism and in relaunching the EU. This drive to strengthen and enhance democracy in the euro area, and to create a stronger European pillar of social rights, will not be successful without new political momentum for the EU led by the most pro-European countries. The argument put forward in this chapter is that this new European project will once again only be possible using a method of differentiated integration. This paper starts with two sections juxtaposing two contradictory sets of data. On the one hand, we see the social and institutional achievements of the past 60 years: despite everything, the EU is the only tool available to the trade union movement which provides any hope of taming and mitigating globalisation (Section 1). -
A Century of Struggle
A Century of Struggle To mark the 100th anniversary of the formation of the American Federation of Labor, the National Museum of American History of the Smithsonian Institution invited a group of scholars and practitioners "to examine the work, technology, and culture of industrial America . " The conference was produced in cooperation with the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations . The excerpts on the following pages are drawn from papers and comments at that conference, in the Museum's Carmichael Auditorium, November IS and 16, 1986. Mary Kay Rieg, Olivia G. Amiss, and Marsha Domzalski of the Monthly Labor Review provided editorial assistance. Trade unions mirror society in conflict between collectivism and individualism A duality common to many institutions runs through the American labor movement and has marked its shifting fortunes from the post-Civil War period to the present ALICE KESSLER-HARRIS ideology of American trade unions as they developed in Two competing ideas run through the labor movement, as and post-Civil War period. It also tells us something of their they have run through the American past. The first is the the The conglomeration of unions that formed the Na- notion of community-the sense that liberty is nurtured in impact . Union and the 15,000 assemblies of the an informal political environment where the voluntary and tional Labor of Labor responded to the onslaught of industrial- collective enterprise of people with common interests con- Knights the Civil War by searching for ways to reestablish tributes to the solution of problems . Best characterized by ism after of interest that was threatened by a new and the town meeting, collective solutions are echoed in the the community organization of work. -
British Fascism: a Discourse- Historical Analysis'
H-Socialisms Cohen on Richardson, 'British Fascism: A Discourse- Historical Analysis' Review published on Sunday, October 27, 2019 John E. Richardson. British Fascism: A Discourse-Historical Analysis. Explorations of the Far Right Series. Stuttgart: Ibidem, 2017. Illustrations. 307 pp. $45.00 (paper), ISBN 978-3-8382-1031-5. Reviewed by Joshua Cohen (University of Leicester) Published on H-Socialisms (October, 2019) Commissioned by Gary Roth (Rutgers University - Newark) Printable Version: http://www.h-net.org/reviews/showpdf.php?id=54281 Analyzing British Fascism When Colin Cross wrote "British Fascism ended in May 1940 and has not since been revived under that name," he correctly assessed that Sir Oswald Mosley's Union Movement (UM), formed in 1948, neither hid nor disowned its fascist past. Still, this reference to the past and "ex-fascists" implied acceptance of the UM's claim to have transcended fascism, that it went "beyond both fascism and democracy."[1] The idea of fascism as a historical phenomenon existing mainly in the past was expressed in Stanley Payne's assertion that fascism was "primarily limited to Europe during the era of the two world wars."[2] One of the most important contributions John E. Richardson makes in the excellent British Fascism: A Discourse-Historical Analysis is his repudiation of such analyses by demonstrating the long continuities within British fascism, its survival across the postwar period into the present, and, above all, the grave danger of regarding fascism as "over." He engages both with historiography and the "heuristic blind spot" of some political scientists that makes them reluctant to acknowledge contemporaneous movements as "fascist." For Richardson, this accounts for the continual formation of such myriad terms as "extreme right," "radical right," and "extreme right-wing populist"—he does not say it but "alt-right" suggests itself here too (pp. -
The City and Community: the Impact of Urban Forces on Working Class
