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Nanzan University State Shinto in the Lives of the People: The Establishment of Emperor Worship, Modern Nationalism, and Shrine Shinto in Late Meiji Author(s): Shimazono Susumu, 島茴進 and Regan E. Murphy Source: Japanese Journal of Religious Studies, Vol. 36, No. 1, Helen Hardacre and the Study of Japanese Religion (2009), pp. 93-124 Published by: Nanzan University Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/30233855 Accessed: 02-04-2015 22:53 UTC Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Nanzan University is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Japanese Journal of Religious Studies. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 132.174.255.3 on Thu, 02 Apr 2015 22:53:54 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions JapaneseJournal of ReligiousStudies 36/1: 93-124 @2009 NanzanInstitute for Religion and Culture SHIMAZONOSusumu AN A StateShinto in the Livesof the People The Establishmentof EmperorWorship, Modern Nationalism,and ShrineShinto in LateMeiji Taking the lead from Helen Hardacre'sscholarship as well as recent post- colonial theory,this article seeks to delineatenew terms in the longstanding debateover StateShinto. It tracesthe historicalprocess by which StateShinto penetratedthe lives of the people,focusing especially on the period from 1890o through 191o.During this time, conceptionsof the nationalpolity and rever- ence for the emperorwere crucial in familiarizingthe peoplewith StateShinto. Concerned primarilywith how the people were drawn into and embraced broaderdiscourses, this articlelooks at the developmentof three systemscriti- cal to this process: (1) the ritual system for emperorworship; (2) education and propagationsystem for notions of the nationalpolity; and (3) the training systemfor Shrinepriests. KEYWORDS:State Shinto-kokutai-emperor worship-Shrine Shinto-Imperial Rescripton Education-Kogakkan-Koten K6kyfisho-saiseiky6 itchi SHIMAZONO Susumu is Professor in the GraduateSchool of Humanitiesand Sociology Departmentat the Universityof Tokyo. 93 This content downloaded from 132.174.255.3 on Thu, 02 Apr 2015 22:53:54 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ELEN HARDACRE, whose scholarshipcovers a wide rangeof topics,has made an enormous contribution to the research on modern Japanese All religious history.All of her writings look at the religious lives of people and try to grasp Japanesereligion at a deep level, but Shinto and the State,1868- 1988 (1989) is of special import:it links these concerns with political history,pre- senting a discussion that relatesto the whole of people'slives. Startingfrom WorldWar II and up to the present,the relationshipbetween the state and Shinto has been a subject of majorpolitical contention. Scholarswithin Japan continue to discuss how this relationship should be understood, taking either the perspective of the history of religion or of the history of Shinto. This complex debate remains confusing even now, mired as it is in political points of view. Startingwith SAKAMOTOKoremaru's work on KokkaShinto (1994), schol- ars from the Shrine Shinto side have produced works that examine huge num- bers of sources. Scholarsof history and religion,however, have remained stalled. In an effort to breakthrough this impasse,I have grappledwith researchon State Shinto since 2001, but I continue to encounter various obstacles. Hardacre'sShinto and the State (1989) provides an excellent and unique view of the many problems in this continuing debate.While attendingto comparative points of reference,its analysis abundantlyreveals perspectives on the relation- ship between the state and religion that researchersin Japandid not even notice. How did the term "Shinto"come to be used so frequently?How did the introduc- tion of the concept of "religion"further contribute to confusion over this term? Such questions remain provocativeeven today. This landmark study reveals State Shinto to be not only something the gov- ernment imposed on the people but also something that the people actively embraced.This perspective is missing in MURAKAMIShigeyoshi's Kokka Shinti (1970), which still represents the position of mainstream research literature.In her book, Hardacreshowed first and most forciblythat, by participatingin State Shinto, people sought to gain influence in a society largely dominated by the state. Inspired by Hardacre'sinsights, I will try to delineate new terms in this long-standing controversyover the identity of State Shinto. TheHistorical Contours of State Shinto It is easy to become confused when trying