March 7, 1964 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY Elections and 'Traditional Leadership' in a Mysore Village—I C Parvathamma

This paper describes the elections to the Village Panchayat at Board in a Mysore village held during March-April 1960. The village is called Kshetra. It lies near the centre of the Kannada-speaking area of the Deccan, in Bellary district and has formed part of Mysore State since 1953. In Kshetra, the inter-caste political relationships, particularly between, the Kshatriyas and the Linga­ yats (Non-Brahmanical Sect professing the worship of Shiva) have been greatly influenced in recent: years by elections even though the traditional authority and the leadership of the Kshatriyas continues.

AT the beginning of January 1960, of castes. The various castes which different versions of the founding of Kshetra had 1,929 people dis­ have embraced Lingayatism continue the temple. The account from each tributed in 358 households. The to be distinct occupational and en- party supports its claims. As a village has 3,573 acres of non- dogamous groups. Many of them do matter of actual historical fact, how- irrigated (dry) cultivable land. The not interdine with one another. The ever, the temple was founded by the region in which Kshetra lies is a Barber and the Potter, for instance, ancestors of the present day Kshat­ predominantly Lingayat area and follow different occupations, and riya inhabitants after the collapse Lingayats form about half the they also constitute distinct endoga- of the Vijayanagar Empire in 1565. population of the village. Some mous groups which do not interdine eighteen castes with a number of with one another. Inter-caste political relationships sub-castes are represented in the in the village are very much influ­ village. The population, landhold- Anti-Brahmanical enced by the presence of the temple. ing and relative status of castes in Historically Veerasaivism was The Kshatriyas have access to offi­ the caste hierarchy are shown in anti-Brahmanical and this finds ex­ cials and the Government as the tables 1 A and B (p 476). pression even now in several ways. temple, which they manage, comes Veerasaivas assert equality with under Government supervision. Offi­ It is evident from the Tables that (sometimes claim superiority to) cial contacts have strengthened the there are four caste-groups among the Brahmins by non-acceptance of position of the Kshatriyas in the the Lingayats — Jangam, the priest­ either cooked food or the ritual ser­ village. They continue to enjoy do­ ly caste. Potter and Barber. The vices of a Brahmin priest. The Lin­ minance in the temple as well as fourth caste-group consists of five gayats and the twice-born castes in the statutory Panchayat. But the sub-castes. Historically, the rapid (Brahmins and Kshatriyas) in Kshet­ Lingayats who are economically and spread of Lingayatism1 over Karna­ ra thus run parallel to one another numerically dominant, have in the taka is attributed to the 12th century (the numerical arrangement is only past, tried to assert their claims to Reformist Movement led by Basava, for the sake of convenience). The the. ownership of the temple, and a Saiva Brahmin and his followers. non-Lingayat as well as the Untouch­ in recent years, they are also trying They recruited people of different able caste-groups accept food from to seize power in the statutory Pan- castes to Veerasaivism, and conver­ the hands of both the twice-born chayat. sion from other castes to Veerasai­ and the Lingayats. The caste-groups vism still continues. The Kuruba- generally served by a Brahmin priest A favourable court decision in the Lingayats of Kshetra are a case in could be demarcated from those early 1920's reaffirmed the Kshatriya point. served by a Jangam. claim to the ownership of the tem­ ple. With this, the temple as a Veerasaiva movement was oft- The village has a large Saivite means of acquiring leadership has posed to Bramanical religious practi­ temple which is also a regional cult ceased to interest the Lingayats. ces and challenged the ritual supe­ centre. The "Kshetra Linga' temple They are now more keen on secur­ riority of the Brahmins. Further one is endowed with six hundred odd ing political leadership. of the aims of the Reformers was acres of land, most of which is fer­ to overcome caste distinctions. This tile, black cotton soil. Besides land, The temple cult, insofar as it they failed to achieve, and the move­ voluntary contributions from the wields religious influence over the ment led to a further proliferation pilgrims amount annually to seve­ people, is one of the important ral thousand rupees. A resident agents for the continuance of Kshat­ Kshatriya joint family controls the riya political leadership. The role 1 use 'Traditional Leadership' to temple and its resources. of the temple in village politics is refer to the power exercised by the traditionally dominant caste of the overt. The disunity prevalent among village, the Kshatriyas, and not to Disputes between the Kshatriyas the various Lingayat caste-groups the traditional Panchayat of Kshetra. and the Lingayats over the owner­ together with the role of the temple I use 'Lingayatism' and 'Veerasai­ ship of the temple and its resources have paved the way for the conti­ vism' as synonymous terms. have led each party to put forward nued political dominance of the 475 March 7, 1964 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