.............................................. The City and Community: The Impact of Urban Forces on Working Class Behavior John T. Cumbler University of Louisville September 1976 .............................................. CRSO Working Paper ill43 Copies Available Through: The Center for Research on Social Organization The University of Michigan 330 Packard il214 Ann Arbor, Michigan 48109 The City and Community: The Impact of Urban Forces on Working Class Behavior John T. Cumbler Assist. Prof. of ist tor^ Dept. of History University of Louisville Louisville, Ky. 40208 . In 1871 a Congregational minister came to Lynn, Massachusetts, the leading industrial center for shoe. production, the nation's largest . industry at the time. The Reverend Cook delivered in Lynn a .series of lectures on factory reform. In trying to understand the militant .. nature of the Lynn workers in comparison to the workers of Lowell and Lawrence, Cook noted that "a study of the subject at a distance might lead to the opinion that a shoe town and a cotton town are much alike; 1 but the reverse is true. Each has a set of exigencies of,its own," The Reverend went on to argue that these differences in turn affected the behavior and attitudes of the workers themselves. ". the periodical lulls in the activity of the shoe factories and the large percentage of changeable operatives [make] it difficult to introduce. .. - into the shoe factory system the admirable method of sifting operatives according to characters that has long been practiced in the cotton. 2 factory system . .-I1 The Reverend Cook may have been inaccurate in his analysis of the. effects of the differences between the cotton factory town and the shoe town. -
Fight Racism
UE150 11th Bi-Annual Convention, November 14-15, 2020 RESOLUTION: Fight Racism WHEREAS, racism is one of the greatest evils of capitalism in this country and around the world, and has always been a roadblock to building a strong labor movement. Racism is a specific aspect of institutionalized systematic oppression and exploitation based upon capitalism's "white supremacist" myths, false beliefs and distortions that Blacks, Latinx and some other groups of people being inherently and biologically superior to others. Racism and white supremacy around the world and inside the U.S. are the means capitalists developed for the purposes of exploitation and oppression, stealing and robbing nations land, resources and power as well as stealing and destroying their history and culture! It is also a means of dividing the working class and justifying its brutal system of coerced labor called slavery, vigilante murders, police brutality and murders, as well as economic and political suppression of oppressed people's power. WHEREAS, the persistence of institutional racism affects all peoples of color, and is evident in the economic and social oppression and exploitation experienced by African Americans, in particular. African-American high unemployment rate, working conditions and pay remains disproportionately low. On average, African Americans are twice as likely to die from disease, police murders, accident, and homicide as whites. African Americans are three times more likely to become prisoners once arrested, and serve longer terms. Racists and white supremacists blame the victims of these conditions, rather than blaming the capitalist system that creates these conditions and injustices. WHEREAS, Donald Trump, who has shafted working people throughout his business career and has stacked his cabinet almost entirely with white, male, anti-worker Wall Street cronies, owes his election in part to pervasive racism, white supremacist and anti-immigrant sentiment. -
The Taft-Hartley Act and Collective Bargaining, 9 Md
Maryland Law Review Volume 9 | Issue 1 Article 2 The aT ft-Hartley Act and Collective Bargaining Jerome S. Wohlmuth Rhoda P. Krupka Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/mlr Part of the Labor and Employment Law Commons Recommended Citation Jerome S. Wohlmuth, & Rhoda P. Krupka, The Taft-Hartley Act and Collective Bargaining, 9 Md. L. Rev. 1 (1948) Available at: http://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/mlr/vol9/iss1/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Academic Journals at DigitalCommons@UM Carey Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Maryland Law Review by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UM Carey Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Maryland Law Review VOLUME IX WINTR, 1948 NUMB3R 1 THE TAFF.HARTLEY ACT AND COLLECTIVE BARGAINING By JEROME S. WoHLmuTH,* and RHODA P. KRUPKA** INTRODUCTION. The Labor-Management Relations Act of 1947,1 more popularly known as the Taft-Hartley Act became law on June 23, 1947. It represents a sweeping departure from the philosophy of the Wagner Act,2 which it amends. The latter Act was conceived on the principle that the basic cause of industrial disputes stemmed from the inequality of bargaining power between employees who do not possess full freedom of association or actual liberty of contract and employers who fail to recognize and bargain with the representatives of the majority of their employees. There- fore, the Wagner Act proscribed various familiar unfair labor practices of employers and provided an easily acces- sible and simple election system to prove a union's majority in an appropriate bargaining unit to the end that free col- lective bargaining might take place over the terms and conditions of employment. -
