Intercontinental Press

the Americas

Vol. 12, No. 40 1974 by Intercontinental Press November 1 1, 1974

Argentina Death Squads Slay 3 Trotskyists

Britain

Wilson Pushes 'Austerity' Plan

Vietnam Growing Clamor Against Thieu

-Jf • Documents Roy Medvedev Debates Panin, Solzhenitsyn Mir s-W-

Mandel Hit by Recession

Avanzada Sociahsta Argentine PST's La Plato headquarters, shattered by bomb blast at 2 a.m. Oc tober 19. Terror attack came in wake of police raid on PST's Cordoba head quarters, arrest and torture of fifteen PST members taken in raid, and bombing of party's Mendoza local. Million Bengalis Starving In This Issue BANGLADESH 1458 Famine Victims Locked Up in Camps Famine Victims 1470 Has Bangladesh a Future? —by Ibne Azad ARGENTINA 1459 Death Squads Slay Three Trotskyists Locked Up in Camps — by Gerry Foley 1461 Ultraright Terrorists—a New Threat As thousands of famine-stricken refugees BRAZIL 1462 Trotskyists Publish Clandestine Paper stream into Dacca and other towns in INDIA 1463 New Right-Wing Party Formed Bangladesh, they are rounded up by — by Shared Jhaveri police and herded into government-spon Millions Threatened by Famine sored "relief camps," also known as "gruel — by Ernest Harsch kitchens." The 4,500 such camps through VIETNAM 1464 Growing Clamor to Get Rid of Thieu out the country were ostensibly set up to — by Peter Green provide emergency relief to some of the BRITAIN 1465 4,000 March in London for Troops Out of more than five million Bengalis threatened Ireland —by Robin Hunter with starvation. Wilson Pushes "Austerity" for Workers In a dispatch from Dacca published — by Tony Hodges in the October 21 Washington Post, how ARAB EAST 1466 Arab Summit Meeting Endorses PLO ever, correspondent Myron L. Belkind re — by Michael Baumann ported the real function of some of the PORTUGAL 1468 Top CIA Men in Parleys With Portuguese camps. Describing three of them in Dacca, Officials he wrote that they "have become, in fact, Portuguese General Tells Inside Story internment camps whose inmates are slow of Putsch —by Gerry Foley ly dying. How High-School Students Joined in "The government placed armed guards Struggle Against Dictatorship at the camps to keep those inside from — by Antonio Romero roaming the streets causing social unrest." Shah Stung by "Newsweek" Charges Each of the three camps, Belkind re — by Majid Namvar ported, was crowded with 3,000 refugees, PUERTO RICO UN Hears Testimony on Puerto Rico whose number was growing by at least 20,000 Demand "Free Puerto Rico Now!" 200 a day. (In early October, the num BELGIUM For Belgium, Too, No Escape From Re ber of refugees in Dacca had already cession—by Ernest Mandel reached 300,000.) SOUTH AFRICA Wilson's 21-Gun Salute to Racists Samezuddin Sheik, a refugee from My- — by Tony Hodges mensingh district who fled to Dacca with FRANCE The French CP's Weekend Carnival his family, told Belkind:"We had no food. — by Irving Herrera We came to Dacca last week by boat. JAPAN Impact of Radicalized Youth on Unions Then we were brought to this place [a DOCUMENTS Roy Medvedev Debates With Panin, Sakha- camp]. We are dying without enough food. rov, Solzhenitsyn, and Others We want to leave, but we can't because GRS View of Left Unity in Martinique of the guards." — by Edouard Delepine According to supervisors of one of the DRAWINGS Juan Mari Bras; 1501, Valerie Chalidze camps, about three persons a day do — by Copain leave the camp —dead. EN ESPANOL: "Some diplomats," Belkind reported, "of Nota Sobre las Trayectorias de Bejor y fered what they said were conservative Blanco—por Gerry Foley guesses that a million Bengalis would Blanco y Bejar Intercambian Palabras die of starvation or related diseases within MEXICO Surge un Nuevo Partido the six weeks before the autumn food ARGENTINA Asesinan Tres Trotskistas crop is harvested." — por Gerry Foley A statement blarning the regime and its backers for the famine conditions in Bangladesh was signed in Dacca October Intercontinental Press, P.O. Box 1 16, Village Station, which may not necessarily coincide with those of Inter 11 by seventy prominent intellectuals and New York, N.Y. 10014. continental Press. Insofar as it reflects editorial opinion, unsigned material expresses the standpoint of revolu professionals. The statement noted that EDITOR; Joseph Hansen. CONTRIBUTING EDITORS: Pierre Frank, LlvloMaltan, tionary Marxism. the "gruel kitchens have come to be re Ernest Mandel, George Novack. PARIS OFFICE: Pierre Frank, 10 Impasse Guemenee, garded as torture centres. . . ." EDITORIAL STAFF: Michael Baumann, Gerry Foley, 75004, Paris, France. After explaining that the Bengal famines Ernest Harsch, Judy White. TO SUBSCRIBE: For one year send SI5 to Interconti of 1769 and 1943 were caused by the BUSINESS MANAGER; Reba Hansen. nental Press, P.O. Box 116, Village Station, New York, ruling classes and the imperialists, the ASSISTANT BUSINESS MANAGER: Steven Worshell. N.Y, 10014. Write for rates on first doss and airmail. statement said: "We want to state in un COPY EDITOR; Mary Roche. Special rates available for subscriptions to colonial equivocal terms that the famine in Bang TECHNICAL STAFP; Bill Burton, Art Gursch, James and semicolonial countries. ladesh is man-made. A class of people M. Morgan. Subscription correspondence should be addressed to Intercontinental Press, P.O. Box 1 16, Village Station, who have no connection with production Published in New York each Monday except last in December and first in January; not published in August. New York, N.Y. 10014. Because of the continuing dete and who are the known hoarders, smug Intercontinental Press specializes in political analysis rioration of the U.S. postal system, please allow five glers and black-marketeers flourishing and interpretation of events of particular interest to weeks for change of address. Include your old address under the protective wings of the ruling the labor, socialist, colonial independence, Black, and as well as your new address, and, if possible, an class are primarily responsible for this women's liberation movements. address label from a recent issue. crisis." □ Signed articles represent the views of the authors, Copyright © 1974 by Intercontinental Press.

Intercontinental Press Ultraright Forces Step Up Terrorist Actions

Argentine Death Squads Slay Three Trotskyists By Gerry Foley

Four persons were gunned down in Buenos Aires on the first weekend of November by rightist goons. Three were members of the Partido Socia- f lista de los Trabajadores (PST—So cialist Workers party, a sympathizing organization of the Fourth Interna KIIESSS;:; tional). The fourth, Carlos Alberto de la Riva, was a professor at the Uni versity of La Plata. I On Friday, November 1, during the night, a group of men who claimed to belong to the police force, took Rub^n Bouzas forcibly from his home in the suburbs of the Argentine cap ital. His body was found on Satur day morning. He had been killed by ^ lyiiiuimi blasts from a shotgun. Bouzas, twenty years old, was a secondary-school student. He had been active in the Ramos Mejia branch Avanzada Socialista of the Juventud Socialista (Socialist PST headquarters in Chlviicoy after rampage by rightist goon squad. Youth) and a member of the PST for a year and a half. strike, which was one of the first ma to bourgeois liberal political figures, Also dragged from his home that jor challenges to the regime by the teachers, and even nonpolitical artists, night was Juan Carlos Nievas. A few labor movement. their behavior has begun to take on hours afterward, his body was found Robles was the organizer of the the aspects of the cult of sadism and in the Villa Retiro area. He had been northern region of Greater Buenos obscurantism typical of fascist com hit several times by blasts from a Aires for the PST, where the party is mandos. shotgun. very active in union work. He played Furthermore, this escalation of Nievas was twenty-six years old. a prominent role in the labor strug rightist terror has been closely coor He was a worker at the Nestle fac gles in Cdrdoba while he was on as dinated with increasingly brutal and tory and had become known as an signment there to strengthen the na arbitrary repressive actions by the po outstanding activist in his plant dur tional framework of the PST. lice themselves. One of the clearest ing a sit-in strike. He attended high This new series of murders followed examples of this was the October 9 school at night. He had been a mem the assassination Friday, Novem raids in Cordoba. ber of the PST for several months. ber 1, of Alberto VUlar, the chief of the federal police, by left-wing Peron- The police used vague and contra On Sunday, November 3, during ist guerrillas. The rightist goon dictory claims about "arms" and the night, following the annual con squads have threatened many times "snipers" in the headquarters of the vention of the PST, Cesar Robles to "avenge" the deaths of any right- militant unions as a pretext to "mop stopped at an ice-cream parlor in wing government officials, in particu up" the last resistance to the right- Buenos Aires. From there he was lar, members of the army and the wing labor bureaucracy. But they taken by force by a rightist gang. He police, for which they have expressed were not satisfied with that. Without was driven away in an automobile. a special solicitude. even offering a pretext, they took this Two hours later his body was found It is not yet clear whether the goons occasion to raid the headquarters of in the Floresta area in the vicinity who murdered the three PST members the PST and the Communist party. of Buenos Aires. It was riddled with and the professor intended to link their All persons in these offices were jailed machine-gun bullets. actions to the assassination of Villar. and beaten. The police were particu C^sar Robles was thirty-six years But regardless of this, it is clear that larly brutal toward the Communist old. He was a member of the Nation these killings are part of a wave of party activists, one of whom, Tita al Executive Committee of the PST rightist terror whose scope has con Clelia Hidalgo, died as a result of and one of the most prominent na tinually expanded. the beating she received at their tional leaders of the party. During As the reactionary goon squads hands. the Ongania dictatorship, he was one have extended their targets from the The Communist party charges were of the leaders of the dock workers' leftist guerrillas and socialist activists summarized in the October 30 issue:

November I I, 1974 of the PST weekly paper, Avanzada bruises and lacerations on the head from the AAA, the October 30 Avan Socialista: and face that made them unrecogniz zada Socialista reported. The list in "All forty-eight persons were beaten able even to members of their family. cluded Raiil Alfonsin, one of the without the slightest consideration for The oldest one had a broken arm, CRU's top national figures. their age, state of health, or anything and the next oldest had serious con TVo provincial dailies. La Voz del else. The men generally had bruises tusions around his spine." Interior and La Voz del Concordia, all over their bodies, especially on The PST representatives had a hard received ultimatums from the AAA. their shoulders and lower backs. And time getting into the hospital to talk Also threatened were a number of they had head and eye injuries caused to the brothers. "Not even their actors and actresses with no politi by beatings. The women, who in brother — the one the goons were look cal connections. They were considered cluded a girl of fifteen, were beaten ing for —could get in. It was only bad moral examples by the AAA. with the barrels of the guns and re when a relative with an important On October 25, all the deans re ceived serious wounds. A woman five post in the security force of a state signed at the University of Tucumdn months pregnant was forced to lie on agency showed his credentials that we in the northern part of the country the floor while the police beat her and were allowed to visit them. In speak as a result of an AAA terror cam stomped on her." ing with them, we learned that cer paign. The Communist party bookstore tain doctors —acting, they said, at the Among other things, the rightist was completely wrecked, and the behest of the police—had advised goons pressed their campaign of in "agents of law and order" took what them to 'say nothing.'" timidation against the deans, the Oc ever money they could find. They cov On the same day, October 22, a tober 30 Avanzada Socialista noted, ered the walls with threatening and group of thirty goons broke into the by machine-gunning the university insuiting slogans, including the fol PST headquarters in the town of Chi- cafeteria and later blowing it up. They lowing, written in an illiterate scrawi: vUcoy in Buenos Aires province. They also machine-gunned the home of Pro "If you're Communists likeGuarany, arrived in two minibuses that were fessor Orlando Bravo, the head of you'd better get out of the country, part of the governor's cortege. Since the Physics Department. They broke because we're going to kill you one it was the town's anniversary, the into the School of Philosophy, shout by one; for every policeman that falls, right-wing chief executive of the prov ing that they were "from the police we are going to get three of you Com ince, Calabrb, was leading a parade and the AAA" and that they were look mie bastards." around the area, holding rallies in ing for the dean. This message was signed: "Las Tres various places. Part of the cortege A" (AAA —Alianza Anticomunista passed the PST headquarters on the On October 24, the local daily La Argentina — Argentine Anticommunist way to a barbecue. Gaceta reported that the summer home Alliance). This is the death-squad or "When they saw the party offices, of the dean of the Department of Law ganization that has threatened a wide they went crazy," an eyewitness told and Social Sciences, Carlos Sanjuan, spectrum of Argentine members of Avanzada Socialista. "Thirty heavily had been blown up by three power parliament, educators, and public fig armed men pUed out of the minibuses. ful bombs exploding simultaneously. ures of all kinds. In many instances One of them climbed up the wall and In addition, the heads of chickens it has carried out its death threats in tore down the sign; others shattered and the bodies of dogs with their the most brutal way. the windows and broke the door throats cut were scattered around the In the PST headquarters, the initials down. Then they all went in." area, along with leaflets that said, of this rightist terrorist group were Rightist commandos hit the PST na "This is an example of what you can also written all over the walls. tional headquarters in central Buenos expect if you do not resign." At midnight on October 22, a right Aires on October 23."The attack came La Gaceta reported the presence of ist gang smashed down the door of at 5 a.m.," the October 30 Avanzada other leaflets that said, "By these op a PST member's home in the Merlo Socialista reported, "while the compa- erations, the organization has given district of Buenos Aires. There were neros were cleaning the place. A burst a small warning of the actions it will twenty men in the gang, and they of 9mm machine-gun fire struck the take in the future to cleanse our uni were heavily armed. They found the metal grating on the front window versities of enemy agents." PST member's widowed mother and of the party bookstore. According to Avanzada Socialista pointed to a three of his brothers, who were not eyewitnesses, the shots were fired from number of signs that a broad front politically active. They threatened to a green Falcon carrying four indi- was coming together to resist the reac kill his mother unless she told them viduais wearing dark clothing. tionary terror. It cited one action in where they could find "that bastard "When several companeros came out the southern port city of Comodoro who was at the meeting in Ramos on the balcony of the first floor, a per Rivadavia as exemplary. In the sec Mejia hall on Saturday night," that son in another large automobile, ond week of October, a number of is, her son. probably a Dodge Polara, threw a leaders of the private-sector oil work The three brothers, all building grenade at the front window. The ers union received threats from the workers, were savagely beaten. One shrapnel struck several cars parked AAA. "Last Friday [October 25], the was struck on the shoulder with a tool in the area, shattering their windows oil workers in the private sector held of his trade, a four-and-a-half pound and windshields." a protest strike. They met in an assem maul hammer. Eight leaders of the country's sec bly and decided to march through the "The three brothers had to be hos ond largest party, the bourgeois lib streets of the city to let the entire pop pitalized," Avanzada Socialista report eral Unidn Civica Radical (UCR — ulation see their determination to take ed in its October 30 issue. "They had Radical Civic Union), received threats on the fascist goons." □

