The Taft-Hartley Act and Collective Bargaining, 9 Md
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The Politicized Worker Under the Labor-Management Reporting and D
Hofstra Labor and Employment Law Journal Volume 5 | Issue 2 Article 2 1988 The olitP icized Worker Under the Labor- Management Reporting and Disclosure Act Barry Sautman Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.law.hofstra.edu/hlelj Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Sautman, Barry (1988) "The oP liticized Worker Under the Labor-Management Reporting and Disclosure Act," Hofstra Labor and Employment Law Journal: Vol. 5: Iss. 2, Article 2. Available at: http://scholarlycommons.law.hofstra.edu/hlelj/vol5/iss2/2 This document is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hofstra Labor and Employment Law Journal by an authorized administrator of Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Sautman: The Politicized Worker Under the Labor-Management Reporting and D ARTICLES THE POLITICIZED WORKER UNDER THE LABOR-MANAGEMENT REPORTING AND DISCLOSURE ACT Barry Sautman* THE LANDRUM-GRIFFIN "BILL OF RIGHTS" The "Bill of Rights of Members of Labor Organizations" was enacted as part of the Labor-Management Reporting and Disclosure Act (LMRDA)' [commonly known as the Landrum-Griffin Act of 1959]. The "Bill of Rights" was designed to ensure that individual labor union members can exercise, within their union, many of the same democratic rights that the polity can exercise under the Bill of Rights to the United States Constitution.' Title I of the LMRDA * B.A., M.L.S., J.D., University of California at Los Angeles; L.L.M., New York Uni- versity; PHD Candidate in Political Science, Columbia University; Associate, Shea & Gould, New York, New York. -
GLOSSARY of COLLECTIVE BARGAINING TERMS and SELECTED LABOR TOPICS
GLOSSARY of COLLECTIVE BARGAINING TERMS and SELECTED LABOR TOPICS ABEYANCE – The placement of a pending grievance (or motion) by mutual agreement of the parties, outside the specified time limits until a later date when it may be taken up and processed. ACTION - Direct action occurs when any group of union members engage in an action, such as a protest, that directly exposes a problem, or a possible solution to a contractual and/or societal issue. Union members engage in such actions to spotlight an injustice with the goal of correcting it. It further mobilizes the membership to work in concerted fashion for their own good and improvement. ACCRETION – The addition or consolidation of new employees or a new bargaining unit to or with an existing bargaining unit. ACROSS THE BOARD INCREASE - A general wage increase that covers all the members of a bargaining unit, regardless of classification, grade or step level. Such an increase may be in terms of a percentage or dollar amount. ADMINISTRATIVE LAW JUDGE – An agent of the National Labor Relations Board or the public sector commission appointed to docket, hear, settle and decide unfair labor practice cases nationwide or statewide in the public sector. They also conduct and preside over formal hearings/trials on an unfair labor practice complaint or a representation case. AFL-CIO - The American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations is the national federation of unions in the United States. It is made up of fifty-six national and international unions, together representing more than 12 million active and retired workers. -
Introduction Darlington, RR
Introduction Darlington, RR Title Introduction Authors Darlington, RR Type Book Section URL This version is available at: http://usir.salford.ac.uk/id/eprint/17902/ Published Date 2008 USIR is a digital collection of the research output of the University of Salford. Where copyright permits, full text material held in the repository is made freely available online and can be read, downloaded and copied for non-commercial private study or research purposes. Please check the manuscript for any further copyright restrictions. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. Introduction Introduction During the first two decades of the twentieth century, amidst an extraordinary international upsurge in strike action, the ideas of revolutionary syndicalism connected with and helped to produce mass workers’ movements in a number of different countries across the world. An increasing number of syndicalist unions, committed to destroying capitalism through direct industrial action and revolutionary trade union struggle, were to emerge as either existing unions were won over to syndicalist principles in whole or in part, or new alternative revolutionary unions and organizations were formed by dissidents who broke away from their mainstream reformist adversaries. This international movement experienced its greatest vitality in the period immediately preceding and following the First World War, from about 1910 until the early 1920s (although the movement in Spain crested later). Amongst the largest and most famous unions influenced by syndicalist ideas and practice were the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT) in France, the Confederación Nacional de Trabajo (CNT) in Spain, and the Unione Sindacale Italiana (USI) in Italy. -