kshatriyas in the village. The Sta­ money and extend his influence. Table 1 B : Approximate Hierarchical tutory Panchayat was introduced in Position of Caste-groups in Kshetra Kshetra in 1919. Since then, the The kshatriyas had always acted Presidentship of the Statutory Pan- as arbitrators, although they did A Twice-born chavat has been held by a Kshatriya not occupy any position — either 1 Brahmin elder. as Headmen or Accountants — in 2 Kshatriya the "traditional' Panchayat. The in­ 3 Panchala Panchayat Boards troduction of statutory Panchayats a Blacksmith A Statutory administration has in 1949 paved the way for the in­ b Carpenter emerged with the creation of self- stitutionalized leadership in the c Goldsmith governing village Panchayat Boards. village which the Kshatriyas now B Veerasaivas This has heroine increasingly im­ enjoy. The principle of election 4 Jangam (priest) portant since India attained her in­ has helped to reduce the overt dependence. It is based on the de­ aggression in connection with 5 a Panchachara Lingayat mocratic principle of election to the temple — which marked the b Handeralntta offices by a majority vote. The relationship between the Lingayats c Banajiga VPB is headed by a President, who and the Kshatriyas in the past. d Shivasimpiga e Sadaru conies under the direct supervision Caste antagonism based on religious differences i e. Brahmanical and 6 Potter Lingayat of the Deputy Commissioner. Also 7 Barber Lingayat there is a Vice-President and a cer­ Sectarian dichotomy. between the Kshatriyas and the Lingayats finds tain number of members elected to C Non-Lingayats its best expression during elections. office by the villagers, and they as- 8 kuruba While in fact, it is the economic sist the President in his work. The 9 Maratha role of the Panchayat consists in and political interests that widen 10 Settibanajiga working for the improvement of the these religious and caste-group 11 Barike cleavages between the Kshatriyas village. It is a welfare body with 12 Muslim (Non-Hindu castes) some financial and judicial power. and the Lingayats. 13 Pinjari The VPB as a body represents the 14 Talawari village in its dealings with the Gov­ In our discussion of village elec- 15 Agasa ernment and the Government to the tions we, shall concentrate on the villagers. role of the two dominant castes, i e 1) Untouchables the Kshatriyas and the Lingayat 16 Cheluvadi Panchachara. The inter-caste politi­ With the. introduction of statutory 17 kanchaveera cal behaviour", as was manifested in Panchayats. the Lingayats of Kshet­ 18 Madiga ra have become increasingly eastc- conscious and Lingayat opposition to kshatriya? has been increasing. In recent elections, a large number of Lingayat families voted against the kshatriya President's Party. Flec­ tions have also contributed to the increase of differences among castes and individuals as the desire to cap­ ture power to promote individual and group ends became widespread.

The candidates running for offices — Presidentship. Vice-Presidentship and membership — in the Statutory Panchayat do so for many reasons. It is prestigious to be a member, and a member has also power which he can use to build up a following. A clever member can also acquire land and house sites for himself from the Government. They get to know more people, es­ pecially officials and State-politi­ cians, and this enhances their status. The members pay a nominal fee to run for offices, e g. a caste Hindu must pay a deposit of Rs 5. a woman Rs 2 and an Untouchable Rs 2, A member is not paid any salary but the membership provides him with opportunities to make