Intercontinental Press An interview With Nahuel Moreno

Ultraright Terrorists—a New Threat in Argentina

[The following interview with Na stopped by the AAA. In spite of all us as Marxists, but only in the most huel Moreno, one of the leaders of the the commotion, the police didn't exceptional objective circumstances Partido Socialista de los Trabajado- show up. do we declare civU war against them. res (PST—Socialist Workers party, a Moreover, up to now not a single If, on our own, we declare civil sympathizing organization of the member of the fascist gangs has been war, as the guerrillas do, our action, Fourth International in Argentina), arrested, tried. Or investigated, but a takes on the character of an unfor was obtained October 7 in Buenos great number of guerrillas are in tunate adventure that aids the reac Aires. The translation is by Interconti prison. tionaries. nental Press.1 The AAA's principal goal right now More than ever what is needed is is to sow terror among the prominent to mobilize and unite the working persons who collaborate with the guer masses and the armed organizations rillas, with the Montoneros,3 and with so that we can defend ourselves in the Question. What is the AAAI the Camporaist opposition to the cur streets against the attacks of paragov- rent Peronist leadership. 4 ernmental armed gangs. At the same Answer. First of all, I want to clear We must not confuse the AAA with time, we must systematically denounce up a confusion that exists over these other fascist terrorist organizations, these gangs to show that it is they, initials. According to some bourgeois like the goons in some unions, in not us, who are using terrorist newspapers, AAA stands for Alianza the CNU,5 or in the C de O. 6 There methods. Anticomunista Argentina [Argentine are ties between them, but at the mo Anticommunist Alliance], according to ment they don't have the same targets. Q. What immediate likelihood is others, Alianza Antimperialista Argen The goons focus on trade-union ac there of a coup? tina [Argentine Anti-Imperialist Al tivists; the CNU and the G de O, on liance]. Whatever its real name is, the Marxist left. A. H the guerrillas step up their ac-' there can be no doubt about its po tions considerably and the police can't litical character; it is a typical fascist Q. What can you tell us about the cope with them, the possibility of a terrorist organization. Its links to one guerrillas' actions? coup like the one in or the one sector of the government and to the in Uruguay would soon arise. Most repressive forces are evident, and there A. Unfortunately, by declaring a probably it would be the Uruguayan are facts to prove this. mini-civil war against a government variant, except in an extreme, unusual A few days before the assassina that has the support of 90 percent tion of SUvio Frondizi by the AAA, of the population and 98 percent of situation. At the moment we do not see any twenty young members of the ERPi the working class, the guerrilla groups likelihood of a coup. We shouldn't staged a "lightning" rally on the block objectively tend to provoke violence forget that the current government is where the headquarters of the Juven- from the rightists. an indirect consequence of the defeat tud Socialista2 is located. Leaving They also provide the pretext for administered to the military dictator aside the fact that objectively this was rightist actions and for reactionary ship by the working class. This was a provocation, we noticed that it took legislation by the government. By only five minutes for twenty police denying the legitimacy of the govern not a total defeat; it was partial and negotiated. But it was a defeat. cars to reach the spot. ment, they brush aside the opinions Exactly the opposite occurred when of the workers movement and ignore Both the armed forces and the bour geoisie have learned lessons from this Frondizi was assassinated. He was the necessity to "patiently explain" in dragged into the street in the midst of order to win the workers movement experience. The most important is that a battle between the murderers and his away from giving political support to they need bourgeois democracy and family (his wife, daughter, and son- a bourgeois party. Peronism in order to be able to pull in-law), who tried to keep him from To put it in a nutshell, all bour together a united front of the exploit being taken away. As a result of the geois governments are illegitimate for ers to confront and derail the workers fight, the son-in-law died. movement. Once in the street, the kUlers had This state of affairs is diametrical to struggle fifteen minutes with Fron 3. One of the main left-wing Peronist ly opposed to the situation in Bra dizi before they were able to over groups. zil, Uruguay, or Chile before the mili power him. All the neighbors wit tary coups took place there. In those 4. Campora is associated with the liberal nessed the fight. Traffic had been countries the military take-overs came Peronists. after many, not just two or three, years of bourgeois democracy. In no 1. Ejercito Revolucionario dei Pueblo — 5. Comando Nacional Universitario — Revolutionary People's Army. National University Commando Group. sense does this mean that we will have many years of bourgeois democracy. 2. JS—Socialist Youth, the youth group 6. Comando de Organizacion—Orga It only means that up to now the bour in politicai solidarity with the PST. nization Commando Group. geoisie and the armed forces have

November I I, 1974 not decided to change course. the north of the country have begun dered. Because of the attacks by fas An abrupt change in the class strug a hard fight. It appears that the ne cist gangs, we have been forced to gle—which could occur in the near gotiations the government has been close four of the five headquarters future, since the workers movement forced into could lead to a victory we had there. On Sunday, October 6, has kept its fighting capacity intact — that would more than compensate for we passed a tough test in that region — would once again put the possibility the other defeats. The greatest capi organizing a general meeting of mem of a coup on the agenda. talist development is in the North bers and worker sympathizers in the west, where Ledesma — the factory Northern Zone. Q. What was the PST's position on with the largest number of workers For these general meetings we gen the president's invitation to a national in the country — is located. erally have a barbeque, because the conference, which was extended to all The teachers union is another one sessions last all day. We sell tickets political parties as well as trade-union that has not been defeated. to members and sympathizers in ad and bourgeois organizations? Everything seems to indicate that vance. To come to the point, 800 no more big struggles will take place tickets were sold, and 650 worker A. Of course we accepted. For sev until next year but that the workers companeros attended the general meet eral reasons. movement has its reserves intact—or ing—this in the region hardest hit by First, it is an official meeting with rather, that they are growing as the the reactionaries. It was a complete a semiparliamentary character. Not movement learns from the partial success. to attend would mean risking the le defeats. Second, our party is now printing gality that our party won with such more than 25,000 copies of Avanza- difficulty. Q. How is the PST doing at present? da Socialista. More than 22,000 of Second, 98 percent of the workers them are distributed to members and sympathizers, making the paper the movement supports the current gov A. I have gone on too long already most influential political weekly in the ernment. It is a critical support, and so I will give—almost in "telegraphic" country. The percentage of renewals it is eroding, but it is support. We style—three facts so that you can on subscriptions is very high. want, and we look for, opportunities draw your own conclusions. to publicly confront a government that First, of the ten regions in which Third, the top leadership of the Le has the support of the workers move our party is divided, without doubt desma union is composed of party the northern region of Greater Buenos ment. Our goal in such gatherings members. One of our members was is to expose the government as the Aires has received the heaviest blows. the leader of the whole sugar strike That is where our comrades were mur- class enemy of the workers. in the north of the country. □ The third reason is that we con sider one of the great advantages of legality to be the chance it gives us to publicize the party's positions with Brazil in the working class. Such meetings are useful for this. Millions of work ers learn our positions through the news media. Trotskyists Publish Clandestine Roper

Q. What is the situation in the work A Trotskyist group in Brazil has do Sul, and Minas Gerias. ers movement begun to publish Independencia Ope- This beginning of an upturn is even rdricc, an underground newspaper. Its more important when put in the con A. In recent weeks there was a wave third issue, dated October 1974, has text of a general revival by the Bra of important strikes that in general just come out. zilian mass movement. The situation were not successful. On the contrary, The articles in the October issue give calls for promoting student actions they provided the government with a an indication of the efforts of this and linking up the different schools pretext to get an ultrareactionary law nucleus of revolutionists to link up and universities, so as to prepare the through congress. Among other with sectors that at present provide way for a united struggle. things, this law revokes the right to the most favorable arena for Trotsky To accomplish this, Independencia strike and provides penalties of up to ist propaganda in Brazil. Operdria proposes forming a student three years in jaU for activity in con For example, the authors include front, with its own newspaper, based nection with strikes. a brief analysis of the situation in on agreement with a four-point pro SMATA7 and Ongaro's printers the Brazilian student movement to gram: unions have been taken over by the day. They point out that it is slowly "1. Free public education. government. recovering from the downturn that be "2. Repeal of Law 477.* However, the sugarcane workers in gan in 1968 "in a process that we "3. University autonomy. characterize as the accumulation of "4. Complete independence of the forces." representative student bodies from the The recovery of the student move 7. Sindicato de Mecanicos y Afines del university authorities." Transporte Automotor — Union of Auto ment is proceeding unevenly, this is motive Machinists and Allied Trades. sue of Independencia Operdria said, but the upswing is nationwide. The *Law 477 allows the government to sus 8. Raimundo Ongaro is head of the pivotal schools are the universities of pend or expel students it accuses of par Buenos Aires printers union. Sao Paulo, Guanabara, Rio Grande ticipating in "subversive" activities.

