George Bush Presidential Library Selected Records on the Iran
Total Page：16
File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
North, Iran-Contra, and the Doomsday Project the Original
The following is reproduced with permission of the author from its source at: http://japanfocus.org/-Peter_Dale-Scott/3491 Additional links and annotations provided by David Ratcliffe. North, Iran-Contra, and the Doomsday Project: The Original Congressional Cover Up of Continuity- of-Government Planning by Peter Dale Scott The Asia-Pacific Journal Vol 9, Issue 8 No 1 21 February 2011 If ever the constitutional democracy of the United States is overthrown, we now have a better idea of how this is likely to be done. That may be the most important contribution of the recent Iran-contra congressional hearings. —Theodore Draper, “The Rise of the American Junta,” New York Review of Books, October 8, 1987. In 1989 I published the following article, “Northwards without North: Bush, Counterterrorism, and the Continuation of Secret Power.” It is of interest today because of its description of how the Congressional Iran-Contra Committees, in their investigation of Iran-Contra, assembled documentation on what we now know as Continuity of Government (COG) planning, only to suppress or misrepresent this important information in their Report. I was concerned about the committees’ decision to sidestep the larger issues of secret powers and secret wars, little knowing that these secret COG powers, or “Doomsday Project,” would in fact be secretly implemented on September 11, 2011. (One of the two Committee Chairs was Lee Hamilton, later co-chair of the similarly evasive 9/11 Commission Report). Recently I have written about the extraordinary power of the COG network Doomsday planners, or what CNN in 1991 described as a “shadow government…about which you know nothing.”[1] Returning to my 1989 essay, I see the essential but complex overlap between this Doomsday Committee and the Iran-Contra secret “junta” or cabal described by Theodore Draper and Senator Paul Sarbanes within the Reagan-Bush administration. -
The National Security Council and the Iran-Contra Affair
THE NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL AND THE IRAN- CONTRA AFFAIR Congressman Ed Jenkins* and Robert H. Brink** I. INTRODUCTION Early in November of 1986, newspapers in the United States carried the first reports that the United States government, in an effort to gain release of United States citizens held hostage by terrorists in Lebanon, had engaged in a covert policy of supplying arms to elements within Iran.' Later in that month, following a preliminary inquiry into the matter, it was revealed that some of the funds generated from those arms sales had been diverted to support the "Contra" 2 forces fighting the Sandinista government in Nicaragua. The events giving rise to these disclosures became known collectively as the "Iran-Contra Affair." Both elements of the affair raised serious questions regarding the formulation and conduct of our nation's foreign policy. In regard to the Iranian phase of the affair, the Regan administration's rhetoric had placed the administration firmly in op- position to any dealings with nations supporting terrorism, and with Iran in particular.' In addition, the United States had made significant * Member, United States House of Representatives, Ninth District of Georgia. LL.B., University of Georgia Law School, 1959. In 1987, Congressman Jenkins served as a member of the House Select Committee to Investigate Covert Arms Transactions with Iran. ** Professional Staff Member, Committee on Government Operations, United States House of Representatives. J.D., Marshall-Wythe School of Law, College of William and Mary, 1978. In 1987, Mr. Brink served as a member of the associate staff of the House Select Committee to Investigate Covert Arms Transactions with Iran. -
Ackerman, Bruce
e Decline and Fall of the American Republic BRUCE ACKERMAN T T L H V Delivered at Princeton University April – , is Sterling Professor of Law and Political Science at Yale and the author of een books that have had a broad inuence in political philosophy, constitutional law, and public policy. His major works include Social Justice in the Liberal State and his multivolume con- stitutional history, We the People. His most recent books are e Failure of the Founding Fathers () and Before the Next Attack (). His book e Stake Holder Society (with Anne Alstott) served as a basis for Tony Blair’s recent introduction of child investment accounts in the United Kingdom, and his book Deliberation Day (with James Fishkin) served as a basis for PBS Deliberation Day, a national series of citizen deliberations produced by McNeill-Lehrer on national television for the elec- tions. He also writes for the general public, contributing frequently to the New York Times, Washington Post, and Los Angeles Times, and has served, without charge, as a lawyer on matters of public importance. He was a lead witness for President Clinton before the House Judiciary Com- mittee’s Impeachment Hearings and a principal spokesman for Al Gore before the Florida legislature during the election crisis of . Professor Ackerman is a member of the American Law Institute and the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. He is a Commander of the French Order of Merit and the recipient of the American Philosophical Society’s Henry Phillips Prize for Lifetime Achievement in Jurisprudence. LECTURE I. AN EXTREMIST PRESIDENCY Constitutional thought is in a triumphalist phase. -
