Recruiting Women Smokers: the Engineering of Consent
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Recruiting Women Smokers: The Engineering of Consent The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Allan M. Brandt. 1996. Recruiting women smokers: the engineering of consent. Journal of the American Medical Women's Association 51(1-2): 63-66. Published Version http://www.amwa-doc.org/index.cfm?objectid=5CA6874F- D567-0B25-5201E643B40B7B24 Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:3372908 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA Recruiting Women Smokers: The Engineering of Consent ALLAN M. BRANDT, PhD and 1940. Only by understanding the I, during which cigarettes had become a processes and mechanisms of engaging critical component of the doughboy’s A range of social forces contributed to women as smokers—the rise of new con- rations.4 the effective recruitment of women to ventions and behaviors—are we likely to Antitobacco rhetoric directed at cigarette smoking in the crucial period understand potential strategies for the women inevitably created certain appeals between 1900 and 1940. Cigarette reduction of cigarette smoking. Deci- for smoking. No doubt, many American advertisers and public relations experts phering the particular meanings of the women began to experiment with the recognized the significance of women’s cigarette offers opportunities for reducing cigarette long before the glare of advertis- changing roles and the rising culture consumption. To a remarkable degree, ing would be turned directly upon them. of consumption, and worked to create the appeals smoking had for women of As early as 1916, observers noted a sig- specific meanings for the cigarette to the early 20th century persist today.2 nificant rise in cigarette consumption make it appeal to women. The ciga- among women. Use of cigarettes became rette was a flexible symbol, with a Smoking Against Convention an effective means of challenging social remarkably elastic set of meanings; for Even as cigarette smoking became conventions, of deriding ideals of moral women, it represented rebellious inde- increasingly popular in the last years of purity and the idea of women inhabiting pendence, glamour, seduction, and the 19th century, especially among men, a “separate sphere.” Smoking represented sexual allure, and served as a symbol there was widespread opposition to the a culturally contentious, if not radical for both feminists and flappers. The practice. Cigarette smoking was widely behavior for women. These meanings industry, with the help of advertisers perceived to be a dirty “habit,” character- generated considerable interest and appeal and public relations experts, effectively istic of single, urban men, a disreputable for the behavior. “For a woman it is the engineered consent for women as form of tobacco consumption. Public symbol of emancipation, the temporary smokers. The “engineering of consent” campaigns against smoking often were substitute for the ballot,” explained the has a role to play in smoking cessa- directed at boys; the very notion that Atlantic Monthly (April 16, 1916:574- tion, since negative meanings for the women and girls might be experimenting 575). “Women smoke with nervous cigarette can be engineered as well. with the cigarette was rarely confronted alertness.” A bill proposed in Congress in publicly. The temperance movement, 1921 to ban women from smoking in which grew in strength in the last years the District of Columbia drew fire from It is striking to consider that less than a of the 19th century, often included anti- recently enfranchised women. Such legis- century ago the cigarette was both an tobacco messages in its campaigns.3 lation created new interest in and sup- unusual and stigmatized product, espe- Tobacco, like alcohol, was associated port for the cigarette (New York Times. cially for women. In the course of the with idleness, immorality, and sin. These June 26, 1921:2-9). 20th century the cigarette has become reformers typically elided both moral It was principally women who con- one of the most successful products in and health concerns; in this view, moral- tested these new patterns of behavior. American consumer life. Its dramatic rise ity led to health and healthful living to Groups such as the International Anti- in popularity, however, also explains morality. Tobacco League lobbied film makers dramatic shifts in the burden of disease, Women, widely viewed as the guardians not to portray women smoking, except from infectious disease to chronic dis- of all things moral, played a central role as “the accompaniment of discreditable eases like cancer and heart disease. Only in this early battle to extinguish the ciga- character.” Their resolution explained now are the full repercussions of the rette. Lucy Page Gaston, a spirited mem- that the growing habit of cigarette use commercial success of recruiting women ber of the Women’s Christian Temper- “among women of