Marilyn Wayne, the Only Witness to Hear Natalie's Cries for Help—A Vital
Your Corporate Story. Media Management On Video - In the News - On the Web Contact: Rick Kramer Marti Rulli Statement Submitted With Public Petition to LACSD: I, Margaret Rulli, a citizen of the USA in New Jersey, residing at hereby state as follows: 1. I make this declaration for the purpose of inducing the Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department to re-investigate the facts and circumstances surrounding the death of Natalie Wood on November 29, 1981 and to re-open the case for appropriate action as warranted. 2. Relevant facts include: Natalie Wood’s scarcely investigated death will continue to inflame controversy until a full-scale professional evaluation is completed. Goodbye Natalie, Goodbye Splendour (GNGS), the book I authored with the former Splendour Captain, Dennis Davern, has answered the persistent curiosity of many readers, but information continues to surface, emphasizing the dire need for a full scale, official investigation. Marilyn Wayne, the only witness to hear Natalie’s cries for help—a vital witness ignored by authorities—has offered to publicly submit to a polygraph test to validate her account. Lead detective Rasure has always belittled Wayne for her adamant claim that Wood was in the water just minutes after 11 P.M. Wayne’s account is consistent with Davern’s account, yet these two crucial w itnesses, bot h w illing t o unde rgo pr ofessional pol ygraph t esting, c ontinue t o b e discounted and their motives questioned. Robert W agner’s book, Pieces of M y H eart only b riefly a ddressed the w eekend of hi s wife’s death—his account differed from the various versions he has told over the years. -
Some Union Unfair Labor Practices Under the Taft-Hartley Act
Washington and Lee Law Review Volume 5 | Issue 1 Article 3 Spring 3-1-1948 Some Union Unfair Labor Practices Under The Taft-Hartley Act Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.wlu.edu/wlulr Part of the Labor and Employment Law Commons Recommended Citation Some Union Unfair Labor Practices Under The Taft-Hartley Act, 5 Wash. & Lee L. Rev. 13 (1948), https://scholarlycommons.law.wlu.edu/wlulr/vol5/iss1/3 This Note is brought to you for free and open access by the Washington and Lee Law Review at Washington & Lee University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Washington and Lee Law Review by an authorized editor of Washington & Lee University School of Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. NOTES SOME UNION UNFAIR LABOR PRACTICES UNDER THE TAFT-HARTLEY ACT When, on June 23, 1947, more than two-thirds of the members of the Senate of the United States voted to override the President's veto of the Labor Management Relations Act, generally referred to as the Taft-Hartley Act,' the United States had adopted the most detailed, most complex, and most comprehensive national labor legislation in the history of the nation. According to its proponents, the Act is designed to establish a balance of power between employers and unions, to protect employee rights, and to emphasize and safeguard the public interest. It amends and re-enacts the National Labor Rela- tions Act2, commonly known as the Wagner Act, which has been the subject of continuous litigation and judicial interpretation during the past twelve years. -
The Little Steel Strike of 1937