Copyright I L L Ton Lawii Far Her
Copyright ill ton Lawii Far her, Jr. 1?59 I CHANGING ATTI1UDBB OP THE AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR TOWARD BUSINESS AID OOVSUBBMT 1929-1933 DBSBtTATIOS Rnmitod In Partial JhlflUaant of tho Raqulraaanta for tha Dacr«o Dootor of fhiloaephy In tha fraduats flehool of tha Ohio Stata UnivsrsHy By MILTON I S I S FARBBRf J R ., B. A ., M. A. Tha Ohio Stata Unlraraity 1959 Jppro*ad by Dapartaant of History ACKNMUSDGSMSra In tha preparation of thle dissertation* the author has incurred manor debts* to Hr. Jeorge Hsany for permission to use the Minutes of the AFL Executive Council; to Mrs. Eloise Ciles and her staff at the AFL-CIO librarj; to Hr. laroel Pittat of tha State Historical Society of VUsoonsin; to the staff of the Manuscripts Division of the Library of Congress; to Mrs. Wanda Rife, Miss Jans Catliff and Miss Hazel Johnson of the Ohio State University library; and to frofessor Alma Hsrbst of the Economics Department of the Ohio State University for her many kindnesses. The award of a William (keen Fellowship by the Ohio State University made possible the completion of this dissertation, lastly , the author acknowledges with gratitude the p ersisten t In terest and c r itic a l insight of Professor Foster Rhea Dulles which proved Invaluable throughout the preparation of the work. i i TAB IS OF CONTENTS Chapter Pag* I . GROANIZED LABOR ON THE EVE OF TUB DEPRESSION........................... 1 H . IKS SLA OF PERSUASION AND THE IEQACI OF QONPTOS.......................... 33 III* LABOR AND THE CRASH* 1929-30 * . • . ..................... 63 IV. -
Union Security and the Taft-Hartley Act Erwin S
;uke Iau JIournat VOLUME 1961 AUTUMN NUMBER 4 UNION SECURITY AND THE TAFT-HARTLEY ACT ERWIN S. MAYER* N analyzing the law of labor relations, it is useful to regard it as gov- erning a tripartite, private relation between employers, employees, and unions. The federal labor legislation of the two decades prior to 1947 consisted largely of a set of restraints placed on employers in their rela- tions especially with unions. One may view the union-security pro- visions of the Taft-Hartley Act' as an attempt to place parallel restraints on unions in their relations with employers and with employees. But whereas in the former case the law essentially regarded the union as an aggregate or extension of its members, in the latter case, the law may be said to have taken cognizance of the fact that the union exists as a separate entity with interests that may not always be consistent with those of actual or potential members. While it is dear that the Taft-Hartley Act has placed a number of other restrictions upon unions, this particular restraint appears to have been of greatest moment to them, if one may judge from the volume of comment they have lavished on the union-security provisions of the law in their official publications. It is the purpose of this article to assemble and to evaluate the objections unions have raised against the union-security provisions of the Taft-Hartley Act.2 *A.B. 1949, Hunter College5 Ph.D. 1956, University of Washington; Chairman, Department of Economics, Business and Government, Western Washington College. -
The Trade Union Unity League: American Communists and The
LaborHistory, Vol. 42, No. 2, 2001 TheTrade Union Unity League: American Communists and the Transitionto Industrial Unionism:1928± 1934* EDWARDP. JOHANNINGSMEIER The organization knownas the Trade UnionUnity League(TUUL) came intoformal existenceat anAugust 1929 conferenceof Communists and radical unionistsin Cleveland.The TUUL’s purposewas to create and nourish openly Communist-led unionsthat wereto be independent of the American Federation ofLabor in industries suchas mining, textile, steeland auto. When the TUUL was created, a numberof the CommunistParty’ s mostexperienced activists weresuspicious of the sectarian logic inherentin theTUUL’ s program. In Moscow,where the creation ofnew unions had beendebated by theCommunists the previous year, someAmericans— working within their establishedAFL unions—had argued furiously against its creation,loudly ac- cusingits promoters ofneedless schism. The controversyeven emerged openly for a time in theCommunist press in theUnited States. In 1934, after ve years ofaggressive butmostly unproductiveorganizing, theTUUL was formally dissolved.After the Comintern’s formal inauguration ofthe Popular Front in 1935 many ofthe same organizers whohad workedin theobscure and ephemeral TUULunions aided in the organization ofthe enduring industrial unionsof the CIO. 1 Historiansof American labor andradicalism have had difculty detectingany legitimate rationale for thefounding of theTUUL. Its ve years ofexistence during the rst years ofthe Depression have oftenbeen dismissed as an interlude of hopeless sectarianism, -
Some Union Unfair Labor Practices Under the Taft-Hartley Act