Intercontinental Press For the University of Sao Paulo where the bureaucracy of the bank of the parties—Swatantra and the they propose two additional points: workers union manipulated the as BKD —counted for much in terms of "Fighting for an authentic university semblies— raises again the need for political influence. Even these, how reform that meets the needs of the the workers to struggle to regain con ever, had a predominantly local base, students and the people —with an trol of the unions and to put an end with little capacity for affecting na equal share in decision-making for to government trusteeship of their or tional politics. teachers, students, and nonteaching ganizations. staff. The publication of a Trotskyist The merger of the seven parties "Amnesty for all political prisoners." newspaper under the difficult under came after several splits in a number The same issue of Independencia ground conditions imposed by the of the parties. For instance, just a Operdria has an article on the bank Brazilian military dictatorship is an few weeks before the launching of the workers' struggle that began in early encouraging step forward in the rev BLD, a majority of the BKD nation August. What these workers fought olutionary struggle in Latin America. al executive voted to expel Charan for were wage increases and trade- It kindles new hopes'for Trotskyism Singh and to retain the party's in union rights. The authors point out and the fight for democracy and so dependent existence. that the experience of this struggle — cialism in Brazil. □ The Swatantra party also split. Mi- noo Minai, its former president and a longtime associate of the Tata mo nopolies, declared that the rank and file of the party would not join the BLD. He said that coercion and in Calls for Return to 19th-century Copitqiism timidation had been used at the na tional convention of the Swatantra party to secure approval of the mer ger and the dissolution of the party. New Right-Wing Party Formed in India The Samyukta Socialist party split as well, since many of its members in Uttar Pradesh opposed the merger. By Sharad Jhaveri The far-right Jan Sangh party has not joined the new party, although it has been reported that the BLD lead Jamnagar associate of Mahatma Gandhi, gave ership is making overtures toward it. A seven-party opposition bloc has the new party his blessing and ad Congress (Orissa), a splinter from the merged to form a right-wing party vised it not to bother too much about old Congress party that is now of called Bhartiya LokDal (BLD—Peo ideology. Jaya Prakash Narayan, a littie importance, has also kept its dis ple's Party of India). The formal former Socialist leader now playing tance from the new party. launching of the new party took place an important role in the mass struggle The bourgeois press has tended to in New Delhi August 29. in Bihar, has welcomed the new par question the significance of the new The initial move to form a right ty's formation. party, pointing out that right-wing al ist alternative to the ruling Congress In his inaugural address, Charan ternatives to the Congress party based party was made in April. (See Inter Singh said that the BLD would seek exclusively on the ideology of lais continental Press, May 20, p. 627.) to become a "national alternative,"pro sez-faire capitalism have failed to take The new party was formed by the viding the country with a new lead root in India in the past. The Swa merger of the following parties; ership that could avert the danger of tantra party's failure to win broad Bhartiya Kranti Dal (BKD— Indian a totalitarian take-over. layers of the capitalist class is a case Revolutionary party, a landowners The new party gives first priority in point. party in Uttar Pradesh); to agriculture, second priority to The Indian bourgeoisie simply can Swatantra party, an anticommunist small-scale industry, and lowest not afford to promote classical free- formation that opposes state interven priority to heavy industry. It rejects enterprise capitalism. The develop tion into the economy; Marxism, calling instead for wide dis ment of the state-capitalist sector un Utkal Congress (Orissa Congress); persion of the ownership of property der the protection of the capitalist wel Samyukta Socialist party (SSP); and the means of production. fare state is a prerequisite for its very Kisan Mazdoor party (KMP); Its political philosophy professes to existence. Even to promote such cap Punjab Khetibari Zamindari Union follow Gandhi's doctrine of class italism, it has to talk about socialism. (Landowners party of Punjab); reconciliation within the framework of The ruling Congress party's rhetoric and the Rashtriya Loktantrik Dal, capitaiist private-property relations. about sociaiism has served the class a splinter group from the right-wing Of the seven parties that formed the interests of the Indian bourgeoisievery Jan Sangh party, led by Professor BLD, four have had little if any well. That is why even the Jan Sangh Balraj Madhok. impact on the country's political life. party is now talking ah out socialism— The founding convention elected The Kisan Mazdoor party and the of its own brand, of course. Char an Singh of the former BKD as Khetibari Zamindari Union had hard The new party, with its avowed op chairman of the new party. ly ever been heard of before. As the position to socialism, can hardly hope Acharya Kripalani, a reactionary Times of India, the country's leading to appeal to either the bourgeoisie capitalist politician and a former close bourgeois daily, remarked, only two or the masses. □

November II, 1974 Club-Swinging Cops Foil to Silence Opposition

Growing Clamor to Get Rid of Thieu H ,v s dl

By Peter Green

Two thousand Catholic demonstra are charged with libel for having ment. "If Thieu really wants to clean tors, who assembled for a march from printed Thanh's six-count indictment up the army then he's got to fire most the suburb of Tan Sa Chau to the of Thieu.) of the generals." Supreme Court building in Saigon The government postponed the trial, October 31, were beaten back by with the excuse that the government Another deputy, Fhan Xuan Huy, Tbieu's police and plainclotbes goons. prosecutor had not completed hisbrief, a leader of the National Reconcilia tion Force, went further. "If Thieu About seventy-five civilians were re but the attacks on the press continued. wants to eliminate corruption in the ported injured. Two opposition dep One of the papers charged, Dai Dan army he must fire himself first," he uties were seriously hurt, and a Catho Toe, announced October 26 that it lic priest was knocked to the ground would suspend publication "indefinite said. On October 30, in a final effort to and bloodied, the November 1 JVew ly" because government confiscations appease his critics, Thieu transferred York Times reported. had driven it into bankruptcy. The three pf South Vietnam's four corps The leader of the anticorruption paper's press run had been' seized commanders to teaching posts in mili campaign that has developed over the eleven times in the last month. tary schools. Two of the three gen past few months. Father Tran Huu The opposition daily Dien Tin was erals had been particular targets of the Thanh, was punched in the face and seized for reporting on the violence anticorruption campaign. Thanh re had his glasses broken by a plain- in the Tan Sa Chau neighborhood jected the transfers as a "maneuver." clothes cop. on October 31. Other papers were Addressing the torchlight rally at Tan At a news conference after the events, forced by the censor to delete references Sa Chau church that night, where Thanh demanded—for the first time to the punch thrown at Father Thanh. Thieu was hanged in effigy, Thanh de in public —that President Thieu resign Thieu's crackdown on the opposi clared: and turn over power "to the people tion movement is in effect an admis "When a few province chiefs were for the sake of their lives and for the sion that the various phony conces transferred, I was asked whether the sake of the nation's survival." An end sions he made the previous week had movement was satisfied. I answered, to corruption in government has been done little to rally support for his 'never.' the nominal target of the Catholic dictatorial rule. "And when four cabinet ministers campaign so far, but it has developed His first gesture had been to remove resigned, I was asked the same ques into a broad movement whose mini four members of his cabinet, including tion and also answered, 'never.' mum goal is the ousting of Thieu. his cousin. Information Minister "Now, after three corps commanders The night before the demonstration, Hoang Due Nha, who was responsible have been transferred, I was asked 3,000 Catholics gathered for a torch for press censorship. They announced the same question. I still have the same light rally at Tan Sa Chau church. their resignations October 24. Nha answer, 'never.'" Thanh called on them to return in the- and the departing commerce minister The opposition campaign has now morning for a dawn mass and the had been under strong attack from clearly focused on the demand for the march to the city. But starting at 4 the anticorruption movement. ousting of Thieu. Duong Van Minh, a. m. police ringed the whole neighbor This move failed to satisfy Thieu's the retired general who led the coup hood with barbed-wire barriers and critics, however, as Catholics, Bud that removed Ngo Dinh Diem eleven forcibly prevented the march from pro dhists, publishers and lawyers vowed years ago, and who has now as ceeding. to continue their struggle. "The peo sociated himself with the Buddhist Na The police also raided the Saigon ple demand peace and reconciliation, tional Reconciliation Force, described Press Club in the early morning of not a cabinet reshuffle," said Senator the Thieu government in a statement October 31. There they beat up op Vu Van Mau, a leader of the Bud issued November 1 as a "violence- position deputy Dinh Xuan Dung, and dhist National Reconciliation Force. thirsty" regime that "has completely dragged him and several journalists "It's nonsense. It can't save President lost the confidence of the people." He away. They returned later to arrest Thieu." said that South Vietnam needed new twenty-five more journalists. The jour On October 25 Thieu announced that leaders to bring peace to the country. nalists and deputies had been orga 377 army officers, including twenty nizing for demonstrations that day. colonels, would be fired for "corrup In a speech on National Day, No A group of deputies and lawyers tion and dishonest activities." This vember 1, the anniversary of the over did succeed in penetrating the barbed- step, too, failed to mollify the opposi throw of Diem, Thieu took a tough wire barriers. They marched on the tion. stance. He vowed to enforce law and Supreme Court building, where the "Why are the generals safe?" asked order "to the maximum" and described trial of three opposition newspapers deputy Nguyen Van Binh, a leader the opposition as political opportunists was due to take place. (The papers of the Catholic anticorruption move and "underground henchmen" of the

Intercontinental Press Communists. According to the No dhists have held rallies to inaugurate immediate resignation. It is being cir vember 2 Washington Post, Thieu's local chapters of the National Recon culated in the National Assembly. Al speech contained many bitter refer ciliation Force. In the Mekong Delta, though Thieu has the assembly safely ences to "Communist and colonialist" a predominantly Buddhist area, the stacked with his own puppets, thirty- financial support to the protesters. Ap Catholics held a rally in which 10,- two deputies had signed it by Novem parently in Saigon "colonialist" is a 000 persons participated. ber 2. euphemism for Washington. On October 29 the head of thelargest Thieu still has the support of most Publicly, at any rate, Washington trade union in South Vietnam also of his appointees in the National As is still backing Thieu. President Ford came out against Thieu and called sembly and of the police and the sent Thieu a National Day message for the eradication of corruption, the armed forces, but nearly every other reassuring him that the American peo implementation of the Paris truce segment of the population is de ple "continue to support your govern agreements, and the establishment of manding his removal. ment." democratic liberties. After a visit to "Few are willing to guess how much But Thieu's position is becoming Tay Ninh on November 2, Father longer he will remain in power," wrote increasingly shaky. Besides the main Thanh claimed that the Cao Dai sect James M. Mark ham in the October forces, a dozen small fronts and com had also pledged to join the opposi 23 New York Times, "but it is almost mittees have joined the attack. And the tion. impossible to find anyone who believes movement is spreading geographical A further focus for the opposition that he will be able to run for a third ly. In Hue and Quang Ngai, the Bud has been a petition demanding Thieu's term next October." □

Support Irish People's Right to Self-Determinotion

4,000 March in London for Troops Out of Ireland By Robin Hunter

London groups. Troops Out committees, in Ireland are ultimately aimed at the "Troops Out of Ireland! Internees trades councils, and Black and British working class as well. Out of Jail!" "A Victory for the Irish women's groups. Alistair Renwick, speaking for the Is a Victory for Us All!" "For the In spite of its disciplined and peace Troops Out Movement, emphasised the IRA—British Troops Out Now!" ful nature, the march was obstructed lack of enthusiasm for the war on the These were some of the slogans and harassed by government author part of the British people, citing a chanted when 4,000 demonstrators ities. The police attempted to deny Daily Mail estimate that 60 percent marched through London October 27 access to a main artery, Fleet Street, of the population favours withdrawal. to demand the withdrawal of British on the basis of an archaic law barring He argued that this was reflected in troops from Ireland. disturbance of church services. The the continuing low morale of the The demonstration, which drew Department of the Environment troops themselves. forces from a wide spectrum of the left, banned the rally from Trafalgar Most of the speakers stressed that the was the first major mobilisation for Square on the grounds that no meet basis of the demand for troop with the withdrawal of British troops from ings concerning Ireland are permitted drawal was the right to self-determina Ireland in two years. Called jointly by there. Later, at the end of the march, tion of the Irish people, rather than the Troops Out Movement (TOM) and while the demonstrators were listening the failure of the British to achieve a the British Peace Committee (BPC), to speeches, the police charged the "stable solution." As Eamonn McCann the march upheld the right of self- crowd at several points, following a put it, "It is not the way that Britain determination of the Irish people and scuffle which many believe to have rules Ireland that we reject, but the demanded "that Labour immediately been a provocation. fact that Britain rules." implements a policy of political and Labour member of Parliament Joan military withdrawal from Ireland." Six Speakers at the rally included Maynard spoke against the present Labour members of Parliament were Eamonn McCann, an early leader of "bipartisan" policy Labour follows among the sponsors of the march. the struggle in Derry and a spokes hand in hand with the Tories. In sup man of the International Socialists. port of the right of self-determination Participating groups included the In He argued that the demonstration's for the Irish people, she demanded ternational Marxist Group (IMG), the theme was three years late in British the repeal of the Emergency Provi British section of the Fourth Interna politics, but that the forces now gath sions Act. Urging "a change in the tional; the International Socialists ering behind the Troops Out demand direction of the Labour and trade- (IS); and most other groupings of the were more solid than ever before. He union movement' on Ireland, she British left with the exception of the stressed a point made by several of the called for a special conference of the sectarian Workers Revolutionary par speakers: that the techniques and British trade unions to deal with the ty. Also much in evidence were Irish methods of repression being developed question.

