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Nigeria Apr2001
NIGERIA COUNTRY ASSESSMENT APRIL 2001 Country Information and Policy Unit CONTENTS 1. SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 - 1.5 2. GEOGRAPHY 2.1 3. ECONOMY 3.1 - 3.3 4. HISTORY Post - independence historical background The Abacha Regime 4.1 - 4.2 4.3 - 4.8 Death of Abacha and related events up until December 1998 4.9 - 4.16 Investigations into corruption 4.17 - 4.21 Local elections - 5 December 1998 4.22 Governorship and House of Assembly Elections 4.23 - 4.24 4.25 - 4.26 Parliamentary elections- 20/2/99 4.27 Presidential elections - 27/2/99 4.28 - 4.29 Recent events 5. HUMAN RIGHTS: INSTRUMENTS OF THE STATE POLITICAL SYSTEM 5.1 - 52 THE CONSTITUTION 5.3 - 5.5 THE JUDICIARY 5.6 - 5.8 (i) Past practise 5.9 - 5.13 (ii) Present position 5.14 - 5.15 5.16 - 5.19 LEGAL RIGHTS/DETENTION 5.20 - 5.22 THE SECURITY SERVICES 5.23 - 5.26 POLICE 5.27 - 5.30 PRISON CONDITIONS 5.31 - 5.35 HEALTH AND SOCIAL WELFARE 6. HUMAN RIGHTS: ACTUAL PRACTICE WITH REGARD TO HUMAN RIGHTS (i) The Abacha Era (ii) The Abubakar Era 6.1 - 62 6.3 - 66 (iii) Current Human Rights Situation 6.7 1 7. HUMAN RIGHTS: GENERAL ASSESSMENT SECURITY SITUATION FREEDOM OF ASSEMBLY/OPINION: 7.1 - 7.3 (i) The situation under Abacha: 7.4 (ii) The situation under General Abubakar 7.5 - 7.8 (iii) The present situation 7.9 - 7.14 MEDIA FREEDOM (i) The situation under Abacha: 7.15 (ii) The situation under General Abubakar 7.16 (iii) The situation under the present government 7.17 - 7.26 7.28 - 7.30 Television and Radio FREEDOM OF RELIGION 7.31 - 7.36 (i) The introduction of Sharia law, and subsequent events. -
A Dissertation SUBMITTED to the FACULTY of the UNIVERSITY of MINNESOTA BY
THE IMPACT OF HUMAN RIGHTS LAW IN TIME A Dissertation SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA BY Geoffrey T. Dancy IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Kathryn Sikkink July 2013 Geoffrey T. Dancy 2013 © ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am absolutely, unequivocally indebted to my adviser Kathryn Sikkink for her counsel, her support, and her infectious commitment to good social science. I also owe a great deal to Ron Krebs, who suffered through repeated office visits filled with half-formed ideas, and served persistently as a devoted critic and ally of my project. I would like to thank Ben Ansell for his help with the numbers, and James Ron for going out of his way not only to stay on my committee despite adversity, but also to provide me with his characteristically brilliant feedback. Also, I appreciate deeply my colleagues who participated in our dissertation group, including Giovanni Mantilla, Ralitsa Donkova, Bridget Marchesi, and Brooke Coe. Additionally, I want to give a special thanks to those who provided invaluable comments at various meetings of the Minnesota International Relations Colloquium, including Bud Duvall, David Samuels, Lisa Hilbink, Jonas Bunte, Laura Thaut, and Ismail Yaylaci. The majority of this research would not have been finished without the assistance of the National Science Foundation, which supported me for three years through the Oxford- Minnesota Transitional Justice Collaborative. Also, I benefited greatly from the support of the University of Minnesota Graduate School, which provided me with a year of funding through the Doctoral Dissertation Fellowship. Mom and Dad, you have always supported me despite my strangeness, and you never questioned my desire to pursue a twenty-year education. -
Issn: 2278-6236 Fundamental Human Rights and the Nigerian State in Historical Perspective Introduction
