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Stability and Arms Control in Europe: the Role of Military Forces Within a European Security System
Stability and Arms Control in Europe: The Role of Military Forces within a European Security System A SIPRI Research Report Edited by Dr Gerhard Wachter, Lt-General (Rtd) and Dr Axel Krohn sipri Stockholm International Peace Research Institute July 1989 Copyright © 1989 SIPRI All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN 91-85114-50-2 Typeset and originated by Stockholm International Peace Research Institute Printed and bound in Sweden by Ingeniörskopia Solna Abstract Wachter, G. and Krohn, A., eds, Stability and Arms Control in Europe: The Role of Military Forces within a European Security System, A SIPRI Research Report (SIPRI: Solna, Sweden, 1989), 113 pp. This report presents the outcome of a project which was initiated at SIPRI in 1987. It was supported by a grant from the Volkswagen Stiftung of the Federal Republic of Germany. The introductory chapter by the editors presents a scenario for a possible future European security system. Six essays by active NATO and WTO military officers focus on the role of military forces in such a system. Various approaches to the tasks and size of military forces in this regime of strict non-provocative defence are presented with the intent of providing new ideas for the debate on restructuring of forces in Europe. There are 3 maps, 7 tables and 11 figures. Sponsored by the Volkswagen Stiftung. Contents Preface vi Acknowledgements viii The role of military forces within a European security system 1 G. -
Defence and National Security Strategic Review 2017
2017 DEFENCE AND NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGIC REVIEW STRATEGIC REVIEW REVIEW STRATEGIC 2017 Defence and National Security Strategic Review 2017 DICoD - Bureau des éditions - Octobre 2017 Defence and National Security Strategic Review 2017 1 DEFENCE AND NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGIC REVIEW PREFACE BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC . 5 FOREWORD BY THE MINISTER FOR THE ARMED FORCES . 9 INTRODUCTION . 13 PART A A RAPID AND LASTING DETERIORATION OF THE STRATEGIC ENVIRONMENT . 16 1 . A challenged international system . 17 1 .1 . The multilateral order called into question . 17 1 .2 . Deconstructing the European security architecture . 19 1 .3 . Tensions within the European Union . 19 2 . France, exposed and committed . 20 2 .1 . Simultaneous and long-term commitments . 20 • Direct attacks on the national territory . 20 • The vulnerable Sahel-Sahara region . 21 • A destabilized Middle East . 22 • Tensions on Europe’s eastern and northern flanks . 23 2 .2 . Risk areas . 24 • The Mediterranean and its southern regions . 24 • Balkans . 24 • Sub-Saharan Africa . 25 • Asia . 26 3 . Multiple weaknesses aggravating crises . 29 3 .1 . Demographic and migration pressure . 29 3 .2 . Climate change . 29 3 .3 . Sanitary risks . 30 3 .4 . Energy rivalries . 30 3 .5 . Organised crime . 31 4 . Disruptive technological and digital innovation . 31 4 .1 . A double risk: technology lag and operational levelling . 32 TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE 4 .2 . Growing threats in cyberspace . 33 2 DEFENCE AND NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGIC REVIEW PART B NEW FORMS OF WARFARE AND CONFLICT . 36 1 . Harder, more disseminated threats . 37 1 .1 . Entrenchment and spread of jihadist terrorism . 37 1 .2 . Accelerating proliferation . 38 • Spread of conventional weaponry . -
Managing the Security Dilemma in East Asia: the Potential and Performance of Confidence Building Measures*
Managing the Security Dilemma in East Asia: The Potential and Performance of Confidence Building Measures* Tamotsu Fukuda Strategic and Defence Studies Centre Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies The Australian National University Canberra December 2002 Abstract: After the end of the Cold War, many states in East Asia embarked on robust military build-up and defence modernisation programs. In light of this development, one of the main security concerns in the region stemmed from the fact that such weapons acquisition programs were conducted with a relative lack of transparency with respect to regional states’ objectives and motivations. In an effort to prevent the military build- up/modernisation programs from escalating into a regional arms race, East Asian countries began implementing confidence building measures (CBMs) mainly through the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). This paper assesses the performance of the CBMs that have been implemented in the region and examines their potential in preventing arms races. The paper finds that most measures implemented in East Asia are transparency measures which do not require strong political commitment, while the implementation of constraint measures remains minimal. The region, thus, has not reached a point where it is sufficient to prevent arms races. One of the important reasons for this insufficient level of cooperation stems from the lack of the acceptance of the status quo. Without the acceptance of the status quo or an agreement that the status quo is changed only through peaceful means, CBMs and arms control arrangements will be of nominal value in East Asia. Introduction Overcoming the security dilemma is one of the most important challenges that states in East Asia face today in the twenty-first century.1 Since the end of the Cold War, the region has made efforts to ease the security dilemma. -