November I I, 1974 Regarding the British army, May- Palestinian Struggle Wins Wide International Backing nard said, the troops should be with drawn."Whether early or late; the gov ernment must set a date for the com pletion of the withdrawal." At this, a Arab Summit Meeting Endorses PLO large section of the crowd shouted, "Now! Withdraw them now!" By Michael Boumonn This response to Maynard's call for a phased withdrawal was indicative of the division just under the surface The twenty Arab heads of state after the organization dropped its de throughout the crowd. It was given gathered at a summit meeting in mand to replace Israel with a demo further voice by Michael Knowles, sec Rabat, Morocco, October 28 called cratic and secular Palestine on all ter retary of the Hackney Trades Council, unanimously for the creation of an ritory that is currently under Israeli who explained that Hackney had af independent Palestinian authority "on rule. In place of this, the PLO now filiated with the TOM and had en any Palestinian land that is liberated" calls for the establishment of a Pal dorsed the demonstration explicitly on from Israeli occupation. estinian state on the West Bank and two points: self-determination for Ire The Arab rulers also unanimously Gaza Strip, although the goal of a land and the immediate withdrawal recognized the Palestine Liberation Or democratic and secular Palestine is of the troops. He urged a campaign ganization, the umbrella group to still proclaimed to be a long-range throughout the trade-union movement which most of the Palestine liberation objective. on these two points to enlarge its rep organizations adhere, as the "sole le The position of the PLO is not ac resentation on the next Troops Out gitimate representative of the Palestin cepted by all Palestinian resistance or demonstration. ian people." ganizations. On October 30, four The division within the movement The move came in the wake of a groups, including the Popular Front is not surprising. It reflects the dif number of actions involving interna for the Liberation of Palestine, ferences between those who are ac tional recognition of the Palestinian denounced the Rabat declaration as commodating themselves to the inter struggle. signifying acceptance of a Middle East ests of British imperialism, allowing it On October 14 the United Nations settlement that implied capitulation to to buy time to leave Ireland on the General Assembly voted 105 to 4 to ward Israel. best terms possible for big business, recognize the PLO as the "representa and those who stand firmly for Irish In 1969 and 1970, during the high tive of the Palestinian people" and in self-determination. In the former camp points of the Palestinian struggle, the vited it to participate in the Assembly's stand the Labour "left-wingers," the PLO rejected the idea of a rump state debate on Palestine. Only the United Communist party, and its stepchild on the West Bank. It maintained that States, Israel, the Dominican Republic, the BPC. Against them stand the IMG, to call for such a state would amount and Bolivia voted against the resolu the IS, and some activists in the to a denial of self-determination of the tion. Troops Out Movement. Palestinian people: it would mean rec On October 21, French Foreign Min ognition of Israel, which came into ister Jean Sauvagnargues met with being and exists through the dispos The TOM itself was organised ini Yasir Arafat, becoming the first high- session of the Palestinian people. tially around the demand for im ranking Western official to appear But after the defeat of the Palestin mediate withdrawal from Ireland. In publicly with the PLO leader. ian resistance in Jordan in 1970, the agreeing to sponsor the action with On October 25, the United Nations mass movement went into decline. The the BPC, however, it retreated and Educational, Scientific and Cultural resistance organizations moved to the accepted the BPC's demand for the Organization voted 80 to 2 to admit immediate beginning of a staged with right politically and tightened their the PLO to its general conference with ties to the Arab governments, which, drawal. It was criticised for taking observer status. Only the United States this action by several groups on the in turn, put increasing pressure on the and Israel voted against the proposal. left. The IMG's newspaper. Red Week resistance organizations to moderate their position. After the 1973 war, ly, for example, explained that grant The official recognition of the PLO ing the British government any right reflects both the impact that the Pal when the prospect of negotiations de to negotiate the terms of a gradual estinian national liberation struggle veloped, these regimes pressured the exit clearly negates the right of the has had in recent years, and the PLO to drop its demand for a demo Irish people to determine their own awareness that this struggle has cen cratic, secular Palestine. Strong pres future. tral importance in the politics of the sure along these lines also came from The size and militancy of the Octo Arab East. It has become increasing Moscow. Under this pressure, the PLO ber 27 action, in the wake of the re ly difficult for most governments to retreated from its previous position. newed mass mobilisations against maintain an official stance of outright The decision of the Arab heads of British rule in Northern Ireland itself, denial of the existence and rights of state does not appear to have been indicate that the issues raised will re the Palestinian people. worked out in advance in Washing main as long as British imperialism This official recognition of the PLO, ton. As recently as mid-October, U. S. tries to hold its oldest colony. The however, is tied to attempts to sell Secretary of State Henry Kissinger is debate on immediate versus staged the Palestinians short, to urge them said to have beiieved that his.policy withdrawal within the trade unions, to accept the Israeli colonial-settler of piecemeal Israeli withdrawals and the TOM, and the country as a whole state as something that is here to stay. indefinite postponement of any settle will continue. □ Recognition of the PLO came only ment of the Palestinian question would

Intercontinental Press prevail at Rabat. reported the October 31 New York as with Syria and Egypt to give King According to a report in the No Times, "is understood to have obtained Hussein a role in future negotiations vember 3 Washington Post, "Diplo a promise of a subsidy of $300-mil- is thought to be the central concession matic sources suggest that Kissinger lion annually from King Faisal as that made it possible for the Jordanian expected the leaders at the summit well as large shipments of military king to accept the status given to the to support his plans for step-by-step weapons. . . . Palestine Liberation Organization. negotiations and to leave the posi "The Saudi King also promised "King Hussein thus gained 'coexis tion of the Palestine Liberation Orga tence with the Palestinians' in ex nization about where Egypt and Jor change for his concurrence in the de dan had put it in a communique last cision to recognize them, a delegate July. At that time Egyptian President to the summit said." Anwar Sadat and Jordanian King Israel's reaction to the Rabat deci Hussein agreed that Jordan represents sion was ominous: increased pressure Palestinians living in Jordan." on the White House for quick delivery Furthermore, at the preliminary for of arms. Pentagon officials told Chris eign ministers meeting, the question of tian Science Monitor correspondent whether to recognize the PLO, over Dana Adams Schmidt of "intense Is^ Jordan's objections, as the sole rep raeli pressure to obtain rush deliveries resentative of the Palestinian people of U. S. arms in great quantity — in was debated for four days. cluding laser-guided missiles not yet According to the October 26 New standard in U. S. forces." York Times, a "member of the Pal These officials, Schmidt reported No estinian delegation told newsmen vember 1, "now talk of the possibility [October 24] that the Palestinian de that a Mideast negotiating Impasse mands had been received in 'complete might lead Israel to resort to a new silence' by the foreign ministers and pre-emptive war. . . . that Yasir Arafat, the head of the or "The Israeli pressure to obtain U. S. ganization, might yet boycott the Arab arms over the past few months is summit meeting. described as equal to, or exceeding "The threat, interpreted as an attempt similar pressure at the time of the to put pressure on the conference, pro war last October." The pace of de duced the desired results. But some YASIR ARAFAT livery has been so great that U. S., delegates were stUl hoping today that Army supply depots "have been re a compromise between Jordan and the quired to draw down U. S. military Palestinians could be worked out, once large subsidies to Egypt and Syria stocks instead of waiting until new King Hussein of Jordan and Mr. Ara [$1,000 million each] but it was under items come off supply lines." fat sit at the same table." stood that Jordan could hope to get William Safire, a former Nixon aide "As conference sources explained it," Saudi financial assistance only as long and now a columnist for the New Henry Tanner wrote in the October as she remained part of the Arab York Times, suggested a more direct 25 New York Times, the Arab coun front both diplomatically and militari solution—U.S. military intervention tries "would like to couple their re ly." in the Arab East similar to Wash cognition of the Palestine Liberation A more important question, how ington's intervention in Vietnam. Organization with practical conces ever, seemed to be what position the ". . . Arab extremists are in the sad sions to Jordan that would avert a PLO would take toward Hussein, the dle," Safire warned in the limes's edi formal break between King Hussein ruler who only four years ago killed torial pages October 31, and the mod and the other Arabs. or wounded 10,000 Palestinians in erates need countervailing pressure, "The search for such concessions is the Jordanian civil war.* Will the PLO "That means," he said, "that the United the real issue before the conference, continue to call for the overthrow of States, in this period, should be less Hussein? Apparently not. the sources said." of a broker and more of a counter- The search seems to have been suc According to an October 30 New force. As Mr. Kissinger learned in cessful. "Though details haven't been York Times dispatch from Rabat, "Ya Vietnam, the application of power is disclosed," Robert Keatley wrote in sir Arafat, head of the Palestine Lib an urgent reminder of the need for the October 30 Wall Street Journal, eration Organization, said today that good faith in negotiations." □ "it's evident that some behind-the- he would meet with the heads of state scenes compromises preceded the of Egypt, Syria and Jordan to co unanimous conference vote for the ordinate Arab strategy on the 'mili South Africa Expulsion Vetoed in UN PLO — enough to permit even Jordan tary, economic and political lev to approve the decision." Although the el.' . . . A resolution submitted to the United vote was a defeat for Hussein,"Jordan "The Palestinians' willingness to co Nations Security Council demanding the expulsion of South Africa from the UN hasn't been excluded from future ne ordinate policies with Jordan as well was vetoed October 30 by the delegates gotiations but will remain a main fac from the United States, France, and tor." *Peter Buch, "The Palestinian Revolution Britain. The resolution was the first for The picture became a little clearer and Zionism," International Socialist Re mal request in the UN's history for the the next day. ". . . King Hussein," view, January 1971. expulsion of a member state. November 11, 1974 Kissinger Operating According to 'Domino Theory'

Top CIA Men in Parleys With Portuguese Officials

Washington is giving events in country to go Communist in what Portugal anxious scrutiny, according was called 'a southern Europe dom to officials in Lisbon. Worried about ino theory' also involving Spain, Communist party influence in the gov Italy and Greece. This fear apparent ernment, and no doubt concerned ly has been fed by pessimistic intel about the possibility that forces fur ligence assessments, press reports ther to the left than the CP might come stressing the power of the left in Portu to the fore in the future, the White gal, and the anxieties of multinational House has recently dispatched top- companies with interests in Portugal level intelligence and diplomatic mis and its African colonies." sions to make on-the-spot assessments of the situation. The "domino theory," it will be re Citing "informed sources," Miguel called, was used to justify American Acoca cabled from Lisbon to the Octo intervention in the Vietnamese civU ber 27 Washington Post that "Kis war in the sixties. singer dispatched Lt. Gen. Vernon Acoca's sources reported that CIA Walters, deputy director of the Central deputy director Walters had been in Intelligence Agency, to Lisbon in Au Madrid in early October, "when he gust for a 'personal appraisal.' The had a briefing on Portugal with senior general, who speaks excellent Portu Spanish military and civilian author guese and is considered a specialist ities." on Portugal, was in Lisbon from Au Another recent visitor to Madrid was gust 9 to 12th for meetings with high CIA director William Colby. "One government officials and senior U. S. source," Acoca said, ". . . pointed out embassy staffers." that visits to Iberia by high U. S. intelligence officials could become During his visit, Walters "met with more frequent because the Mediterra Gen. Antonio de Spinola, then pro nean has risen in U. S. priority." visional president," Acoca reported. The chief of Portuguese military se "At the time, Spinola, a conservative, curity publicly alluded to Wash was locked in a struggle for power SPINOLA: Recruited by CIA? ington's intervention in a recent inter with populist Premier Vasco Gon- view published in the weekly magazine calves and the coordinating committee O Siculo Elustrado. When the Com of the Armed Forces Movement. . . . Iberian section, included Robert Ryan, munist party entered the provisional "Both U. S. and Portuguese govern a department monetary expert, and government set up after the April 25 ment sources have privately confirmed Michael Samuels, an authority on military coup, the CIA "immediately Walters' meeting with Spinola, and Portugal's African colonies. The iden focused their attention on us," said a subsequent conference with Gen. tity of the fourth mission member was Brigadier General Otelo de Carvalho, Francisco DaCosta Gomes, the armed not disclosed. . . . commander of the Lisbon garrison. forces chief who succeeded Spinola." "While nothing could be learned of "The Americans have a morbid ter^ , Some officials in the Portuguese gov the thrust of Walters' report to Kis ror of Communism and as you know ernment and the Armed Forces Move singer, sources said that the Lukens have a series of specific organs to ment, which directed the April 25 group diverged from the embassy's fight against it," the general continued. coup, are apparently uneasy about appraisal. The extent of the differences He suggested that the CIA was, not Washington's attention. Acoca re was not disclosed, but sources said the only vehicle Washington might use ported that "high-ranking revolution that the embassy's reporting had to impress its views on the Portuguese ary military officers have claimed re grown more cautious as a result." rulers. peatedly that there are at least 100 "The C.I. A., which uses the most CIA agents operating in Portugal, Previously, it was reported, the U. S. incredible methods —and you only striving to create 'another ChUe.'" Embassy's reports had minimized the have to look at the example of Chile After Spinola was forced to resign risk of a Communist party "take-over." — is probably the most dangerous, September 30, Kissinger sent a four- The Washington Fosfs correspon but it is not the only one: NATO man State Department mission to the dent said that, according to his is another example of an organiza Portuguese capital. According to sources, "Kissinger and others in tion created specifically to fight Com Acoca, "The group, headed by Alan Washington were obsessed with the munism." Lukens, director of the department's fear that Portugal will be the first Columnists Rowland Evans and