respectability and as smokers being seen in the steep rise of ance Union, founded the Chicago among high school girls threatens the smoking-related morbidity and mortality.1 Anti-Cigarette League in 1899. Soon a element of womanhood that must This article briefly reviews the social national movement was underway: some mother the American of tomorrow” forces that contributed to the effective cities banned the sale of cigarettes, and (New York Times. March 1, 1922:5-6). recruitment of women to cigarette smok- many states considered restrictions on Other women’s groups, responding to ing in the crucial period between 1900 sales and advertising. The National reports of smoking among teenage girls, Council for Women urged legislation often encouraged young women to banning sales to women. Although more pledge abstinence from tobacco, as well Dr. Brandt is the Amalie Moses Kass Professor of than a dozen states had passed anti- as from jazz dancing and petting (New the History of Medicine at the Harvard Medical School and professor of the history of science at tobacco legislation by 1920, the national York Times February 18, 1922:4-6). Harvard University. This work was supported in movement waned in the face of increased Women who smoked reported a new- part by the Charles E. Culpeper Foundation. consumption, especially after World War found sociability associated with the January/April 1996 63 behavior. Encompassing among its Creating demand for the cigarette epito- against social mores, at the same time it meanings somewhat daring, irreverent mized this new ethic of consumption. represented conformity to the mores of qualities, the cigarette attracted new the rising culture of consumption. A women smokers, eager to test the bound- Creating Demand and wide array of approaches were enlisted to aries of public social convention. Women the Engineering of Consent encourage women to enter the tobacco crowded powder rooms and restrooms, The tobacco industry, which grew by market: testimonials from famous seeking fellow smokers. Dressing rooms leaps and bounds during the first two women—opera stars, actresses, sports on trains apparently filled with smoke, decades of the 20th century, clearly real- stars, and socialites—attested to the as new smokers clustered there. “The ized that women made up half its poten- advantages of particular brands. Ciga- women smokers are bringing about a tial market. The tobacco industry was rettes promoted adventure and social new democracy of the road,” wrote Mar- in no way given to gender exclusions in success; ads depicted smoking in a wide guerite E. Harrison in 1922. “There is the creation of new patrons for its prod- array of social and public settings. These growing demand for women’s smoking uct. Nonetheless, in its efforts to target ads not only promoted cigarette use for compartments. The feminine traveling women, it entered into contested cultural women, they revised social conventions public wants a place in which to lounge terrain. Advertisers and marketers recog- and meanings, establishing new norms of and smoke just as much as the male nized that if smoking was to truly become beauty, style, autonomy, and attraction contingent” (New York Times. July 22, a mass behavior they would need to shape for women.8 1922:III2). Recognizing such demands, this territory. These early debates about Tobacco promoters self-consciously the Globe Theatre in New York City the meaning of smoking for women worked to shape the cultural terrain in created a smoking lounge for women offered opportunities that they seized. which women would become consumers theatergoers in 1922. That smoking had appeal and specific of their product. In 1928, George Although much of the early consump- meanings for women before the onset of Washington Hill, president of American tion of cigarettes took place in such targeted advertising, however, does not Tobacco, turned his full attention to the gender-specific situations, smoking reduce the significance of marketing problem of attracting women to the ciga- among women increasingly occurred mechanisms in the process of recruiting rette market. Hill brooked no dissent in heterodox contexts. It was often sug- women smokers.7 when it came to aggressive, competitive gested that women did not understand Before the late 1920s, social conven- marketing of his premier product, Lucky how to smoke correctly. A hotel manager tions had restricted advertisers from Strikes. Soliciting the aid of noted public explained: “They don’t really know what explicitly pitching the cigarette to women. relations expert Edward Bernays to help to do with the smoke. Neither do they Nonetheless, many tobacco ads indirectly plan his strategy, Hill recognized the know how to hold their cigarettes prop- sought women smokers through images need to fracture the traditional social and erly. They make a mess of the whole per- that emphasized the sociability and allure cultural prohibitions against women’s formance” (New York Times.