476 March 7, 1964 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

the village Panchayat Board elec­ The Lingayat Party as a whole tended to keep the members divided tions, held during March-April was less strongly organised than amongst themselves. Economic and 1960, throws light on the nature of the President's Party. It also lacked political expediency or individual the antagonism between these two experience in the technique of con­ idiosyncracies have always come in groups. It also highlights the ducting meetings in the village and the way of unity. Economic consi­ methods by which the two castes seeking the support of the villagers. derations can override loyalty to are trying to obtain influence, wield The discussion of the 'election caste. The Banajiga traders from power and rally around them the drama' will account for the success whom Kshatriyas buy their provi­ members of the other castes in the of the Kshatriyas and failure of the sions have always supported the village, who are dependent on them Lingayats. Lack of unity, a signi­ Kshatriyas and not the Lingayats. for one thing or the other. ficant feature among the Lingayats. It could he argued that the domin­ has hindered their dominating ance of the 'dominant' Lingayat Villagers who supported the village politics. caste in Kshetra is frequently nega­ Kshatriyas were in some way de­ tived by the existence of differing pendent on them. They either cul­ Although Lingayats as a whole factions within it. Other features tivated temple land as tenants or constitute a single dominant caste- of Lingayat disunity will emerge held some ritual offices in the temple group in Kshetra, it could be re­ below as I discuss the drama of the or devotees of the temple, Econo­ called that they actually constitute election, which also accounts for mic and ritual considerations prom­ four different caste-groups. In addi­ the continuance of Kshatriya tradi­ pted them to support the Kshatriyas. tion to customary and occupational tion and authority in the village. The temple administration is partly differences, they enforce strict sub- controlled by the Government and caste endogamy with restricted com- The elections of 1960* gave a Government officials who visit Kshe- mensality between one sub-caste major opportunity to the two domi­ Ira invariably come into contact and another. Thus cleavages run nant castes of Kshatriyas and Lin­ with the Kshatriyas. along the lines of castes and sub- gayats to mobilise their strength. by castes. winning the support of people from A Kshatriya elder held the Pre­ the other castes in the village, who sidentship of the Statutory Pancha- Not A Homogeneous Group had aligned themselves with one or yat for over a decade and during The rapid growth of Veerasaivisrn the other for the reasons given this period his contacts with the since the time of Basava. has been above . Each caste wanted to have officials increased. The President due to mass conversions to Veera­ a member elected to the village used these connections to secure saivisrn from other castes. Hence Panchayat Board, while some Lin­ certain favours such as the grant Lingayats do not constitute a homo­ gayats wauled the Presidentship of of agricultural loans to individuals. geneous group. The distinctions such the VPB to go to their caste. The The menials in the Panchayat as following different occupations; Panchachara are the single largest Board, especially the Madiga the Banajigas constituting mostly a subcaste. and are. on the whole, sweepers, and a Maratha lamp­ trading community and Shivasinpi- the most enterprising and indust- lighter have also put themselves gas working as Tailors, and other rieus people in Kshetra. They are under the influence of the Kshatri­ customary practices such as the economically dominant. Among them yas. The Iamp-lighter's job came presence of the clan system among are several boys studying in schools to an end with the introduction of the Sadaru and its absence among and colleges, which in due course electricity in the village in Febru­ the Panchathara. probably owe will result in the emergence of a ary 1960. But he continued to work their origin to diverse elements group of educated young men. The at his postman's job in the local that have gone into it, especially as Lingayats failed to capture the post office. a result of recruiting people from Presidentship of the VPR inspite of other castes. The internal differen­ the strong attempt which they made. The 'Lingayat Party" i e the Lin­ ces among the various Lingayat The antagonism between the gavats who formed the. nucleus of caste-groups have become crystal­ Kshatriyas and the Lingayats was the party opposed to that of the lized. Even caste and sub-caste differences help us to mark off one concentrated around the local President, on the other hand, lacks caste-group from another; and they temple for a long time. The income the network of ties which bind the partly explain the disunity preval­ from endowed lands and voluntary villagers to the Kshatriyas. The ent among the Lingayats. contributions; by pilgrims amounts patron-client relationship was clearly annually to seven or eight thousand not enough to make the lower The sub-caste divisions are very rupees, Lingayats envied the Kshat­ castes support the Lingayats. In­ real among the Lingayats. Sub- riya proprietorship of the temple deed, the Lingayats were divided caste solidarity overrides Lingayat because of economic interests. This amongst themselves, so that some solidarity. Even more they seem to has always been disguised under of them did not hesitate to over­ be opposed to Panchachara domin­ the cloak of religious interests. the look caste and kinship ties and ance. This leads them to join hands Veerasaivas claiming authority over support the President's Party. The with Kshatriyas. Except for the the Saivite temple since they are rift was not so much between the Panchachara the other sub-castes Kshatriya President and the Linga- are smaller in size, and show a * The data on the ejections was gather yat Party but the Lingayats in the greater degree of unity. While the ed by me after the elections were held. I was away from the village on President's Party and the Lingayat large size of a single sub-caste like some official assignment, at the time Party formed during the elections. the Panchachara in Kshetra has of the election 477

THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY March 7, 1964

exclusive worshippers of Shiva. Thus the opposition Lingayat Patry was Headquarters to conduct the Presi­ the Veerasaivas have put forth their their caste-oriented campaign. In dential elections. Tables 2 A and claim to the ownership of the Kshet- his opinion, the temple and the 2 B (p 481) give the list of people ra Linga temple several times in Kshatriyas stand for liberalism as who contested the 1960 elections. the law courts since the middle of opposed to caste conformity. His From Table 2 A, it is evident 19th century. claim was probably conceded by that all the Lingayat candidates many villagers, including especially The persistent failure of the Lin- from the President's Party are re­ members of 'lower' castes. But some gayats to win a single lawsuit lated to one another, and that most of the latter overtly supported the against the Kshatriyas with regard of them are also rich agriculturists Lingayats. to the temple has forced them to and moneylenders. These rich Lin- accept the situation that they can­ Move to Avoid Election gayats used their economic and mo­ ral power to persuade their tenants not derive any benefit from the Before receiving nominations for temple economically or otherwise. and debtors to vole and canvass for candidates in the elections in March them. The network of lies which the Similarly the success of the Kshat­ 1960, the President and some of the rich had in the village and supe­ riyas in the lawsuits has strengthen­ retiring Lingayat members of the rior organizational powers contri­ ed their position. They believe that Panchayat Board (1957-60). toyed buted to the victory of the Presi­ they won all the lawsuits because with the idea of nominating mem­ dent's Party. The Kshatriyas also the deity has been on their side. bers to the Panchayat and sending haw many ties with the villagers. They have identified themselves a report to the Government to that Kshatriya official contacts, their eco­ with the temple more strongly than effect. This move was made by those nomic and political power, the before, and they consider secular Lingayats who believed that elec­ favour which they dole out to peo­ political leadership a gift bestowed tions were against the public inte­ ple, above all the mystical belief on them by the deity. This faith is rest as they were likely to increase and the fear that the deity will be a living force. Hence the temple is factionalism and even break up fami­ enraged if they oppose the Kshatri­ still a wry important agency lies and old friendships. In Kshet- yas ensure the support of the villa­ through which the Kshatriyas are ra. nearly 60 per cent of the mar- gers. able to exploit the religious suscep­ riages (95 out of 159) among the The Lingayat Party, on the other tibilities of people to win the elec­ Lingayat Panchachara are intra- hand, lacked such a network of eco­ tion i e, one of the reasons why village. If there were to be unani­ nomic, political and religious ties people vote for true Kshatriyas is mous nominations, according to with the people. In fact, none of rooted in their faith in the deity. them, such nominees could be de­ clared elected even under the Pan­ them is a moneylender nor are During the 1960 elections religi­ chayat statutes. However, mutual there many who have leased land ous elements openly entered the distrust and ambition for power pre­ to tenants. They are mostly men of political arena. The Kshatriya Pre­ vailed against the idea of nominal moderate means. No member from sident and his party made use of ing Panchayat members. The net these families is studying in colle­ the name of the deity, while they result was that there were two par- ges as compared with the Lingayat canvassed and asked people to vote ties which contested the elections. members of the President's Party. for them. Their election slogan con­ They did not pool their resources to One was the Kshatriya 'Presi­ sisted in shouting 'Elukoti (Seven organize the Party. They also lacked dent's Party", while the opposition Crores), which is the common way experience, They were less aware party was led by some Lingayats. of invoking the deity. of what was going on in 'closed cir­ The election procedure involved the cles' in the village. They made a whole village in the election of the The President and his party also few mistakes in the selection of members by the villagers and the induced a large number of villagers, candidates, and gave offence to the President and the Vice-President2 while Madigas were made to spend caste from which the candidate- from among themselves by the mem­ the night previous to the election were chosen. Thus Panchalas. chose bers. In April 1960. the President's day in the compound of the Presi­ to vote for the President's Party. Party won the elections in Kshetra. dent's house. They were given a It was T Kanaja. M Badige, S The Presidential election took place meal by the President. The follow­ Kadale (all three contested in the on June 19, 1960. when S T Dhar ing morning, before they were al­ elections) and D Angadi (a retiring lowed to proceed to the polling makarta and B Banavi were return­ ed uncontested as President and Panchayat member) who formed the booth, the Madigas were smeared nucleus of the opposition party with the consecrated turmeric pow­ Vice-President. The Tahsildar con­ ducted the General elections, while which I call "The Lingayat Party'. der (bhandar) and made to swear The corning into existence of the in the name of the deity that they a Special Revenue Inspector, an Un­ touchable, came from the taluk 'Lingayat Party' was a symbol of would vote for the President's Party. the increasing Lingayat opposition To what extent the temple has act­ 2 Kshetra was in Madras Presidency to the traditional Kshatriya domin­ ed— compelling Madiga voters — till 1953, and Madras Panchayat re­ ance in Kshetra. and is still acting as a powerful gulations continued to be in force symbol emerges from this. till the 1960 elections, I continue to The conflict between the Linga use the terms 'President' and 'Vice- vats and the Kshatriyas for the con- After the elections, the success­ President' accordingly, although the trol of the local temple dates back Mysore Panchayat regulations have ful President expressed the view substituted 'Chairman' and 'Vice- to the mid-19th century. Since then that the reason for the failure of Chairman'. groups of Lingayats. especially sub- 479