Intercontinental Press Robert Novak reported in their Octo following a trip to Washington and always one of the shelters of protec ber 25 column that "the U. S. has cut the United Nations, he went out of tion of the rights of Irana workers." Portugal off from certain highly clas his way to defend Portugal's mem It should be noted, of course, that sified military and nuclear informa bership in NATO. the shah's regime cannot tolerate the tion commonly available to all mem "We have a geostrategic position that existence of any kind of independent bers of NATO." They said the Penta obliges us to make a choice," he said, workers organization, and that in Iran gon's move occurred around the time adding that the "choice" of staying in what is claimed to be a trade union the CP entered the Spinola govern NATO corresponded to "the wishes of is nothing but a SAVAK-dominated ment. the Portuguese people." apparatus for further repressing the Whatever uneasiness some members While Costa Gomes spoke, the Com workers. of the Portuguese government may en munist party was holding its first legal The "union" letter published by Ete tertain about Washington's intentions, convention in more than fifty years. laat argued that anti-SAVAK publicity none of them are campaigning to get In an hour-long address to the con in the Western press is a result of the Out of NATO or to loosen ties with gress, CP leader Alvaro Cunhal, a rise in oil prices. The letter concluded the State Department. On the contrary. minister without portfolio in the gov by stating that "all this talk won't When President Francisco da Costa ernment, carefully avoided men bring oil prices down. . . ." tioning foreign policy. Gomes returned to Lisbon October 20, □ The Iranian parliament has also joined the attack on Newsweek. In a front-page article, the October 20 Etelaat reported that a member of Claims Murder of Strikers Was a 'Misunderstanding' Majlis (House of Representatives) had attacked the Newsweek article and that his speech had been approved by all the other members. Shah Stung by 'Newsweek' Charges The response of the shah to expo sures of his repressive actions shows By Mqjid Namvar that he finds the pressure of interna tional public opinion to be distaste Following a recent disclosure by fire because of an article in its Oc ful. He could be made to feel quite Newsweek of some of the operations tober 14 international edition that uncomfortable if a broad campaign of SAVAK, the Iranian secret police, gave the following account of the scope could be mounted for the uncondition a number of other U. S. magazines of SAVAK activities: al release of the political prisoners have carried reports documenting the ". . . the agency's eyes and ears are held in the jails of Iran. □ repression in Iran. According to the everywhere: in hotels, taxis, schools, November 4 issue of Time, the shah's foreign embassies and companies, fac CIA Subversion Not 'Systematic,' political police, "through a large net tories, doctors' offices, even in the dor Kissinger Tells Gandhi work of informers, have been respon mitories and cafeterias where Iranian sible for making countless arrests of students live and eat while studying On his recent visit to New Delhi, Sec leftists on occasionally vague anti- abroad." retary of State Henry Kissinger was hard Shah charges and for at least 200 As an example of SAVAK brutality, pressed by anxious Indian officials to executions." the Newsweek article mentioned the re allay widely held suspicions that the CIA Writing in the November issue of cent murder of striking workers at the has contemplated covert operations against the Indira Gandhi government. Harper's magazine, Frances FitzGer- Irana and Khavar brick factory. (See Kissinger's response fell far short of a ald, who recently visited Iran, reported Intercontinental Press, September 23, that private estimates put the number direct denial, however. "I reject the im p. 1194.) plication that the United States is engaged of SAVAK agents at 70,000. But, she In an attempt to refute the News- on a systematic basis in undermining any reported, "SAVAK officials themselves week article, the October 19 air edi government, and, particularly, constitu say that they have more unpaid in tion of the Tehran daily Etelaat tional governments. Exactly the opposite formers than paid agents." printed the text of what it claimed was is true," he told a news conference in New During the spring of this year, she a letter to Newsweek signed by "Rep Delhi October 30. This carefully qualified statement said, SAVAK reportedly carried out resentatives and Members of the Irana sounds as authoritative as Kissinger's mass arrests of schoolteachers and Factory Workers Union." statement to the Senate Foreign Relations taxi drivers in the city of Hamadan. "It is certain that in any workers Committee last year: "The CIA had The increasing disclosure of facts unit, misunderstandings sometimes oc nothing to do with the [Chile] coup, to about the shah's repression of oppo cur between workers and the boss," the the best of my knowledge and belief, and sitionists, combined with the growing letter said. "Such a misunderstanding I only put in that qualification in case support for the defense of Iranian po occurred at the Irana factory, and some madman appears down there who without instructions talked to somebody. litical prisoners, has forced the gov the officials who are responsible for I have absolutely no reason to sup ernment to adopt a defensive position. workers affairs tried sincerely to work pose it." In recent issues of the government- it out. Irana workers firmly deny the Since then, of course, it has been re controlled press, several articles have allegations that security officials mis vealed that Kissinger personally directed denounced "reactionary circles" in the treated workers." the CIA operations against the Allende West. Newsweek in particular is under "SAVAK," the letter continued, "is government. November II, 1974 Floods Are Not the Only Disaster 1974). The first five-year plan has completely omitted the problem of flood control and has only touched upon flood protection. In the same issue of Holiday, N.M. Harun wrote, Has Bangladesh a Future? "Experts hold that there are two ap proaches to the problem of flood con ByIbne Azad trol and flood protection: a) effective flood control is possible on basin- [The following article appeared in {Morning News, Dacca, January 4, wide planning and muiti-national ef the September 19 issue of Inprecor, 1971.) forts; and b) labour-intensive projects a fortnightly news bulletin of the Rahman has been prime minister within a comprehensive plan can be United Secretariat of the Fourth In of Bangladesh for more than two and undertaken even with the existing re ternational.] a half years now. When he became sources of the country to protect vast prime minister he promised the people areas from floods. a Sonar Bangla (Golden Bengal). But "The present administration is yet to instead, Rahman and his henchmen consider the first approach. And, for Nearly four years ago, on the night in the ruling Awami League have con the second approach, earnestness has of November 12-13, 1970, an unprece verted Bangladesh into a graveyard. not been shown." dented cyclone and tidal wave rav Limitless corruption, misadministra- Despite the unprecedented havoc cre aged the coastal districts of what was tion, and inefficiency reign supreme. ated by the flood, the international then East Pakistan. About one mil Bangladesh is ruined. Its economy response has been far from big. As lion lives were lost in that catastrophe. had collapsed long before the recent soon as the floodwater started to en The Pakistani military regime made flood struck Bangladesh. Rahman has gulf vast parts of the country, Rah very little effort to save the lives of not fared any better than the Pakistani man arranged for the heads of dif the cyclone-devastated people. Sheikh butchers. On the contrary, the toiling ferent diplomatic missions to be flown Mujibur Rahman, the present prime masses were in some ways better off by heiicopter over the flood-devastated minister of Bangiadesh, was then the during those days than at present. countryside. The government ap leader of the opposition party in East Now, few shout about "Joi Bangla" pealed to the United Nations and Pakistan. He stated before a press con (Glory to Bengal). The most common other international agencies for help. ference on November 26, 1970: question is: "Has Bangladesh a fu But the international response was "We have lived with floods and cy ture?" pathetic. clones since Independence (1947 when In the past, both during the cyclone the British left India). Today, after of 1970 and during the first year twenty-three years of shared nation The June Flood after the liberation of Bangladesh, the hood, we are without even plans for government was provided with large flood control. . . . We are confirmed Floods struck Bangladesh this year assistance from abroad. In the first today in our conviction that if we are in the month of June. The water level year of independence, the United Na to save the people of Bangladesh we in the different rivers was rising stead tions Relief Operation-Dacca provided must attain full regional autono ily and the situation was aggravated more than £500 million. Yet at the my. . . . We must have plenary pow by the heavy rainfall. By the begin time of this writing, very little has ers to manage our economy. It is ning of August the country was in been offered to the government of only when we can wrest away from the the grip of the worst flood in 150 Bangladesh. The U.S. government ruling coterie and attain full regional years. Two-thirds of the country's 55,- has donated only $4 million. The autonomy . . . that we can expect to 000 square miles were under flood- United Nations Disasters Relief office solve our urgent problems, be they water. Nearly thirty million people in Dacca has donated only $20,000. those of economic development, flood were affected; 3,000 were killed; 3,500 The World Food Program in Rome control, or those of reconstructing the miles of road were destroyed. As of has announced an offer of $2.5 mil villages and rehabilitating the people this writing it is not possible to ac lion. These sums are far less than the ravaged by the cyclone." curately estimate the real extent of the $500 million estimated as needed by Floods and cyclones are two major damage. The Bangladesh government the Bangladesh government. Com natural disasters that hit Bangla has put it on the order of $500 mil menting on this, Michael Hornsby desh almost every year. Effective con lion. The sufferings of the people are wrote: "This parsimony undoubtedly trol of floods had been one of the indescribable. reflects in part the disillusionment of pledges made by Rahman during the Rahman has done very little to fight international agencies and other aid fight against the Pakistani miiitary against the floods. Nor has his gov donors at the way in which massive regime. On January 3, 1971, speak ernment done anything to protect peo injections of relief funds over the past ing before a gathering of nearly two ple from the cyclones. In the current three years have been dissipated and million people in Dacca, Rahman year's budget only 3 million takas embezzled by corrupt Bangladesh of promised. Whenever the question of (US$1 equais 7 takas approximately) ficials" (The Times, London, Au flood control was raised in the past, has been allocated, whereas the mini gust 14, 1974). the plea of non-availability of funds mum requirement according to the A correspondent of the Bangladesh was given. I shall show how money Flood Control Ministry was 6.5 mil weekly Deshbangla reported that most can be arranged for flood control." lion takas {Holiday, Dacca, August 4, of the foreign missions in Bangladesh

Intercontinental Press were aware of how the Bangladesh inundated homes. Not one of the fam ter system to be repaid by industrial government had misused and squan ilies had been visited by relief teams, goods from an industry set up with dered a good part of the foreign aid. nor had they received aid in any the Soviet aid. The foreign offices in Bangladesh be form." The economic situation is so bad lieved that about 50 percent of this In this time of national crisis Rah that the Bangladesh planning com aid found its way to India, 30 per man should have taken up a united mission has given up the idea of carl- cent was misappropriated by the dis program to deal with such a calamity. rying out the country's first five-year tributors, who were and still are solely Instead, he has played politics with plan. Instead there will be a develop the members of the ruling Awami flood. He is using his police force to mental program on a year to year League, and only 20 percent actually obstruct the relief work carried out by basis. Even the Rahman administra had reached the needy and the poor the opposition parties. The message tion finds it extremely hard to service of Bangladesh {Deshbangla, Dacca, is clear. He and his henchmen want the foreign debts. On September 1, August 8, 1974). to divide among themselves all the aid 1973, Mr. Hamidullah, governor of After the November 1970 cyclone, that might flow into the country! the Bangladesh Bank, pointed out that Rahman accused the Pakistani mili three factors had contributed to the tary regime of criminal negligence be collapse of the Bangladesh economy: cause of its failure to launch an in A Dying Economy the flight of capital, heavy smuggling tensive relief and rescue operation. But to India, and production failure in how is the relief operation being car Long before the recent flood, the mills and factories. ried out under the rule of the Awami economy of the country had reached But who is paying for the economic League? According to a report by Ian a point of collapse. Foreign reserves collapse? The hardship of the toiling Ward in the August 15 London Da???/ had dried up. Consequently, the im masses is indescribable. How are the Telegraph there were only six heli port of essential commodities is being people maintaining their lives when copters in service. He narrates how held up, and foreign importers are the per capita income is less than the relief operation is being carried refusing to entertain Bangladesh let $200 a year and when rice is being out: "I flew here today aboard a Rus ters of credit. The 1973-74 deficit in sold at 50 cents a pound and an or sian-made helicopter with the Russian foreign trade has amounted to 44.5 dinary men's shirt costs at least $20 crew to experience at first hand some million takas (Deshbangla, August 8, to $25? Death by starvation is very of the hopeless confusion which has 1974). By the end of last June the frequent. During the period of Rah engulfed trying to bring relief to the foreign reserves of Bangladesh man's rule, prices have increased at stricken areas. reached almost a zero level. Bangla least 500 to 600 percent. The toil "The flight was timed for 8 a.m. desh sought a major loan from the ing masses have been bled white. In sharp. The Russian crew were stand International Monetary Fund (IMF). the last four months alone, the price ing by their craft on Dacca airport According to a report published in the of rice has at least doubled. The price at 6 a.m. ready to load the trucks London Observer, the IMF had grant of cloth has gone up at least tenfold of packaged bread parked nearby ed only £16 million, whereas Bangla since the liberation of Bangladesh, along with a four ton consignment desh needed a sum of £300 million The inefficiency of the Rahman ad of drugs. But with no government of for the import of essential materials ministration is such that due simply ficial in attendance nothing stirred. At for the second half of the current year. to the lack of a signature from the 8:15 a.m. the Dacca airport relief co Now the flood has come, and this Planning Commission a large proj ordination officer strolled into his has put additional pressure on the ect for cotton cultivation could not be quarters. The telephone on his desk already dying economy of Bangla put into effect. {Dainik Bangla, Dacca, was out of order. Piles of receipts, desh. During the last two to three July 4, 1974). documents, files and scraps of official months Mujib has been sending his notes lay under a paperweight await emissaries to various world capitals Corruption, blackmarketeering, ing his signature—testaments to the to procure some help. The foreign hoarding, bribery, and all other anti extraordinary bureaucracy and red minister approached oil-rich countries social activities are going unchecked tape that throttles every Government like Iran, Bahrain, Qatar, and Abu these days. A section of the ruling move here. When loading finally be Dhabi. The finance minister was sent Awami League has accumulated con gan the Russian crewmen requested to Washington. Two members of the siderable wealth. It is popularly be destinations. The officials, who by this Bangladesh planning commission lieved in Bangladesh that Rahman time outnumbered the loaders by two were sent to Hungary, West Germany, himself has accumulated enough to one, were uncertain. Then the Rus Jordan, Czechoslovakia, Belgium, and wealth to become one of the ten rich sians sought cargo weights, but none Britain. A minister who is known to est persons in the country. Who com had been taken. The officials did their be very much Islamic-minded was sent prises the new rich class of Bangla sums and decided that the total cargo to Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and Iraq. desh? Just to give one example, Rah to be lifted was eight and a half tons. The industries minister was sent to man's own nephew. Sheikh Fazlul Later I made a boat trip to three Moscow. Even before his departure, Huq Moni (popularly known as flooded villages where families were the Kremlin bureaucrats made it Sheikh Moni), has become one of the living on rafts made of matted water known that they had no intention of richest men of the country. He has hyacinth secured to the roofs of their lifting Bangladesh out of the present been openly criticized even by many waterlogged mud and thatched dwell crisis by offering aid in the form of Awami League members and is well ings. Fishing families huddled in open hard currencies. It is believed that the known for his corrupt practices. His boats which also floated beside their Soviet aid would be based on a bar maternal uncle undoubtedly offers full