The Evolution of U.S. Military Policy from the Constitution to the Present
C O R P O R A T I O N The Evolution of U.S. Military Policy from the Constitution to the Present Gian Gentile, Michael E. Linick, Michael Shurkin For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR1759 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-0-8330-9786-6 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2017 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface Since the earliest days of the Republic, American political and military leaders have debated and refined the national approach to providing an Army to win the nation’s independence and provide for its defense against all enemies, foreign and domestic. -
The Utility of Military Force and Public Understanding in Today's Britain
EUROPE HEW STRACHAN, RUTH HARRIS The Utility of Military Force and Public Understanding in Today’s Britain For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RRA213-1 The Global Strategic Partnership (GSP), a consortium of research, academic and industry organisations that is led by RAND Europe, provides ongoing analytical support to the UK Ministry of Defence. Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif., and Cambridge, UK © Copyright 2020 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. RAND Europe is a not-for-profit research organisation that helps to improve policy and decision making through research and analysis. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org www.randeurope.org Table of Contents Table of Contents .................................................................................................................................... -
US Military Policy in the Middle East an Appraisal US Military Policy in the Middle East: an Appraisal
Research Paper Micah Zenko US and Americas Programme | October 2018 US Military Policy in the Middle East An Appraisal US Military Policy in the Middle East: An Appraisal Contents Summary 2 1 Introduction 3 2 Domestic Academic and Political Debates 7 3 Enduring and Current Presence 11 4 Security Cooperation: Training, Advice and Weapons Sales 21 5 Military Policy Objectives in the Middle East 27 Conclusion 31 About the Author 33 Acknowledgments 34 1 | Chatham House US Military Policy in the Middle East: An Appraisal Summary • Despite significant financial expenditure and thousands of lives lost, the American military presence in the Middle East retains bipartisan US support and incurs remarkably little oversight or public debate. Key US activities in the region consist of weapons sales to allied governments, military-to-military training programmes, counterterrorism operations and long-term troop deployments. • The US military presence in the Middle East is the culmination of a common bargain with Middle Eastern governments: security cooperation and military assistance in exchange for US access to military bases in the region. As a result, the US has substantial influence in the Middle East and can project military power quickly. However, working with partners whose interests sometimes conflict with one another has occasionally harmed long-term US objectives. • Since 1980, when President Carter remarked that outside intervention in the interests of the US in the Middle East would be ‘repelled by any means necessary’, the US has maintained a permanent and significant military presence in the region. • Two main schools of thought – ‘offshore balancing’ and ‘forward engagement’ – characterize the debate over the US presence in the Middle East. -
Defence and Security After Brexit Understanding the Possible Implications of the UK’S Decision to Leave the EU Compendium Report
Defence and security after Brexit Understanding the possible implications of the UK’s decision to leave the EU Compendium report James Black, Alex Hall, Kate Cox, Marta Kepe, Erik Silfversten For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR1786 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif., and Cambridge, UK © Copyright 2017 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover: HMS Vanguard (MoD/Crown copyright 2014); Royal Air Force Eurofighter Typhoon FGR4, A Chinook Helicopter of 18 Squadron, HMS Defender (MoD/Crown copyright 2016); Cyber Security at MoD (Crown copyright); Brexit (donfiore/fotolia); Heavily armed Police in London (davidf/iStock) RAND Europe is a not-for-profit organisation whose mission is to help improve policy and decisionmaking through research and analysis. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org www.rand.org/randeurope Defence and security after Brexit Preface This RAND study examines the potential defence and security implications of the United Kingdom’s (UK) decision to leave the European Union (‘Brexit’). -
Military Policy and the Causes of War: Eight Hypotheses