Washington and Lee Law Review Volume 5 | Issue 1 Article 3 Spring 3-1-1948 Some Union Unfair Labor Practices Under The Taft-Hartley Act Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.wlu.edu/wlulr Part of the Labor and Employment Law Commons Recommended Citation Some Union Unfair Labor Practices Under The Taft-Hartley Act, 5 Wash. & Lee L. Rev. 13 (1948), https://scholarlycommons.law.wlu.edu/wlulr/vol5/iss1/3 This Note is brought to you for free and open access by the Washington and Lee Law Review at Washington & Lee University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Washington and Lee Law Review by an authorized editor of Washington & Lee University School of Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. NOTES SOME UNION UNFAIR LABOR PRACTICES UNDER THE TAFT-HARTLEY ACT When, on June 23, 1947, more than two-thirds of the members of the Senate of the United States voted to override the President's veto of the Labor Management Relations Act, generally referred to as the Taft-Hartley Act,' the United States had adopted the most detailed, most complex, and most comprehensive national labor legislation in the history of the nation. According to its proponents, the Act is designed to establish a balance of power between employers and unions, to protect employee rights, and to emphasize and safeguard the public interest. It amends and re-enacts the National Labor Rela- tions Act2, commonly known as the Wagner Act, which has been the subject of continuous litigation and judicial interpretation during the past twelve years. -
GLOSSARY of COLLECTIVE BARGAINING TERMS and OTHER LABOR RELATED TOPICS
GLOSSARY of COLLECTIVE BARGAINING TERMS and OTHER LABOR RELATED TOPICS ABEYANCE – The placement of a pending grievance (or motion) by mutual agreement of the parties, outside the specified time limits until a later date when it may be taken up and processed. ABOOD v. DETROIT BOARD OF EDUCATION – The legal case in which the U.S. Supreme Court, on May 23, 1977, ruled unanimously (9–0) that agency-shop (or union-shop) clauses in the collective- bargaining agreements of public-sector unions cannot be used to compel nonunion employees to fund political or ideological activities of the union to which they object. The Court nevertheless held, by a 6–3 majority, that nonunion employees in the public sector may be required to fund union activities related to “collective bargaining, contract administration, and grievance adjustment purposes.” This case was overturned by the Supreme Court’s ruling in June 2018 on Janus v. AFSCME. ACTION - Direct action occurs when any group of union members engage in an action, such as a protest, that directly exposes a problem, or a possible solution to a contractual and/or societal issue. Union members engage in such actions to spotlight an injustice with the goal of correcting it. It further mobilizes the membership to work in concerted fashion for their own good and improvement. ACCRETION – The addition or consolidation of new employees or a new bargaining unit to or with an existing bargaining unit. ACROSS THE BOARD INCREASE - A general wage increase that covers all the members of a bargaining unit, regardless of classification, grade or step level. -
Revolutionary Industrial Unionism 1900-1925 Larry Peterson
Document généré le 28 sept. 2021 22:51 Labour/Le Travailleur The One Big Union in International Perspective Revolutionary Industrial Unionism 1900-1925 Larry Peterson Volume 7, 1981 URI : https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/llt7art02 Aller au sommaire du numéro Éditeur(s) Canadian Committee on Labour History ISSN 0700-3862 (imprimé) 1911-4842 (numérique) Découvrir la revue Citer cet article Peterson, L. (1981). The One Big Union in International Perspective: Revolutionary Industrial Unionism 1900-1925. Labour/Le Travailleur, 7, 41–66. All rights reserved © Canadian Committee on Labour History, 1981 Ce document est protégé par la loi sur le droit d’auteur. L’utilisation des services d’Érudit (y compris la reproduction) est assujettie à sa politique d’utilisation que vous pouvez consulter en ligne. https://apropos.erudit.org/fr/usagers/politique-dutilisation/ Cet article est diffusé et préservé par Érudit. Érudit est un consortium interuniversitaire sans but lucratif composé de l’Université de Montréal, l’Université Laval et l’Université du Québec à Montréal. Il a pour mission la promotion et la valorisation de la recherche. https://www.erudit.org/fr/ The One Big Union in International Perspective: Revolutionary Industrial Unionism 1900-1925 Larry Peterson DURING THE FIRST decades of the twentieth century, workers in the advanced industrial nations attempted for the first time to organize themselves into industrial unions. Antecedents of modem industrial unionism date to the latter nineteenth century, when workers began to respond to the second wave of industrialization, but the movement to reorganize the labour-union movement along industrial lines did not become general until after the turn of the century. -
The Little Steel Strike of 1937