November I I, 1974 protection and immunity. Last year two jute mills in West Bengal, India, to resort to measures such as pre even Rahman's son was caught red- are not only working at full capacity, ventive detention without trial, censor handed in antisocial activities. but even on double shifts. On the other ship of newspapers, proscription of hand, the seventy-seven jute mills in objectionable publications, and prohi Bangladesh are facing an acute crisis bition of objectionable associations Economics of Smuggling in production; many of them will be and organizations. Rahman has made closed soon because of shortages of full use of this "special powers act" The grim food crisis that prevailed raw jute and imported material such to gag the voice of the people. It is as lubricants, spare parts, etc. The in Bangladesh even before the recent worthwhile to recollect what he had closure of jute mills would definitely flood was absolutely man-made. Ac pledged in the past. On October 28, cording to the official government es throw thousands of workers out of 1970, in a broadcast to the people of work. At the same time, the foreign timate, the shortage was on the order Pakistan he said, "A real living democ exchange earnings of the Bangladesh of 1.8 million tons {Holiday, April 7, racy must be established, in which government through jute and jute 1974). On the other hand, in 1973 all the fundamental freedom shall be products has dropped sharply—from the country registered a bumper crop. constitutionally guaranteed. Our mani 3.5 thousand million takas in 1969-70 According to an estimate by a Com festo outlines a framework for the monwealth organization, Bangladesh to 2.6 thousand million takas in 1973- healthy growth of political parties, produced 12.5 million tons of rice, 74. trade unions, and local self-govern The economics behind the smug which should have been sufficient for ment. We do pledge to restore complete gling are very simple. Officially, one a population of seventy-five million. freedom of the press and academic Why then should there be any scarcity Indian rupee is equivalent to one freedom and to eradicate corruption Bangladesh taka. But according to the of rice? The answer is simple. Rice which has grown like cancer in our unofficial exchange rate, one Indian is being smuggled across the border society." {Dawn, Karachi, October 29, rupee commands at least two Bangla to India, where there is a chronic 1970). Events of the past few years desh takas. The price of one maund shortage of rice and other agricultural have clearly demonstrated how empty products. (82 pounds) of jute is 60 takas in Bangladesh, and the price is the same Rahman's promises were. The item most affected by smuggling Since the liberation of Bangladesh is jute, which used to make up 85 in India. By smuggling one maund several leftist papers have been for percent of Bangladesh's foreign ex of jute, a smuggler gets 60 Indian cibly closed down. Freedom of the change earnings. Today the jute in rupees, which can be converted into press has been greatly curtailed. The dustry is facing a virtual collapse. 120 Bangladesh takas. The 120 takas editor of the most popular daily of Before 1971, India was deficit in raw can be brought back to Bangladesh Bangladesh, Ganakantha (People's jute to an extent of 500,000 bales a or a piece of cloth for 120 takas can Voice), a newspaper of the opposition year. The Indian jute industry was be brought back and sold in Bangla Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal (JSD—Na steadily declining. In 1964-65 Indian desh for 150 takas. Because of this tional Socialist party), has been put jute production was 1,222,600 tons; very simple economics not only jute under arrest under the special pow by 1969-70 it had dropped to 953,- but also rice, vegetables, and mUk are ers act. Most of the daily newspapers 000 tons {Far Eastern Economic Re smuggled out of Bangladesh, giving view, January 21, 1974). During the rise to a man-made food crisis. are government controlled, as dur ing Pakistani rule they belonged to same period, Indian jute exports the Pakistani government, people from dropped from 843,600 tons to 466,- 700 tons. One can compare the de Opposition Meets Repression what was then West Pakistan, or pro- cline of the Indian jute industry with Pakistani Bengalis. the growth of the jute industry of what Since independence Rahman has Rahman has found a unique way of was then East Pakistan. In 1947, the promised on several occasions to use curtailing freedom of the press. The jute industry in East Pakistan was the armed forces to "stamp out cor government has started to ration news almost nonexistent. By 1971, how ruption, hoarding, smuggling, and print to the newspapers whose policies ever, seventy-seven jute mills had been other antisocial activities." All these are not in conformity with those of the established. In 1964-65, the jute mills promises have turned out to be ab government. While most of the dailies of Bangladesh (then East Pakistan) solutely hollow. The reason is that are government-run, there are many produced 280,112 tons; by 1969-70 very few persons in Bangladesh ex weeklies that are opposed to the Rah the figure had risen to 587,500 tons. cept the members of the ruling Awami man regime. In 1973-74 all the week During the same period exports rose League have access to licenses and ly newspapers were allocated 200 tons from 218,629 tons to 496,300 tons. permits to carry out both external of newsprint. This quota has now been In recent years, however, the pic and internal trade. The members of slashed to only fifteen tons. This has ture has changed dramatically. It was the Awami League have virtually mo forced several weeklies to reduce their recently disclosed in an Indian daily nopolized all gqinful offices, business, circulations. And the price of news that India had accumulated one mil commerce, and industries. This meant print has gone up by 250 percent dur lion bales of jute through smuggling that Mujib would have to use armed ing the last eight months, dealing a and had set a goal of 500,000 bales force against his own party men. In heavy blow to the survival of the of raw jute as an export target.( The stead, he has used the army to sup small newspapers. Hindustan Standard, March 16, press the opposition. 1974). Since jute was procured from On February 5, 1974, the govern On February 15, 1971, at the Ben Bangladesh by the Indian jute indus ment issued a special powers act ac gali Academy in Dacca Sheikh Mujib trialists through smuggling, the sixty- cording to which the regime is entitled declared: 'We firmly believe in a so-

Intercontinental Press cialist economy and a society free hands, from (he hands of those not ious ways for the accumulation of from exploitation. We will not stay in in the Awami League to those of the property in private hands; production power unless we can translate the Awami League or closely connected in the nationalized sector did not pick hopes of the people that have been with them. That is the reason why up, and through a gross mismanage reposed in us. . ."( The Pakistan Ob no one really took any interest in ment of such industries the entire idea server, Dacca, February 16, 1971). promoting the nationalized industries of nationalization, and with it of so A few days later he again repeated his and other concerns. On the other cialism, are totally discredited in the promise: "Without a socialist pattern hand, they all saw to it that the na eyes of the people." {Holiday, July 7, of economy, 70 million people cannot tionalized industries were used in var 1974.) □ live in an area of 55,000 square miles." {Dawn, Karachi, March 1, 1971.) Such were the promises of Sheikh Juan Mori Bros Scores U.S. Aims Mujib before the people. After the liberation of Bangladesh, banks, insurance companies, and big industries were nationalized and the UN Hears Testimony on Puerto Rico government put a ceiling on invest ment in private sectors. The Awami League had no other alternative but conditions of the colonial system." Mari Bras's figures on sterilization were to resort to such measures, since the • ■ -' y ' ■ confirmed by Dr. Antonio Silva, assistant Bengali bourgeoisie was very weak secretary of health for Family Planning and was not at all capable of start in Puerto Rico, in an interview with the ing its activities by itself. It is worth New York Times. Speaking as an offi noting that no foreign capital was cial of the colonial regime, he claimed affected by the Awami League na that the sterilization program was com tionalization program. On July 4, pletely voluntary. 1974, the national economic council Mari Bras reported that the PSP, which of Bangladesh decided to lift restric urged abstention in the 1972 elections, tions on private investment, raising had gathered 72,000 signatures of for mer voters to meet requirements to get the upper limit from 2.5 million takas on the 1976 ballot. He said that the to 30 million takas. Restrictions on 94,570 votes for Senator Ruben Berrios, foreign investments have also been the leader of the Puerto Rican Indepen lifted, making Bangladesh suitable for dence party (PIP), represented almost 10% direct neocolonial exploitation. of that year's vote. The colonial "commonwealth" govern ment, Mari Bras charged, advertised During its two years of outright mo "without shame" that such industries as nopoly in corruption, the Awami textiles achieved 6% profits on the island League has been able to create a new compared with 2.5% on the mainland; metals, 18.9% as against 3.9%; electrical rich class (although not a very strong machinery, 31.6% as against 3.9% — one) whose members have acquired thanks largely to lower wages. their property primarily through il Senator Berrios, in testimony before the legal means. By lifting the ceiling on UN on November 1, said Washington private investments, the government was preparing to spend $500 million k has made provisions for this sector year —equivalent to 8% of Puerto Rico's JUAN MARI BRAS to invest its capital accumulated from gross national product—on welfare pay the black market. ments as a "demogogic means to win ap From the very beginning Rahman's proval of the poor" and to undermine pressure for higher wages. nationalization program was a big The United States is deliberately seek Berrios denounced the growing repres hoax. Badruddin Umar, a Bangla ing to cut down the size of the native Puerto Rican population, Juan Mari Bras, sion against supporters of Puerto Rican desh political scientist, put it in this the secretary-general of the Puerto Rican independence. He said that police forces way: "In Bangladesh there was noth Socialist party (PSP), charged October 30. have been increased from 2,895 in 1968 ing revoiutionary in the various mea Testifying before the United Nations to 7,778 last year, with plans to add sures that the government has been special committee on colonialism, the 2,000 more; 135 attacks on independence following in respect to industry, agri Puerto Rican leader said that under a sympathizers occurred from August to De culture, commerce, and every other Washington-sponsored program, 200,000 cember 1973; and eleven bombings, which sphere of national life. Their nationali Puerto Rican women —35% of those of he attributed to "right-wing groups operat zation was not at ail an attack on child-bearing age —had been sterilized. ing under police protection," have taken He said that Washington's plans also place since August 1973. capital; it was not at all meant to included inducing one million more Puerto Both the PSP and PIP leaders urged be an attack on capital. It was a Ricans to emigrate to the mainland in the UN committee to send a mission to mechanism and an arrangement for the next ten years. Two million, he said, Puerto Rico next year to seek an end to the smooth transference of private had already moved to the United States, government plans for massive sterilization property from some hands to other "expelled from, the territory by deplorable and migration. □ November I I, ,1974 Handouts for the Bosses, Woge Freeze for the Unions

Wilson Pushes 'Austerity' for British Workers

By Tony Hodges

London which lead to the closure of the firms "There can be no opting out. That •p we work for. A wonderful wage agree is what the social contract is about, ment is of no value if the firm with and it is going to be more vitally whom we have negotiated doesn't em necessary than ever in these months ploy people any more." In Jones's and years ahead that that contract be view, wage increases would lead to honoured, in the spirit and the letter." mass unemployment, and there was That was Labour Prime Minister simply nothing that the labour move Harold Wilson's warning to the ment could do about it. unions in a nationwide television Jones went on to urge workers to broadcast October 14, just four days freeze their own wages voluntarily to after Labour's narrow victory in the avoid putting the Labour government British general election. in the embarrassing position of hav The social contract is a deal be ing to freeze wages by law. "Difficult tween the Labour government and the times lie ahead," he cautioned, "and trade-union bureaucracy designed to some austerity measures may have convince workers to hold down their to be attempted. It will call for under wages "voluntarily." It has been Wil standing by trade unionists so that son's remedy for the ailing condition Labour can fulfil its pledge of no of British capitalism since the miners wage freeze, no statutory controls over defeated the Tories' statutory wage wages and resistance to unemploy controls and strategy of head-on con ment." frontation with the unions last Feb WILSON: Promises British capitalists o The workability of the social con ruary. boost In profits. tract— and the voluntary incomes pol ". . . we have all agreed," Wilson icy at its heart —is now open to con told his audience, "that we cannot look unions to stick by the social contract siderable doubt in view of the es forward over the next two years or and not step out of line, Wilson re calating inflationary threat to the stan more to any general increase in living affirmed his commitment to "a vigor dard of living of the mass of work standards." Why? Because "Britain is ous, alert, responsible, and profitable ers. Retail prices rose 1.1% in Sep facing the gravest crisis since the war." private sector." Wilson promised that tember, according to figures published Wilson stated that "our central prob the "Government is giving the most October 18, one day after Jones's lem in conquering this crisis is infla urgent attention to the problems of speech. The annual rate of inflation tion; higher costs, higher prices, hit cash for industry and commerce. . . ." is now more than 17%. Wholesale ting the living standards of every Ronald Butt, writing in the London prices, it was reported October 15, household and endangering our com Times on October 17, said that "Mr rose 1.5% in September and are now petitive position abroad." In WOson's Wilson's broadcast contained sterner rising at an annual rate of around opinion, "fighting inflation is a matter and more explicit warnings to the 20%. of national survival." unions than he has ventured at any Food prices, though, are rocketing He went on: "This world-wide crisis time since they engaged the Conser up. A survey published by the Na of inflation is the most formidable vatives in conflict." Congratulating tional Federation of Consumer challenge we have ever had to meet — Wilson for his bold challenge to the Groups on October 17 reported that apart from the challenge of survival unions. Butt said that Britain needed "inflation is stampeding at the rate of in wartime." "his courage to take a stand on firm 34 per cent on the staple groceries Wilson then laid out anew his well- and if necessary unpopular policies which we eat a lot of. That's the tried "solution" to the crisis, the class straight away." gloomy picture from our mid-Septem collaborationism of the social con Strong support for Wilson's stand ber and mid-June surveys. Leading tract: "We believe that our problems came from Jack Jones, head of the the stampede were bacon, eggs, can be solved only by a partnership Transport and General Workers canned fruit, evaporated milk, bis between Government and the whole of Union, Britain's biggest union. Speak cuits and pastries, not to mention sug our national family, a partnership in ing at a conference of his union in ar." which all of us should be partners, Scotland on October 17, Jones, who Workers are beginning to fight back and all must play their part." has been dubbed "the architect of the to defend their interests despite the But it was evident that some mem social contract" for his consistent back pleas of the union leaders to honour bers of the "national family" would be ing of Wilson's wage restraint plans, the social contract. The centre of the called upon to sacrifice a little more warned union members: struggle is in Scotland, which has than the others. While warning the "It is simply no use pressing actions been swept by strikes since the elec-