1 MIT / 17.42 / Causes and Prevention of War Stephen Van Evera MILITARY POLICY AND THE CAUSES OF WAR: EIGHT HYPOTHESES I. FIRST MOVE ADVANTAGE (or "crisis instability"). "The greater the advantage that accrues to the side mobilizing or striking first, the greater the risk of war." See Schelling, Arms and Influence, chapter 6 (assigned). A. When does it pay / not pay / to move (mobilize or strike) first? 1. The problem is two-sided. If you have a first-move advantage, it pays your opponent to move first just to deny you the first-move advantage. 2. First-strike vs. first-mobilization advantages. Both are dangerous. B. Dangers raised by a first-move advantage (FMA): 1. Opportunistic war. ("If we strike first we win, so let's strike and capture the benefits of winning!") Not a profound point but many analysts don't get beyond it. 2. Preemptive war. "We fear they will strike, so we must strike." Examples: Israel's 1967 attack on Egypt; Russia's 1914 mobilization. And two extensions: -- "Accidental War." Example: 1890 Battle of Wounded Knee. -- "The Reciprocal Fear of Surprise Attack"--Schelling. ("We fear they fear we fear they will strike; so they may strike; so we must.") This is the common formulation of the problem but the least realistic. History shows that reciprocal fear almost never happens, perhaps because states seldom see themselves as threats to others so they seldom expect others to fear them. 3. The Dangers of Candor--the most serious of these 3 risks. States conceal their grievances and their capabilities because they think: "we must lull them into believing we are weak and benign; otherwise we can't gain surprise." This makes inadvertent war and wars of false optimism more likely. -
Is Non-Offensive Defence Viable As a Strategy for National Security?
Is Non-Offensive Defence Viable As A Strategy For National Security? IS NON-OFFENSIVE DEFENCE VIABLE AS A STRATEGY FOR NATIONAL SECURITY? By LTC Goh Nichola ABSTRACT Non-Offensive Defence is described as the strategic defence stance taken by a country to safeguard its naonal interest. Without being aggressive with its military, a naon can potenally deter an aggressor, through its uneven terrain or foreign alliances. In this essay, the author states that non-offensive defence is viable as a strategy only if certain condions are fulfilled—suitable geography, benign strategic environment and neutral foreign outreach. In the case of Japan, the author puts forth an addional condion, which is alliances. In the author’s opinion, however, Non-Offensive defence is only fully viable if the three condions highlighted above are met. Keywords: Offence, Defence, Strategic, Condions, Environment INTRODUCTION extremist groups) and hybrid taccs (e.g. cyberaacks) employed by state actors. Non-Offensive Defence (NOD) gained prominence during the height of the Cold War in the late 1970s to THE CONCEPT OF NON-OFFENSIVE early 1980s as a strategy for the North Atlanc Treaty DEFENCE Organisaon (NATO). Nevertheless, it has remained The concept of NOD originated during the Cold prominent in the discourse of security studies ll today. War as a means of defusing tensions between NATO In this essay, the author argues that non-offensive and the Warsaw Pact. Moller and Wiberg idenfied the defence is viable as a strategy for naonal security only three purposes of NOD as follows: (1) to facilitate arms if the following condions are fulfilled—the geography control and disarmament, (2) to strengthen peace by of the country in queson must defensible, its strategic ruling out pre-empve and prevenve wars, and (3) to environment must be benign, and the way it conducts 1 provide effecve yet non-suicidal defensive opons. -
STRIKING FIRST – Preemptive and Preventive Attack in U.S. National
THE ARTS This PDF document was made available CHILD POLICY from www.rand.org as a public service of CIVIL JUSTICE the RAND Corporation. EDUCATION ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT Jump down to document6 HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit NATIONAL SECURITY research organization providing POPULATION AND AGING PUBLIC SAFETY objective analysis and effective SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY solutions that address the challenges SUBSTANCE ABUSE facing the public and private sectors TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY around the world. TRANSPORTATION AND INFRASTRUCTURE WORKFORCE AND WORKPLACE Support RAND Purchase this document Browse Books & Publications Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore RAND Project AIR FORCE View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non- commercial use only. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents. This product is part of the RAND Corporation monograph series. RAND monographs present major research findings that address the challenges facing the public and private sectors. All RAND mono- graphs undergo rigorous peer review to ensure high standards for research quality and objectivity. STRIKINGFIRST Preemptive and Preventive Attack in U.S. National Security Policy KARL P. MUELLER JASEN J. CASTILLO FORREST E. MORGAN NEGEEN PEGAHI BRIAN ROSEN Prepared for the United States Air Force Approved for public release; distribution unlimited The research described in this report was sponsored by the United States Air Force under Contract F49642-01-C-0003. -
Lawful Targets in Cyber Operations: Does the Principle of Distinction Apply?