March 7, 1964 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

castes like the Banajiga and the State, in 1950. In Kshetra also his proposal of contesting for mem­ Sadaru have almost always support­ Lingayats preponderate and they bership, in particular for the Presi­ ed the Kshatriyas against the Pan- constitute easily the richest commu­ dentship. Midnight meetings between chachara Lingayats who were fight- nity here. Lack of unity among B Banavi and other Lingayats in the ing for the control of the temple. them, the Lingayats realise, is a house of a Lingayat schoolmaster Occasionally individual Lingayat stumbling block for the emergence bad roused the feeling that a Linga families among the Panchachara of local Lingayat political leaders. yat Party would be formed to oppose and other subcastes have also chan­ Therefore some Lingayats in Kshe­ the President's Party. But, as the ged their allegiance and shifted it tra an? trying to bring about great­ nominations were given, B Banavi from one group to another as and er unity and solidarity among the left the Lingayat Party and joined when they found it expedient. Lingayats in general. Should they the President's Party, the fact that The increasing Lingayat opposi­ succeed in this, they hope to assume B Banavi let down the Lingayat tion to Kshatriyas is an indication political leadership in the village Party, when it was getting ready to of increasing caste-consciousness eventually. back him in the elections, compelled among the former. They have come The Lingayat Party owes its for­ the Lingayat Party to make its own to know the numerical, economic mation or birth to the ambitions of nominations. The Lingayat Party and political importance of their the present Vice-President, B Banavi, members felt that failure in the caste at the State level, as Lingayats to become President. The members elections would be less humiliating have provided political leaders since of the Lingayat Party explained to than not contesting them at all. the formation of the New Mysore me that they were led to agree to (To be Concluded) 481