This dissertation has been Mic 61-2851 microfilmed exactly as received SOFCHALK, Donald Gene. THE LITTLE STEEL STRIKE OF 1937. The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1961 History, modem ; n University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan THE LITTLE STEEL STRIKE OF 1937 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Donald Gene Sofchalk, B. A., M. A. ***** The Ohio State University 1961 Approved by Adviser Department of History PREFACE On Sunday, May 30, 1937, a crowd of strikers and sympathizers marched toward the South Chicago plant of the Republic Steel Corpora tion. The strikers came abreast a line of two hundred Chicago police, a scuffle ensued, and the police opened fire with tear gas and revolvers. Within minutes, ten people were dead or critically injured and scores wounded. This sanguinary incident, which came to be known as the "Memorial Day Massacre," grew out of a strike called by the Steel Workers Or&soizing Committee of the CIO against the so-called Little Steel companies. Two months previously the U. S. Steel Corporation, traditional "citadel of the open shop," had come to terms with SWOC, but several independent steel firms had refused to recognize the new union. Nego tiations, never really under way, had broken down, and SWOC had issued a strike call affecting about eighty thousand workers in the plants of Republic, Youngstown Sheet & Tube Company, and Inland Steel Company in six states. The Memorial Day clash, occurring only a few days after the * strike began, epitomized and undoubtedly intensified the atmosphere of mutual hostility which characterized the strike. -
Interracial Unionism in the International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union and the Development of Black Labor Organizations, 1933-1940
THEY SAW THEMSELVES AS WORKERS: INTERRACIAL UNIONISM IN THE INTERNATIONAL LADIES’ GARMENT WORKERS’ UNION AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF BLACK LABOR ORGANIZATIONS, 1933-1940 A Dissertation Submitted to the Temple University Graduate Board in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY by Julia J. Oestreich August, 2011 Doctoral Advisory Committee Members: Bettye Collier-Thomas, Committee Chair, Department of History Kenneth Kusmer, Department of History Michael Alexander, Department of Religious Studies, University of California, Riverside Annelise Orleck, Department of History, Dartmouth College ABSTRACT “They Saw Themselves as Workers” explores the development of black membership in the International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union (ILGWU) in the wake of the “Uprising of the 30,000” garment strike of 1933-34, as well as the establishment of independent black labor or labor-related organizations during the mid-late 1930s. The locus for the growth of black ILGWU membership was Harlem, where there were branches of Local 22, one of the largest and the most diverse ILGWU local. Harlem was also where the Negro Labor Committee (NLC) was established by Frank Crosswaith, a leading black socialist and ILGWU organizer. I provide some background, but concentrate on the aftermath of the marked increase in black membership in the ILGWU during the 1933-34 garment uprising and end in 1940, when blacks confirmed their support of President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, and when the labor-oriented National Negro Congress (NNC) was irrevocably split by struggles over communist influence. By that time, the NLC was also struggling, due to both a lack of support from trade unions and friendly organizations, as well as the fact that the Committee was constrained by the political views and personal grudges of its founder. -
Quiet Revolution at the Labor Board: the Transformation of the NLRB 1935-2000, A
A Quiet Revolution at the Labor Board: The Transformation of the NLRB, 1935-2000 JOAN FLYNN* As the twentieth century comes to a close, the NationalLabor Relations Board has come 180 degreesfrom its origins in the New Deal era The Congress that created the Board in 1935 envisioned a body made up wholly of "impartial Government members, " and consistent with this spirit, early Board appointees were drawn from government or other neutral backgrounds. President Eisenhower, however, the first Republican Presidentsince the passage of the Labor Act, quickly broke with this traditionand appointed individualsfrom the management side to the Board Although such partisan appointments were originallya source of controversy, over the last half-century they have gradually become not only accepted, but the norm. Indeed, the two most recent Boards have consistedof two management and two union lawyersflanking a neutralas chair and swing vote-the very tripartite model of the agency that had been explicitly considered and decisively rejected by the Congress that brought the Board into being. In this article,Professor Flynn traces the evolution in NLRB appointment norms andpractices from 1935 to today, assesses the impact of the increased prevalence ofpartisanBoard members on NLRB decision-making and attempts to explain why the partisanappointees ofthe lastffleen years have, accordingto the empiricaldata; been so much more one-sided in theirvoting than were their predecessorsfrom similarbackgrounds. She concludes thatthis marked increase in partisanvoting which has been particularlypronounced during the Clinton years, is a product of a shif toward greater senatorial control over the appointmentsprocess at the expense ofthe President.She further concludes that this shift in the norms governing the NLRB appointments process, which is reflected most starkly in the rise of "'packaged"appointments, is part of a more general shift in presidential appointment norms.