Lawful Targets in Cyber Operations: Does the Principle of Distinction Apply? Noam Lubell 89 INT’L L. STUD. 252 (2013) Volume 89 2013 International Law Studies 2013 Lawful Targets in Cyber Operations: Does the Principle of Distinction Apply? Noam Lubell* I. INTRODUCTION M ost of the advanced and largest militaries in the world have, in recent years, devoted significant attention and resources to the development of the capacity to conduct—and defend against—cyber operations.1 Indeed, cyber operations feature prominently in discussions over future conflicts and are expected to be an inherent and major component in the waging of war. But cyber operations are not usually conducted with the aim of straightforward material harm to a physical military object and their use * Reader in Law, School of Law, University of Essex, United Kingdom. Thanks are due to Marty Ehlenbach for research assistance and to Audrey Guinchard for comments. 1. U.S. Department of Defense, Department of Defense Strategy for Operating in Cyberspace (2011), available at http://www.defense.gov/news/d20110714cyber.pdf; HM Government, Securing Britain in an Age of Uncertainty: UK Strategic Defence and Securi- ty Review (2010), available at http://www.cabinetoffice.gov.uk/sites/default/files /resources/strategic-defence-security-review.pdf; NATO Cooperative Cyber Defence Centre of Excellence, http://www.ccdcoe.org/; Jim Wolf, China Cyber Capability Puts U.S. Forces at Risk: Report, REUTERS (Mar. 8, 2012, 12:11 AM), http://www.reuters.com /article/2012/03/08/us-china-usa-cyberwar-idUSBRE8270AF20120308; Nick Hopkins, Militarisation of Cyberspace: How the Global Power Struggle Moved Online, GUARDIAN (Apr. -
JP 2-02 National Intelligence Support to Joint Operations
Joint Pub 2-02 National Intelligence Support to Joint Operations 28 September 1998 PREFACE 1. Scope from organizing the force and executing the mission in a manner the JFC deems most This joint publication describes national appropriate to ensure unity of effort in the intelligence organizations and their support accomplishment of the overall mission. to joint military operations. Also addressed is the special support and augmentation 3. Application available for joint operations by national joint elements such as the Military Intelligence a. Doctrine and guidance established in this Board, the National Military Joint Intelligence publication apply to the commanders and Center, and National Intelligence Support intelligence staff of combatant commands, Teams. This joint publication covers Service subordinate unified commands, joint task forces, intelligence organizations and centers, as combat support agencies, and subordinate well as nonmilitary agencies and components of these commands. These nongovernmental organizations. The principles and guidance also may apply when recommended target audience for this joint significant forces of one Service are attached to publication is commanders and intelligence forces of another Service or when significant staffs of combatant commands, subordinate forces of one Service support forces of another unified commands, joint task forces, combat Service. support agencies, and supporting Service components. b. The guidance in this publication is authoritative; as such, this doctrine (or JTTP) 2. Purpose will be followed except when, in the judgment of the commander, exceptional circumstances This publication has been prepared under dictate otherwise. If conflicts arise between the the direction of the Chairman of the Joint contents of this publication and the contents of Chiefs of Staff.