International Journal of Advanced Research in ISSN: 2278-6236 Management and Social Sciences Impact Factor: 7.065 FUNDAMENTAL HUMAN RIGHTS AND THE NIGERIAN STATE IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE ADU, A. M (Ph.D) ,Department of Political Science, School of Arts and Social Sciences, College of Education, Ikere-Ekiti, Nigeria. IBITOYE, M. O (Ph.D) Department of Political Science, School of Arts and Social Sciences, College of Education, Ikere-Ekiti, Nigeria. ADEWUMI, A. D. Department of Sociology, Faculty of Social Sciences, Ekiti State University, Ado-Ekitie- ABSTRACT As a signatory to the United Nations Resolution No. 181134 of December, 1993, the Nigeria government set up the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), a body established by an Act of parliament. The Act which established the (NHRC) provided it with the legal basis to promote, protect, enhance and enforce human rights in Nigeria and made the Commission a forum for public enlightenment and regular dialogue on human rights issues. With this body in operation, one expected that cases of human rights abuses would drastically reduce, instead the democratic administration inaugurated on the 29th May, 1999 has been found on many occasions to be in the same violation of human rights. It is against this background that this paper takes a panoramic view of the relationship between Nigerian State and human rights demands and the incorporation of these demands into the laws and statues of modern-nation- state. The paper also assesses the plights of human rights groups and/or agitators under the despotic military regimes in Nigeria as a basis of comparison with the democratic fourth republic. -
BIAFRAN GHOSTS. the MASOB Ethnic Militia
Biafran Ghosts DISCUSSION PAPER 73 BIAFRAN GHOSTS The MASSOB Ethnic Militia and Nigeria’s Democratisation Process IKE OKONTA NORDISKA AFRIKAINSTITUTET, UPPSALA 2012 Indexing terms: Nigeria Biafra Democratization Political development Ethnicity Ethnic groups Interethnic relations Social movements Nationalism The opinions expressed in this volume are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of Nordiska Afrikainstitutet. Language checking: Peter Colenbrander ISSN 1104-8417 ISBN 978-91-7106-716-6 © The author and Nordiska Afrikainstitutet 2012 Production: Byrå4 Print on demand, Lightning Source UK Ltd. Contents Acknowledgement ................................................................................................................. 5 Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 7 Chapter 1. ‘Tribesmen,’ Democrats and the Persistence of the Past ................................ 10 Explaining Democratisation in ‘Deeply-divided’ Societies ............................................ 13 ‘Tribesmen’ and Generals: ‘Shadow’ Democratisation and its Ethnic Double ............. 16 Methodology ..................................................................................................................... 20 Chapter 2. MASSOB: The Civic Origins of an Ethnic Militia ............................................... 23 Chapter 3. Reimagining Biafra, Remobilising for Secession .............................................. 33 ‘Go Down, -
Political Economy of Policing in Nigeria
International Journal of Innovative Social Sciences & Humanities Research 7(4):113-127, Oct.-Dec., 2019 © SEAHI PUBLICATIONS, 2019 www.seahipaj.org ISSN: 2354-2926 © SEAHI PUBLICATIONS, 2018 www.seahipaj.org ISSN: 2354-2926 Political Economy of Policing In Nigeria 1Uche Eme-Uche (Ph.D.); 2Chigozie Ifekwe Okonkwo & 3Ugwu Kenneth Sunday 1Department of Political Science, Evangel University, Akaeze, Ebonyi State, Nigeria [email protected] 2Institute of African Studies/Department of Political Science, University of Nigeria, Nsukka, Nigeria [email protected] 3Department of Political Science, University of Nigeria, Nsukka, Nigeria Email: [email protected] ABSTRACT The study places recent trends in policing in Nigeria into an historical context, emphasizing the critical importance of political, economic and social forces on the formation and development of police institutions and practices. Specifically, the study describes two major developments in policing in relation to the Nigeria political economy: colonial and post-colonial policing. Each of these developments has unique characteristics. At the same time, each retains certain structural imperatives which transcend the particulars and ultimately tend to preserve the police as front-line defenders of the status quo. Using the Marxist political economy framework of analyses, the study contributes to a better understanding of police as an agent through which the character of a government and political system may be assessed. The central premise of the framework is that the economic structure of a society determines the character of the superstructure, which includes policing. While adopting qualitative research design, data was sourced from secondary materials like books, journals, magazines and internet. Accordingly, the study recommends the need to reform the deplorable architectural state of service in Nigeria police to enable them meet up their constitutional obligation of securing life and property of the people. -