George Bush Presidential Library Records on Robert M. Gates
George Bush Presidential Library 1000 George Bush Drive West College Station, TX 77845 phone: (979) 691-4041 fax: (979) 691-4030 http://bushlibrary.tamu.edu [email protected] Inventory for FOIA Request 2007-0265-F Records on Robert M. Gates Deputy Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs Extent 1055 folders Access Collection is open to all researchers. Access to Bush Presidential Records is governed by the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA)(5 USC 552 as amended) and the Presidential Records Act (PRA)(44 USC 22) and therefore records may be restricted in whole or in part in accordance with legal exemptions. Copyright Documents in this collection that were prepared by officials of the United States government as part of their official duties are in the public domain. Researchers are advised to consult the copyright law of the United States (Title 17, USC) which governs the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. Provenance Official records of George Bush’s presidency are housed at the George Bush Presidential Library and administered by the National Archives and Records Administration (NARA) under the provisions of the Presidential Records Act (PRA). Processed By Staff Archivists, July–August 2010. Previously restricted materials are added as they are released. Related Collections Related material may be found in FOIA requests: 1999-0578-F entitled “Robert Gates National Security Council Files related to the Persian Gulf War;” FOIA request 2007-0176-F entitled “Records on Robert Gates’ Schedule, Jan–June 1989;” and FOIA request 2009-0275-F entitled “Brent Scowcroft Files (Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs).” Scope and Content The materials in FOIA 2007-0265-F are a selective, not necessarily all inclusive, body of documents responsive to the topic of the FOIA. -
Congress' Power of the Purse
Congress' Power of the Purse Kate Stitht In view of the significance of Congress' power of the purse, it is surprising that there has been so little scholarly exploration of its contours. In this Arti- cle, Professor Stith draws upon constitutional structure, history, and practice to develop a general theory of Congress' appropriationspower. She concludes that the appropriationsclause of the Constitution imposes an obligation upon Congress as well as a limitation upon the executive branch: The Executive may not raise or spend funds not appropriatedby explicit legislative action, and Congress has a constitutional duty to limit the amount and duration of each grant of spending authority. Professor Stith examinesforms of spending authority that are constitutionally troubling, especially gift authority, through which Congress permits federal agencies to receive and spend private contri- butions withoutfurther legislative review. Other types of "backdoor" spending authority, including statutory entitlements and revolving funds, may also be inconsistent with Congress' duty to exercise control over the size and duration of appropriations.Finally, Professor Stith proposes that nonjudicial institu- tions such as the General Accounting Office play a larger role in enforcing and vindicating Congress' power of the purse. TABLE OF CONTENTS I. THE CONSTITUTIONAL LAW OF APPROPRIATIONS 1346 A. The Constitutional Prerequisitesfor Federal Gov- ernment Activity 1346 B. The Place of Congress' Power To Appropriate in the Structure of the Constitution 1348 C. The Constitutional Function of "Appropriations" 1352 D. The Principlesof the Public Fisc and of Appropria- tions Control 1356 E. The Power to Deny Appropriations 1360 II. APPROPRIATIONS CONTROL: THE LEGISLATIVE FRAME- WORK 1363 t Associate Professor of Law, Yale Law School. -
The Law As King and the King As Law: Is a President Immune from Criminal Prosecution Before Impeachment? Eric M
Maurice A. Deane School of Law at Hofstra University Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law Hofstra Law Faculty Scholarship 1992 The Law as King and the King as Law: Is a President Immune from Criminal Prosecution Before Impeachment? Eric M. Freedman Maurice A. Deane School of Law at Hofstra University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.hofstra.edu/faculty_scholarship Recommended Citation Eric M. Freedman, The Law as King and the King as Law: Is a President Immune from Criminal Prosecution Before Impeachment?, 20 Hastings Const. L.Q. 7 (1992) Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.hofstra.edu/faculty_scholarship/449 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hofstra Law Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Law as King and the King as Law: Is a President Immune from Criminal Prosecution Before Impeachment? By ERIC M. FREEDMAN* Table of Contents Introduction ................................................... 8 I. The Original Intents ................................. 15 II. The Historical Practice ............................... 22 A. The Federal Executive Branch ......................... 22 B. The Federal Judicial and Legislative Branches .......... 24 1. The Federal Judicial Branch ....................... 25 2. The Federal Legislative Branch ..................... 30 C. Federal Prosecution of State and Local Officials ......... 33 D. State-Level Practice ................................... 37 III. Theoretical Considerations ........................... 39 A. The Dual Nature of the Impeachment Clause .......... 41 B. The Rule of Law ...................................... 46 1. Civil Immunity .................................... 46 * Assistant Professor of Law, Hofstra University School of Law. J.D. 1979, B.A. -