Intercontinental Press tion. The October 19 Economist re gone out of their way since the elec tober 4 he said that "some action will ported that "the worst" of Scotland's tion to assure British businesses that be required (that is, in November) to strikes "is a lorry drivers' strike measures will soon be taken to boost improve both liquidity and profitabil which has stopped 40 per cent of all their profits. Three measures are in ity in the business sector." Signs of local road transport for the past two the cards and seem likely to be an cash handouts, eased tax payments, weeks." The magazine lamented: "In nounced November 12 by Heaiey in and the lifting of some price rise re dustry would usually expect to get his autumn budget. They are the fol strictions have been eagerly wel round such a strike by hiring non lowing: comed by the leaders of big business. union lorry drivers, but the strikers • The lifting of many of the price After meeting Wilson on October 15, are tightening the noose with flying rise restrictions in the Price Code in Ralph Bateman, president of the Con pickets. Plants of all types are being order to allow companies to boost federation of British Industry, said he picketed: computers, electronics, food their profits by raising prices even thought that the Labour government manufacturing, container depots and further. now understood industry's probiems. steelworks. The strike is now two • Tax concessions for companies, The consequences of these procap- weeks old, and stocks are running in particular an easing of the cor italist measures can only be further dangerously low. Shortages are ap poration tax. price rises. The only solution for pearing everywhere, and several • The creation of a new investment working people is to force the La small companies are on the brink of bank to alleviate industry's growing bour leaders to break with the social going bust. cash crisis. contract and wage restraint and fight "In Glasgow sewage workers and These steps follow promises made for automatic wage increases to off dustmen have walked out over their by Heaiey some weeks ago. On Oc set price rises. □ own pay claim, and there are now 10,000 tons of rubbish rotting on the streets. They have been foliowed by teachers, who have begun sporadic As Part of International Capitalist Economy strikes and are threatening more. Glasgow trains were in chaos last Fri day after a one-hour manning dis pute by drivers. Ship movements on For Belgium, Too, No Escape From Recession the Clyde have been halted by a row in which 150 tugboatmen have been By Ernest Mandel suspended. On Tuesday, workers at the city's slaughterhouse walked out, halting all meat supplies." [The foilowing article appeared in On October 20, Glasgow busmen the October 4 issue of La Gauche, While the Belgian economy is very and underground train crews joined the weekly publication of the Ligue highly integrated into the internation the strike wave, halting the city's pub R6volutionnaire des Travailleurs al capitalist economy, its relations lic transport system. Six thousand (Revolutionary Workers League), the with the "Big Three" — the United workers are on strike at Scotland's Belgian section of the Fourth Inter States, Japan, and the Federal Ger three Rolls-Royce factories; more than national. The translation is by Inter- man Republic —are very unevenly de 4,000 workers are out at Vickers ship co ntinental Press. 1 veloped. Belgium's exports to the yard, Barrow-in-Furness; and 4,600 United States and Japan account for are on strike at the Hoover factory only a small part of the country's in Cambuslang. About 7,500 work industrial production, but is exports ers are disrupting whiskey produc At first sight, the situation seems to West Germany play a significant tion at Haig's in Fife. paradoxical: everyone is calling it a and growing role in the national Scottish workers have shown little serious crisis, and yet industrial pro economy. interest in the class-peace appeals of duction continues to grow in Belgium. The situation becomes clearer if, in James Jack, general secretary of the While unemployment is increasing addition, we note that the economic Scottish Trades Union Congress. On slightly, it still fluctuates around integration of the Belgium-Luxem October 16 he issued a statement com- 100,000, which hardly signifies a re bourg Economic Union, the Nether piaining that "the spate of unofficial cession in this country. lands, the Federal German Republic, strikes in the face of the Government's An even more obvious paradox is and France is growing tighter, and industrial and social achievements that while the Belgian economy is that the latter three countries buy al over the past eight months can only more integrated into the international most two-thirds of Belgian exports. impose a painful and grossly unfair capitalist market than the economy In effect, of the "Big Three" in the in handicap upon the new Government of any other imperialist country (that ternational imperialist economy. West by withhoiding resources they des is, it is more dependent on exports), Germany is today the least affected perately need to fulfil their election it seems to have avoided for the time by the international recession. And commitments." being the general recession that has France is much less affected than While the government has called on clearly begun in the international cap Great Britain or Italy. workers to sacrifice to baU British italist economy. It must be added that until 1973, capitalism out of its growing econom Yet if we take a closer look, the Belgium's inflation rate was one of ic difficulties, Wilson and Chancellor economic situation in Belgium is less the iowest in the imperialist world, of the Exchequer Denis Heaiey have paradoxical than appears at first which helped to stimulate the coun-

November II, 1974 try's exports. Moreover, the Belgian is on the brink of a recession, or has The imperialist governments are un economy, which has long played a already gone over the brink. able to carry out harsh deflationary "marginal" role in the world imperial The unemployment statistics confirm policies because of the relationship of ist economy, retained reserves of this: The number of workers listed forces between business and labor in productive capacity that scarcely as unemployed—which is lower than most Western countries. This relation existed beyond the Rhine or the the real number since the passage of ship of forces is radically different French frontier. Hence the spectacular the infamous Van Acker law, which from what it was in 1929, not to growth of Belgian exports in the first excludes some categories of married speak of 1932. half of 1974, reaching the level of women from receiving unemployment Any rapid rise in unemployment 100,000 million francs in exports per benefits — rose to 96,645 fully unem will be sure to provoke sharp reac month [100 Belgian francs equal ployed in August 1974, an increase tions from the workers: occupations US$2.60] in May 1974. of 11,360, or 13 percent, compared of factories to prevent closures; rejec Since then, however, inflation has with August 1973. To which must be tion of unemployment; radical strikes exploded in Belgium. Its rate is quite added the figure for partially unem and violent, politically radicalized obviously higher than in West Ger ployed, which has risen to 14,000. movements. In view of the present many, the' , Switzerland, It may have been noted that recent world situation, the bourgeoisie can and Sweden. The growth in exports ly, commentators from a wide variety not allow itself the luxury of fifteen is therefore going to slow down, and of professions —university professors, million unemployed in the United even stop altogether. The recession factory managers, hankers, bourgeois States, three million unemployed in will develop in Belgium, too, although politicians, and even Citizen Genot, Great Britain, five million unemployed with a certain delay compared with at the Congress of the Walloon re in West Germany, or a half million un other imperialist countries. gional sections of the FGTB [Federa employed in Belgium. Those are the According to a memorandum pub tion Generate des Travailleurs de Bel- figures comparable to a "new 1929." lished by the Central Economic Coun gique—Belgian General Federation of They would finish off the capitalist cil in mid-September, demand is al Workers]— have described theeconom- system. ready sagging in manufacturing, ic outlook in extremely gloomy terms. Thus, our prognosis is the follow where several sectors have experienced One could even say they were scare- ing: there will he a generalized reces a simultaneous decline in production mongering. To hear them, we are on sion, more serious than anything we and advance orders. the eve of an economic crisis as se have seen since the second world war The sectors most affected include: rious, if not more serious, than the (no doubt with a total of between • Automobiles, where, despite an crash of 1929. thirteen and fifteen million unem improvement in the market situation It is true that share prices on the ployed in all the imperialist countries), during the spring and early summer, Stock Exchanges at London, New but with unemployment considerably production remains below last year's York, and several other important below the number left jobless by the level. There have been layoffs at Gen world capitalist centers have declined 1929 crisis. eral Motors in Antwerp, a temporary during the past year more than they As soon as the recession reaches suspension of production of the did after the famous "Black Friday" a certain level, there will be an effort Taunus model at the Cenk Ford fac of October 1929. But that simply to reflate the economy again by in tory, and so on. means one thing: that the capitalists creasing inflation. • Construction, especially in the have become very pessimistic as to the Only a serious political defeat of public housing sector. Public housing immediate future of their economy. the working class in the key coun starts were 34 percent lower in the There is a big difference between that tries of the imperialist world could first half of 1974 than in the same and concluding that industrial produc provide the bourgeoisie with the po period last year. tion and employment are going to litical and social resources to apply • Clothing, and consequently tex tumble at the same rate as stocks. the "horse medicine" that is necessary tiles. Several companies are In trouble The truth is that as long as cap to cure inflation, and that it is unable in the Ghent region, and while the pro italist governments do not all simul to apply today. duction of fabrics (especially cotton taneously practice a harsh deflation The present carefully staged scare- goods) remains less affected, it will ary policy that "smashes" inflation at mongering is intended above all to soon suffer the repercussions of the the cost of massive unemployment; raise a hue and cry against the unions slowdown in the clothing sector. and as long as inflation doesn't reach and the workers, to create a climate More generally, the volume of pur the runaway point (that is, the point that favors "national union for equal chases by consumers in Belgium at which no one holds on to money, sacrifices" — that is, to confront the seems to be in sharp decline, after everyone stocks up on commodities, workers with a choice between volun the surge of buying sparked by fears and prices are no longer declining tarily abandoning the defense of their of shortages at the beginning of the in any sector), the recession will not buying power or facing the threat of year. In June 1974 the turnover of the become a "new 1929." massive unemployment. □ big "downtown" stores was only 1.5 The fact that inflation is not yet 60% in U. S. Opposed to CIA Job In Chile percent higher than in June 1973, raging out of control is shown clear A Harris poll of 1,544 adults conducted which, considering that prices have ly by the sharp fall in share prices in the United States in late September increased by almost 10 percent dur on the Stock Exchange, the decline found that 60 percent of the population ing that time, represents a serious fall in land values in Great Britain, and was opposed to the U. S. intervention in in sales volume. the steep faU in the prices of many Chile that led to the overthrow of the We can therefore say that Belgium materials in the last few months. Allende government.