2002 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor March 31, 2003
Nigeria Page 1 of 27 Nigeria Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2002 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor March 31, 2003 Nigeria is a federal republic composed of 36 states and a capital territory, with an elected president and a bicameral legislature. In May 1999, President Olusegun Obasanjo of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) was inaugurated to a 4-year term after winning elections in February 1999 that were marred by fraud and irregularities perpetrated by all contesting parties. However, most observers agreed the elections reflected the will of the majority of voters. These elections marked the end of 16 years of military-led regimes. The Constitution provides for an independent judiciary. Although the judicial branch remained susceptible to executive and legislative branch pressures, the performance of the Supreme Court and decisions at the federal appellate level were indicative of growing independence. State and local judiciary were influenced by political leaders and suffered from corruption and inefficiency more so than the federal court system. The Federal Nigeria Police Force (NPF) was tasked with law enforcement. The Constitution prohibits local and state police forces. Internal security was the duty of the State Security Service (SSS). "Rapid Response Teams," staffed by police, remained intact in most states, but these teams had a reduced role and a less menacing presence than in previous years. In response to increased incidents of armed robbery and other violent crime, the National Police instituted an aggressive anti-crime campaign dubbed Operation Fire for Fire, which was responsible for human rights abuses. The police were unable to control ethno-religious violence on numerous occasions during the year, and the Government continued its reliance on the army to quell many instances of communal violence. -
NIGERIA COUNTRY REPORT April 2004 Country Information & Policy
NIGERIA COUNTRY REPORT April 2004 Country Information & Policy Unit IMMIGRATION AND NATIONALITY DIRECTORATE Home Office, United Kingdom Nigeria Country Report - April 2004 CONTENTS 1. Scope of the document 1.1 – 1.4 2. Geography 2.1 3. Economy 3.1 – 3.3 4. History 4.1 – 4.7 5. State Structures The Constitution 5.1 – 5.3 Citizenship and Nationality 5.4 – 5.5 Political System 5.6 – 5.12 Judiciary 5.13 – 5.16 - Shari'a law 5.18 – 5.23 - Anti-Drug Legislation 5.24 – 5.25 Legal Rights/Detention 5.26 – 5.28 Death Penalty 5.29 – 5.36 Internal Security 5.37 – 5.38 Prison and Prison Conditions 5.39 – 5.41 Military 5.42 – 5.45 Military Service 5.46 Police 5.47 – 5.51 Medical Services 5.52 – 5.56 HIV/AIDS 5.57 – 5.58 Mental Health 5.59 – 5.60 People with disabilities 5.61 Educational System 5.62 Student cults 5.63 – 5.64 6. Human Rights 6A. Human Rights issues Overview 6.1 – 6.2 Freedom of Speech and the Media 6.3 – 6.12 Journalists 6.13 – 6.15 Freedom of Religion 6.16 – 6.19 Religious groups 6.20 – 6.22 - Islam 6.23 – 6.26 - Christians 6.27 - Traditional Faiths 6.28 – 6.32 Freedom of Assembly and Association 6.33 Employment Rights 6.34 – 6.36 People Trafficking 6.37 – 6.40 Freedom of Movement 6.41 – 6.43 6B. Human rights – Specific Groups Ethnic Groups 6.44 – 6.47 O'odua People's Congress (OPC) 6.48 – 6.54 Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) 6.55 – 6.56 The Ogoni 6.57 – 6.63 The Niger Delta 6.64 – 6.99 Women 6.100 – 6.107 Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) 6.108 – 6.112 Children 6.113 – 6.115 Child Care Arrangements 6.116 Homosexuals 6.117 – 6.119 6C. -
2. Human Rights Violations by the Nigerian Police
TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION: ....................................................................................................1 When the Nigerian government fails to respect and protect human rights1 2. HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS BY THE NIGERIAN POLICE:...........................3 2.1. Capacity of the Nigeria Police Force........................................................................ 3 2.2. Taking on crime and violence through extrajudicial executions and torture................. 4 2.3. Excessive use of force, torture, extrajudicial executions by the police ........................ 5 2.3.1. Torture and cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment in police detention centres... 5 2.3.2. Death in custody .............................................................................................. 9 2.3.3. Excessive use of force and extrajudicial execution in police operations .............. 10 2.3.4. Latest attempt to curb crime: “Operation Fire-for-fire” ..................................... 13 2.4. Case-study: The Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS)............................................ 15 3. HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS BY THE ARMED FORCES:..............................16 3.1. Armed forces intervention in internal conflicts ....................................................... 16 3.2. Excessive use of force and extrajudicial executions of civilians by the armed forces. 17 3.3. Case-study: The Benue massacre of civilians by the armed forces............................ 18 3.3.1. Tiv-Jukun conflict in central Nigeria .............................................................. -
Ethnicity and Marginalization Within the Nigerian State: a Case Study of the Nigeria Police Force
Research on Humanities and Social Sciences www.iiste.org ISSN 2222-1719 (Paper) ISSN 2222-2863 (Online) Vol.3, No.1, 2013 Ethnicity and Marginalization within the Nigerian State: A Case Study of the Nigeria Police Force OLADIPO, B. STEPHEN DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY, FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES, UNIVERSITY OF CALABAR. P.O. BOX 337 GARKI, ABUJA, NIGERIA E-mail: [email protected] Abstract Following some deliberate activities of our highly celebrated past leaders and nationalists such as Nnamdi Azikwe, Chief Obafemi Awolowo and Sir Ahmadu Bello to mention but a few who fought for Nigeria independence from the colonial masters but went ahead thereafter to domesticate their loyalty to their various regions of origin. Issues of ethnicity and marginalization of the minority groups within the country have since then grown uncontrollably. In fact, the practice of ethnicity is mostly seen today in Nigeria as being normal or as being what is naturally expected of every one in position of power without which such fellow or leader risk outright rejection and castigation from his/her folk after his/her tenure in such position of authority and influence. This study therefore seeks to examine the magnitude of possible practice of ethnicity within the Nigeria Police Force through a critical review of appointments and promotion of officers to lucrative positions within the Force and factors influencing such promotions and postings since Nigeria Police Force is a model of the entire society. Keywords: Ethnicity, Marginalization, and Ethno-Political influence 1. Introduction Nigeria has three largest ethnic groups, the Hausa–Fulani, Yoruba, and Igbo who altogether represent 71 percent of the entire population (Otite 1990). -
Nigeria Country Assessment
NIGERIA COUNTRY ASSESSMENT COUNTRY INFORMATION AND POLICY UNIT, ASYLUM AND APPEALS POLICY DIRECTORATE IMMIGRATION AND NATIONALITY DIRECTORATE VERSION APRIL 2000 I. SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 This assessment has been produced by the Country Information and Policy Unit, Immigration and Nationality Directorate, Home Office, from information obtained from a variety of sources. 1.2 The assessment has been prepared for background purposes for those involved in the asylum determination process. The information it contains is not exhaustive, nor is it intended to catalogue all human rights violations. It concentrates on the issues most commonly raised in asylum claims made in the United Kingdom. 1.3 The assessment is sourced throughout. It is intended to be used by caseworkers as a signpost to the source material, which has been made available to them. The vast majority of the source material is readily available in the public domain. 