Independent Counsel Investigations During the Reagan Administration
Reagan Library – Independent Counsel Investigations during the Reagan Administration This Reagan Library topic guide contains a description of each Independent Counsel investigation during the Reagan Administration. “See also” references are listed with each description.. The Library has a White House Counsel Investigations collection with series for all of these investigations, and often has a specific topic guide for each investigation. Links to both types of related material is included here. INDEPENDENT COUNSEL INVESTIGATIONS DURING THE REAGAN ADMINISTRATION: INDEPENDENT COUNSEL INVESTIGATION OF SECRETARY OF LABOR RAYMOND DONOVAN Special Prosecutor Leon Silverman Counsel to the President, White House Office of: Investigations, Series II Topic Guide: Investigation of Raymond Donovan During January 1981, the FBI conducted a standard background investigation of Secretary of Labor designate Raymond J. Donovan. Summaries of the investigation were furnished through the Assistant Attorney General's Office of Legislative Affairs, Department of Justice, to the U.S. Senate Committee on Labor and Human Resources, the President Elect’s Transition Office and later to the White House Counsel’s Office. This first report contained some allegations regarding Donovan’s ties to organized crime. Based on this information, his confirmation was held up for several weeks in which Donovan testified in Congress multiple times and vigorously maintained his innocence. He was confirmed as Secretary of Labor on February 4, 1981. Throughout 1981, the Senate Committee -
The War Powers Resolution: Concepts and Practice
The War Powers Resolution: Concepts and Practice Updated March 8, 2019 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R42699 The War Powers Resolution: Concepts and Practice Summary This report discusses and assesses the War Powers Resolution and its application since enactment in 1973, providing detailed background on various cases in which it was used, as well as cases in which issues of its applicability were raised. In the post-Cold War world, Presidents have continued to commit U.S. Armed Forces into potential hostilities, sometimes without a specific authorization from Congress. Thus the War Powers Resolution and its purposes continue to be a potential subject of controversy. On June 7, 1995, the House defeated, by a vote of 217-201, an amendment to repeal the central features of the War Powers Resolution that have been deemed unconstitutional by every President since the law’s enactment in 1973. In 1999, after the President committed U.S. military forces to action in Yugoslavia without congressional authorization, Representative Tom Campbell used expedited procedures under the Resolution to force a debate and votes on U.S. military action in Yugoslavia, and later sought, unsuccessfully, through a federal court suit to enforce presidential compliance with the terms of the War Powers Resolution. The War Powers Resolution (P.L. 93-148) was enacted over the veto of President Nixon on November 7, 1973, to provide procedures for Congress and the President to participate in decisions to send U.S. Armed Forces into hostilities. Section 4(a)(1) requires the President to report to Congress any introduction of U.S. -
Total Information Awareness Programs: Funding, Composition, and Oversight Issues
Order Code RL31786 Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Total Information Awareness Programs: Funding, Composition, and Oversight Issues Updated March 21, 2003 Amy Belasco Specialist in National Defense Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Total Information Awareness Programs: Funding, Composition, and Oversight Issues Summary Late last year controversy erupted about a Department of Defense (DOD) R&D effort called Total Information Awareness (TIA) under an office headed by retired Admiral John D. Poindexter within the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA). By integrating various new tools designed to detect, anticipate, train for, and provide warnings about potential terrorist attacks, DARPA hopes to develop a prototype Total Information Awareness system. This system would integrate a number of ongoing R&D efforts, referred to in this paper as Total Information Awareness programs. While concern has centered primarily on privacy issues, accounts of the program’s funding have also differed. This report covers the funding, composition, oversight, and technical feasibility of TIA programs. The privacy implications are addressed in CRS Report RL31730, Privacy: Total Information Awareness Programs and Related Information Access, Collection, and Protection Laws, by Gina Marie Stevens. In a press interview, Under Secretary of Defense for Acquisition, Technology and Logistics, Edward C. “Pete” Aldridge, stated that the Total Information Awareness project is funded at $10 million in FY2003 and $20 million in FY2004. Other reports indicated higher funding levels of over $100 million in FY2003 and over $200 million for the three-year period, FY2001 - FY2003. Different accounts of funding levels reflect the fact that DARPA is funding both an integrative effort called the TIA system, as well as 16 individual R&D efforts or TIA programs that could be combined to create that system. -
Congress and the Supersonic Transport, 1960-1971 by John