to understand"State Shinto" (SHIMA- ZONO2001a, 2006a, 2006b). We may begin by askinghow the historyof State Shinto has been described up until now. 94 This content downloaded from 132.174.255.3 on Thu, 02 Apr 2015 22:53:54 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions SHIMAZONO:STATE SHINTO 95 Sketching a concise overview of State Shinto, MURAKAMI, to whom I will refer often, divides the history of State Shinto from the Meiji Restoration through 1945 into four periods: "the formative period:'"the period of the com- pletion of doctrine:'"the period of completion of the system":'and "theperiod of the fascist state religion'."Although Murakamiinsists that characteristicsof the "formativeperiod"-from the Meiji Restoration (1868) through Meiji 20 (late 188o)-tended to "remain fluid,"he suggests that it had three main traits: the treatment of shrines as national institutions separatefrom religion, the consoli- dation of palace rituals, and the reorganization of all shrines around Ise Jingfi ffiV#*'. In the next period, "the period of completion of the doctrine,"which lasted from the Promulgation of the Imperial Constitution (Teikoku kenpo happu , , 1889) through the Russo-JapaneseWar (1905), State Shinto became a supra-religious,,"i national ritual system under the Imperial Constitu- tion, which was ostensibly compatible with freedom of religion, but in actuality dominated the principal official religions of Shinto and Buddhism.The doctrine of State Shinto was formulated definitivelywith the promulgation of the Impe- rial Rescript on Education (Kyoikuchokugo Jj~Mf) that adopted State Shinto as its ideological foundation. Murakami suggests that during the third period, "the period of the comple- tion of the system" which lasted from the end of the Meiji 30os(the early 19o00s) through the beginning of Showa (1930s),the state strengthened its control and economic support for shrines and mobilized shrines as an ideological base, caus- ing increased tension between various religions.In the last period,"theperiod of fascist state religion"'which lasted from the ManchurianIncident (1931)through the end of World War II (1945), State Shinto found a secure place as the state religion and the government tightened control over the various religions as they were mobilized for the war effort.Murakami explains that the doctrine of State Shinto, the "Kokutaidiscourse" or "discourse on the national polity" (kokutai- ron ), supported the foreign military ventures through the concept of the world as a single family. The four time periods refer to temporal divisions in Japaneseand world his- tory more generally.They are generally accuratein pointing to the various phe- nomena related to the changes in the shrine system, the political system, and in the influence of Kokutaithought. However,when discussing the special charac- teristics of each period, Murakami'saccount presents a number of problems,for two major reasons: (1) State Shinto is viewed, on the one hand, in its relation to Shrine Shinto, which in turn is discussed in relation to other religions;and on the other hand, it is viewed as it relatesto Court Shinto and the Kokutaidoctrine. None of these relationships,however, is made clear.Murakami's other work, Tennono saishi 7 a.O~jis (1977),describes in detail what was called "CourtShinto" in his Kokka This content downloaded from 132.174.255.3 on Thu, 02 Apr 2015 22:53:54 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 96 JapaneseJournal of ReligiousStudies 36/1 (2009) ShintO,but it does not discuss the relationshipof Court Shinto to Kokutaiideol- ogy and Shrine Shinto,nor does it explain how Court Shinto extended its influ- ence into people'slives. Moreover,it provides little discussion of the significance of the Kokutai doctrine as a critical element of State Shinto that extended its roots into people'slives. (2) Murakami understands State Shinto in terms of total government com- pulsion and does not explore the role of people as participantsin it. He used the term "StateShinto" mainly to referto "Shintoforced upon and spread among the people when they became subjects',"but this term also encompasses the follow- ing meaning: "Shintothat centers on the belief in the sacredness of nation and emperor, who was himself a subject of the nation."In this second meaning of the term, people at all levels of society can be viewed as active participants in State Shinto, supporting and rallying around it. Murakamidoes not try to touch upon this perspective.This omission is closely relatedto his failureto clarifyhow
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