1.4 It is intended to revise the assessment on a 6-monthly basis while the country remains within the top 35 asylum producing countries in the United Kingdom. 1.5 The assessment has been placed on the Internet (http:www.homeoffice.gov.uk/ind/cipu1.htm). An electronic copy of the assessment has been made available to: Amnesty International UK Immigration Advisory Service Immigration Appellate Authority Immigration Law Practitioners' Association Joint Council for the Welfare of Immigrants JUSTICE 1 Medical Foundation for the Care of Victims of Torture Refugee Council Refugee Legal Centre UN High Commissioner for Refugees CONTENTS I. SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 - 1.5 II. GEOGRAPHY 2.1 III. ECONOMY 3.1 - 3.3 IV. -
Dimensions of Electoral Reforms in Nigeria
Brazilian Journal of African Studies | Porto Alegre | v. 6, n. 11, Jan./Jun. 2021 | p. 189-210 189 DIMENSIONS OF ELECTORAL REFORMS IN NIGERIA Emmanuel Olugbade Ojo1 Introduction One of the fundamental problems that post-colonial African states, including Nigeria, are faced with is how to best sustain and eventually con- solidate democracy — in this case one-man-one-vote — through credible elections (Kolawole 2007, 15). No doubt, this simple task has become a her- culean one in the whole continent of Africa, few states could lay claim to having genuinely conducted free and fair elections as universally perceived. The tendency in many instances is to substitute a bastardised variant of it and justify its efficacy on the platform of expediency to merely secure gov- ernmental legitimacy (Iwu 2008, 37). One country that perfectly represents such negativity which serves our immediate purpose here is Zimbabwe (Vale 2005, 14). This is a country where a one-time freedom fighter gained power and refused to dispense with it even after years of exercising it and in spite of the natural law of diminishing returns, which daily affected his capability to provide real governance. It was simply a case of a liberator turned oppressor (Femi 2007, 11). The picture did not change until Robert Mugabe, who was winning all elections, was removed in old age by military putsch before his eventual demise. In Nigeria, which is the focus of this study, it has been pretty difficult for elected presidents to tinker with the constitutionally established tenure of maximum of two terms (of eight years) even when they desire an extension of tenure like former President Olusegun Obasanjo tacitly attempted (1999- 2007). -
The Nigerian Police and Our Political Twilight Zone
www.yesneko.com The Nigerian Police and Our Political Twilight Zone by Mobolaji E. Aluko, PhD [email protected] Introduction ------------ On Thursday, November 4, 1999, seven policemen were reported murdered in cold-blood ostensibly by rampaging Egbesu-inspired youths from the Ijaw community town of Odi in Kolobuma/Opukoma Council of Bayelsa State. The names of the policemen were [Reference 1]: 1. CSP Thomas Jokotola from Osun State 2. DSP George Nwine from Rivers State 3. St. Emmanuel Bako from Bauchi State 4. CPL Ayuba Silas from Kaduna State 5. PC Shaibu Zamani from Kaduna State 6. CPL Elias Bitrus from Borno State 7. CPL Robinson Obazee from Edo State. Four days later, this time in Kaiama, Bayelsa State, on Monday night, November 8, 1999 to be exact, three additional policemen were murdered again apparently by Odi youths: 1. Sgt. Alhaji Atabor from Kogi State 2. PC Stephen Abu from Cross-Rivers State 3. PC Umoh Ukbo from Cross-Rivers State On November 10, 1999, an angry President Obasanjo, from far-away Abuja, fired off a letter to Bayelsa Governor Diepreye Alamieyeseigha giving him a two-week ultimatum to find the killers or else face a state of emergency declaration. However on November 19 or thereabout, five full days to the expiration of the ultimatum, Obasanjo lost patience and ordered soldiers into Odi. Led by one Lt.-Colonel Agbabiaka (a Yoruba), the apparently 300-strong contingent of soldiers obviously overshot (?) its brief and levelled the town to the ground except for a church and bank building, and killed at least 375 people and a larger number of goats and chickens in the process.