This dissertation has been Mic 61-2851 microfilmed exactly as received SOFCHALK, Donald Gene. THE LITTLE STEEL STRIKE OF 1937. The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1961 History, modem ; n University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan THE LITTLE STEEL STRIKE OF 1937 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Donald Gene Sofchalk, B. A., M. A. ***** The Ohio State University 1961 Approved by Adviser Department of History PREFACE On Sunday, May 30, 1937, a crowd of strikers and sympathizers marched toward the South Chicago plant of the Republic Steel Corpora tion. The strikers came abreast a line of two hundred Chicago police, a scuffle ensued, and the police opened fire with tear gas and revolvers. Within minutes, ten people were dead or critically injured and scores wounded. This sanguinary incident, which came to be known as the "Memorial Day Massacre," grew out of a strike called by the Steel Workers Or&soizing Committee of the CIO against the so-called Little Steel companies. Two months previously the U. S. Steel Corporation, traditional "citadel of the open shop," had come to terms with SWOC, but several independent steel firms had refused to recognize the new union. Nego tiations, never really under way, had broken down, and SWOC had issued a strike call affecting about eighty thousand workers in the plants of Republic, Youngstown Sheet & Tube Company, and Inland Steel Company in six states. The Memorial Day clash, occurring only a few days after the * strike began, epitomized and undoubtedly intensified the atmosphere of mutual hostility which characterized the strike. -
Quiet Revolution at the Labor Board: the Transformation of the NLRB 1935-2000, A
A Quiet Revolution at the Labor Board: The Transformation of the NLRB, 1935-2000 JOAN FLYNN* As the twentieth century comes to a close, the NationalLabor Relations Board has come 180 degreesfrom its origins in the New Deal era The Congress that created the Board in 1935 envisioned a body made up wholly of "impartial Government members, " and consistent with this spirit, early Board appointees were drawn from government or other neutral backgrounds. President Eisenhower, however, the first Republican Presidentsince the passage of the Labor Act, quickly broke with this traditionand appointed individualsfrom the management side to the Board Although such partisan appointments were originallya source of controversy, over the last half-century they have gradually become not only accepted, but the norm. Indeed, the two most recent Boards have consistedof two management and two union lawyersflanking a neutralas chair and swing vote-the very tripartite model of the agency that had been explicitly considered and decisively rejected by the Congress that brought the Board into being. In this article,Professor Flynn traces the evolution in NLRB appointment norms andpractices from 1935 to today, assesses the impact of the increased prevalence ofpartisanBoard members on NLRB decision-making and attempts to explain why the partisanappointees ofthe lastffleen years have, accordingto the empiricaldata; been so much more one-sided in theirvoting than were their predecessorsfrom similarbackgrounds. She concludes thatthis marked increase in partisanvoting which has been particularlypronounced during the Clinton years, is a product of a shif toward greater senatorial control over the appointmentsprocess at the expense ofthe President.She further concludes that this shift in the norms governing the NLRB appointments process, which is reflected most starkly in the rise of "'packaged"appointments, is part of a more general shift in presidential appointment norms. -
Temporary Injunctive Relief Under Section 10 (L) of the Taft-Hartley
[Vol.111 NOTES TEMPORARY INJUNCTIVE RELIEF UNDER SECTION 10(l) OF THE TAFT-HARTLEY ACT Because temporary injunctive relief is granted on the basis of an incomplete exposure to the facts in issue,' there is an inevitable risk that it will inaccurately prevision the result of the final adjudication on the merits and perhaps irreparably injure the party whose actions were temporarily enjoined. Particularly when a temporary injunction is interposed in a labor dispute, "the tentative truth [often] results in making [the] ultimate truth irrelevant." 2 If, for example, a union pickets an employer to compel him to bargain with the union as the employees' representative and the em- ployer obtains a temporary injunction restraining the picketing, not only will one of the union's most effective weapons be temporarily silenced, but also union support may be permanently dissipated pending a subsequent finding that the injunction was inappropriately granted. On the other hand, there may be even greater injury to the charging party if a temporary injunction is not issued pending final adjudication. By the time an unfair labor practice charge has been processed by the National Labor Relations Board 3 and then enforced in a court of appeals, 4 the damage may be beyond repair. 1 FRANKFURTER & GREENE, THE LABOR INJUNCTION 54 (1930); Note, Inter- locutory Injunctions and the Injunction Bond, 73 HARV. L. REv. 333, 334 (1959). 2 FRANKFURTER & GREENE, op. cit. supra note 1, at 80. See also the statement by Franklin D. Roosevelt, quoted in id. at 76-77: "It must be remembered that a preliminary injunction in a labor case, if granted without adequate proof .