Congress and the supersonic transport, 1960-1971 by John Marion Bell A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in History Montana State University © Copyright by John Marion Bell (1974) Abstract: Aviation state-of-the-art advances in the 1940's and 1950's paved the way for development of a commercial SST in the 1960's. Military aviation advances were translated directly into subsonic transports and it was felt that the next step in progress would be the SST. Through military programs and basic research by NACA, the United States government aided the development of a commercial SST even before undertaking an active SST program in the 1960's. Foreign governments were also at work on SST's and when the British and French merged their development programs in 1962 the United States was spurred by their competition. President Kennedy announced an active program in June, 1963 a day following Pan Am's order of Anglo-French SST's. There was little opposition to the airplane at first; what little there was was based on the aircraft's unavoidable sonic boom. A design competition was conducted by the FAA to select the best possible American design. Boeing was selected the winner in 1966 on the basis of a radical, swing-wing design. The program then entered a two-prototype development stage. Boeing soon ran into development problems and in 1968 abandoned its swing-wing in favor of a conventional fixed-wing. The airplane's problems were also complicated by the great increase in cost of development as well as a growing opposition based on the possible negative environmental impact of the SST. -
The Boland Amendment and Report, 1983 in Late 1982 the U.S
The Boland Amendment and Report, 1983 In late 1982 the U.S. Congress passed an amendment to a bill that restricted U.S. spending in Nicaragua. The amendment, proposed by Massachusetts Representative, Edward Boland, said that “None of the funds provided in this Act may be used by the Central Intelligence Agency or the Department of Defense to furnish military equipment, military training or advice, or other support for military activities, to any group or individual, not part of a country’s armed forces, for the purposes of overthrowing the Government of Nicaragua or provoking a military exchange between Nicaragua and Honduras.” This report explained Boland’s view of the Nicaraguan situation, and it included a new amendment that extended the restriction. Report of Mr. Boland The Committee’s action on H.R. 2760 [to amend the Intelligence Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 1983 to prohibit United States support for military or paramilitary operations in Nicaragua and to authorize assistance, to be openly provided to governments of countries in Central America, to interdict the supply of military equipment from Nicaragua and Cuba to individuals, groups, organizations or movements seeking to overthrow governments of countries in Central America] comes at a time when U.S. foreign policy towards Central America is at the forefront of discussion in the Congress and throughout the nation. Attention has been focused on events in that troubled region not only because of their daily depiction in news reports but because of the President’s April 27 address to a joint session of the Congress. As the President so forcefully noted, Central America has a strategic importance to the United States, yet some Central America nations friendly to the United States are now under attack. -
Noriega, Arms & Drug Traffic by Deborah Tyroler Category/Department: General Published: Friday, April 8, 1988
University of New Mexico UNM Digital Repository NotiCen Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) 4-8-1988 Summary: Mcneil Testimony On U.S. "obsession With Nicaragua," Noriega, Arms & Drug Traffic Deborah Tyroler Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/noticen Recommended Citation Tyroler, Deborah. "Summary: Mcneil Testimony On U.S. "obsession With Nicaragua," Noriega, Arms & Drug Traffic." (1988). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/noticen/1972 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in NotiCen by an authorized administrator of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LADB Article Id: 075095 ISSN: 1089-1560 Summary: Mcneil Testimony On U.S. "obsession With Nicaragua," Noriega, Arms & Drug Traffic by Deborah Tyroler Category/Department: General Published: Friday, April 8, 1988 On April 4, Francis J. McNeil testified before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee's subcommittee on terrorism, narcotics and international operations, chaired by Sen. John Kerry. McNeil, a 31-year Foreign Service officer, left the State Department in February 1987, due to "clashes" with Asst. Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs Elliott Abrams. At the time of his resignation, McNeil held the position of Senior Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Intelligence and Research. Among other posts in his career, McNeil served as US Ambassador to Costa Rica, and Deputy Asst. Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs. McNeil's testimony on selected topics is summarized below. "Obsession with Nicaragua" Leads U.S. to Subvert Anti-Drug & Support for Democratization Policies In his testimony, McNeil argued that some US officials' "obsession with Nicaragua" precluded "rational decisionmaking" regarding other US policy objectives, particularly commitments to curb international drug trafficking and terrorism, and to support democratization in Latin America.