Intercontinental Press On the Alert for British Imperialist Interests

Wilson's 21-Gun Salute to South African Racists

By Tony Hodges

London Times, commented that the joint na with orderly trading in her gold." The imperialist powers, threatened val exercises are "regarded by the Szulc could have given greater stress by the turn of events in Mozambique South African Government and its to Washington's primary concern: the and Angola, are redoubling their ef supporters as a breakthrough in dem defence of the superprofits reaped forts to safeguard imperialist interests onstrating the importance of the Re from the West's giant economic hold in South Africa. public's ties with the Western powers. ings in South Africa. By 1970, Ster On October 14, eleven British war They are seen as a tactical victory ling Area investments there totaled ships sailed into Cape Town for a over the elements campaigning to in £1,983 million [£1 equals about series of joint naval exercises with crease the international boycott of US$2.30], 58 percent of all foreign in the South African navy. Patrick Keat- South Africa." vestments in the country. In 1971, ley, diplomatic correspondent of the A French naval force left Brest Oc more than 500 British companies and London Guardian, reported Octo tober 21 for the Cape. Indeed, the 300 U.S. companies had subsidiaries ber 16 that "the British flotilla sailed French government has never hidden or associates there. in handsome formation into the mag its willingness to collaborate on the From 1965 to 1970 South Africa nificent harbour at Cape Town on military level with South Africa, hav received a net total of £982 million Monday [October 14], firing a 21-gun ing never agreed to respect the inter in investments from the West. The av salute which echoed and re-echoed national arms boycott passed by the erage annual net inflow rose from across the city, thanks to the great United Nations in 1963. £93 million in 1965-67 to £235 mil rock wall of Table Mountain. The The August 20 issue of the Swedish lion in 1968-70, to £328 million in dramatic salute seems to have put daily Dagens Nyheter gave a run 1970. In 1971 it rose still further to the seal on the atmosphere of good down of the military hardware sup £447 million. will and cooperation which South Af plied by France. The paper reported British and United States investment rica claims for the exercise." that France has sold South Africa has been flooding into South Africa. The London Times noted on Octo helicopters, jets, and submarines. It is attracted by the large supply of ber 15 that "the visit comes only six French Mirage aircraft will actually cheap, apartheid-controlled labour weeks after the last series of joint ex be produced in South Africa under and the consequently high profits to ercises, which upset several Labour license from 1976 at the Atlas factory be made there. London, for example, Party left-wingers; that it did not up near Pretoria. Forty-eight Mirage F-1 earned more from its direct invest set more was thought to be due to jet fighter planes are to be buUt at the ments in South Africa between 1965 the impending election, and a desire plant. Dagens Nyheter also reported and 1968 than from any other over not to split the Government's ranks that Italy has supplied South Africa seas area —and invested more there at such a time." with a license to manufacture Impala than anywhere else, with the excep Several South African ships were jets at the Atlas plant. tion of Australia. slated to participate in the exercises A revealing account of Washing South Africa is also the key to im along with South African Buccaneer ton's support for the South African perialist domination of Africa as a jets, delivered to South Africa by a regime, based on a secret White House whole. It is the only advanced in British Labour government—shortly document, appeared in the October is dustrial capitalist country on the con after Wilson's first election victory in sue of the U.S. magazine Esquire. tinent, producing within its borders 1964. (See Intercontinental Press, Octo 30 percent of the continent's income Protest from the "left-wing" Labour ber 28, p. 1391.) and 43 percent of its mineral wealth. members of Parliament has been lit In the article. Tad Szulc outlined South Africa today produces twice as tle more than token. On the other the guiding principles of State Depart much electricity and six times as much hand, the Tories have been full of ment policy for southern Africa, the steel as the rest of Africa combined. praise for the government's willing strategy known as operation "Tar Ba The advances of the peoples of the ness to collaborate openly with the by" in the White House: "political sta Portuguese colonies in their drive to South African racists. John Biggs- bility and concurrent containment of expel the colonialists from their coun Davison, a Tory MP and chairman of Communist influences in Africa's tries are inspiring the oppressed Black the extreme-right Monday Club, con southern cone; continued use of air masses of South Africa to step up their gratulated the government for its ac and naval facilities in South Africa fight for liberation. The international tion and called for its extension by and the Portuguese colonies in support significance of this development has ending Britain's current ban on arms of United States naval presence in the not slipped the attention of such watch sales to South Africa. Indian Ocean and other activities; dogs as Harold Wilson. Hence the 21- Michael Knipe, writing from Cape easy access to South Africa's raw ma gun salute by way of a warning Town in the October 22 London terials, notably uranium; and concern growl. □ November II, 1974 while the Food Profiteers Flourish

Millions in India Threatened by Famine By Ernest Harsch

"People are dying in the country on only one meal a day. An article and indifference of the imperialist cen side, dying for lack of food, dying in the September 21 Economic and ters, the effectiveness of such stopgap in their hundreds. Many who are not Political Weekly stated that people are measures has been reduced and the yet dead will be, in the course of the dying of starvation in at least 5,000 ever-present threat of famine is now next few days or the next few villages in all fifteen West Bengal becoming a frightening reality. weeks. . . . They scrounge around, districts. Because of the limitations imposed and eat whatever they can lay their • In Assam, the general secretary by the capitalist (and in some cases hands on: grass, leaves, roots, stems, of the People's Democratic party, semifeudal) agrarian relations and the shrubbery. . . . There is no dignity Dulal Chandra Baruah, reported Au irrational and wasteful needs of the in the manner people are collapsing gust 30 that 487 persons had starved domestic and international markets, in the villages, on railway platforms, to death there and that the "near- agricultural production in India con on the way to towns, in the towns. famine conditions" could wipe out a tinues to stagnate. They do not stand upon dignity, they large part of the state's population This stagnation has been exacer merely want to live. But, it is an un unless New Delhi provides massive bated by the skyrocketing price of equal battle, they die." aid. fertilizer, which more than doubled in This account, which appeared in the • Orissa Chief Minister Nandini the past year. The cutbacks in fertilizer September 21 Bombay Economic and Satpathy reported in September that production in the United States, as Political Weekly, is only one of m any. food shortages there could "push mil well as the higher costs of oil, i drove The first stage of what may become lions to starvation, epidemics and fertilizer prices beyond the reach of one of the worst famines in India's death." many Indian farmers. history has already begun. More than • The September 21 Calcutta States The February 1974 issue of the U. S. a quarter of the country's population man Weekly reported that about one business magazine Fortune pointed of 585 million faces the prospect of million persons were "on the verge out that the present 'fertilizer squeeze" slow death by starvation. of starvation" in one district of Bihar was caused by the closing down of Severe malnutrition has lowered re alone. many fertilizer plants. During the sistance to the ravages of smallpox, Hunger in the countryside has 1960s, fertilizer prices dropped dysentery, cholera, and tuberculosis, forced hundreds of thousands of peas through "overproduction," and the as well as becoming a major cause ants to flee to the larger towns and present cutbacks were designed to of blindness in children. cities in search of food and jobs, drive prices and profits back up. In A foreign relief worker in Calcutta further swelling the already enormous addition, Washington has placed re told New York Times correspondent populations of unemployed and home strictions on the export of fertilizer. Bernard Weinraub, "You see some less in the urban areas. The use of one million tons of ferti children eating grass, rats, the green The severity of India's present food lizer in India can increase food grain scum off tanks." Entire families are crisis is only partially because of nat production by 9 to 10 million tons. reported to have committed suicide ural causes. Drought in some areas Its extensive use in Punjab, one of rather than starve to death. and floods in others have destroyed India's most important agricultural In some instances, desperate parents a significant portion of India's rice states, more than doubled food out have sold their children to secure and wheat crops. (The 1974-75 kharif put there from 3.4 million tons in money for food or have thrown them [autumn] crop is expected to be only the 1965-66 season to 7.3 million tons into rivers to drown. In a September about sixty million tons, seven mil in 1970-71. 23 dispatch, Weinraub quoted a father lion below that of last year and nine With the rise in prices, however, of six who was begging in Siliguri, million less than the 1974-75 projec farmers have been forced to cut back West Bengal: 'My only hope is that tions.) on fertilizer use. One farmer in western death will strike fast." Drought and floods, however, are Uttar Pradesh, another key food pro Despite New Delhi's efforts to play nothing new in India. In 1965 and ducing area, described how the down the severity of the famine, ini 1966 New Delhi averted famine with drought ruined this year's wheat crop. tial reports from some parts of the the help of foreign food aid. For the "I think the next wheat crop is going country indicate that hundreds have past two years, the Gandhi regime to be still worse," he told a New York already succumbed and that millions has postponed mass starvation by us Times reporter. "Even if we have rains more are in immediate danger of ing up its grain reserves and by buy we will not be able to afford fertilizer." death. ing some food on the international •West Bengal Relief Minister San- market. tosh Roy has estimated that fifteen However, owing to rampant gov 1. Natural gas and petroleum fractions, million inhabitants of rural areas in ernment corruption, widespread profi such as naphtha, are key ingredients of the state are either starving or living teering, lack of economic planning. many fertilizers.

Intercontinental Press The current shortage of fertilizer in India is estimated at nearly one mil lion tons, out of a previous supply of more than three million. Even when food is available, its icn AH "^00 price has soared far beyond the means of millions of Indians. According to the September 20 Washington Post, food costs have gone up 37 percent .. yooAI^ fcAtirifc Ibo MUOH \ since the beginning of the year. A I / September 3 New York Times dis patch from Lucknow, Uttar Pradesh, (a-, reported that rice prices had doubled on the market in the previous two weeks. The September 21 Economic and Political Weekly reported that even in such "surplus districts" of West Ben gal as Birbhum, a kilo of rice cost three rupees (one rupee equals about US$0.12), while a daily worker, who on the average has four others to feed, rarely earns more than two rupees a day.

The Gandhi regime has used mas The Motherland/New Delhi, sive rationing to counter high food prices and fluctuations in supply. Be resistance from the farmers and trad procurement. As Bernard Weinraub tween 80 and 100 million persons ers, New Delhi retreated by scrapping reported in the August 13 New York rely on this rationing system, in which its monopoly of the wholesale wheat Times, "State governments have failed the government buys rice and wheat trade in March and allowing the pri to press wealthy farmers and traders from farmers and traders, selling the vate traders back onto the market. to sell to the central pool, largely be grain to impoverished sections of the In an effort to appease the demands cause they dominate the rural scene population at less than the open- of the farmers and traders for higher and contribute heavily to the govern market price. In the greater Calcutta prices and to lure their grain into ing Congress party." area alone, there are 8.5 million ra the government granaries. New Del Under public pressure, the Gandhi tion-card holders. hi raised the price it paid for wheat regime has made a few token arrests In 1973, New Delhi imposed state from 76 rupees to 105 rupees per of prominent smugglers, who often control on the wholesale wheat trade, quintal (about 220 pounds). The finance the hoarding of grain and requiring farmers to sell their wheat price for a quintal of wheat in the ra other essential commodities and trans directly to the government at set tion shops consequently jumped from port them on the black market. But prices. Last year, the Gandhi regime 90 rupees to 125 rupees. In addition, any effective campaign launched by distributed 11.5 million tons of grain the government demanded that the the Congress party against the trad through the ration shops; projections traders continue to sell 50 percent of ers, food speculators, and wealthy for 1974 went up to twelve million their wheat to the government. farmers would be impossible, since the tons. But, according to a September But the higher prices of the open party represents the interests of this 23 dispatch by Weinraub, New Delhi market were still more attractive to the class and has no intention of serious had bought less than five million tons farmers and traders. Rather than sell ly cutting into their profits. so far this year. 50 percent to the state, they continued Another government effort that has This decline in state grain purchases diverting large amounts of grain. failed to meet the needs of India's was reflected in the size of rations Writing in the July 1 Far Eastern Eco starving millions has been the has distributed. In 1972, before state con nomic Review, correspondent Jayanta tily set-up relief program in West Ben trol was imposed, an adult in Cal Sarkar reported: "In the main wheat- gal. The state government announced cutta received almost eight pounds of growing estates of Punjab, Haryana that the relief centers would feed 600,- grain a week. In 1973, the ration was and Uttar Pradesh, many traders 000 out of the fifteen million Bengalis cut to between 4.6 and 4.8 pounds, have entered into forward deals with either starving or living on one meal and in 1974 to 4.4 pounds. growers, leaving the stocks on the a day. But so far, officials admit, only The state efforts to control the wheat farms or at undisclosed locations. The 50,000 have been fed through the state trade failed. Since the government result is that stocks available at the kitchens. prices were too low to satisfy the large grain markets have been thin, a The September 21 Statesman Week farmers, they withheld their grain scarcity has developed, and open mar ly reported, "While each kitchen or from procurement, either hoarding it ket prices have soared." canteen is visited by about 2,500 or selling it at a higher price to pri The state governments, most of starving people daily, it does not have vate traders, who in turn sold the which are controlled by the Congress the capacity to serve more than 600 grain on the black market at exor party, have in practice ignored the meals. With the result a large num bitant rates. Under such widespread central government decrees on grain ber of people have to be turned away."

November 11, 1974 With the depletion of its grain re The failure of the Gandhi regime Eastern Economic Review:"Near Bho- serves,2 India may need up to eleven to stop the widespread speculation by pal [Madhya Pradesh], for example, million tons of imports in the next the food profiteers, to acquire inter villagers forced a rich landlord to six to eight months. Yet the tight in national aid, or even to provide mini surrender his grain. And a food train ternational food market and the high mum rations to India's poor has fur going to Calcutta was looted. er costs for rice and wheat put such ther stimulated mass discontent with "The grain market at Ghatia Azam imports far beyond New Delhi's reach. the regime. The upsurges that rocked Bazar in Agra [Uttar Pradesh], the According to the September 21 Eco Gujarat for two months and that top city of the Taj Mahal, was mobbed nomic and Political Weekly, the Gan pled the state government there in by several hundred hungry people af dhi regime has contracted 1.9 million February were sparked primarily by ter shopkeepers displayed notices say tons on the international market and high food prices and scarcities in the ing stocks were exhausted. The shops will receive an additional 1.7 million government-run ration shops. Simi were crammed with grain." tons from the unused portion of a lar protests erupted in Bihar in March. An article in the September 19 New 1973 Soviet grain loan. New Delhi "Almost every day there are reports York Times on the world food cri claimed that a further two million tons of hunger and violence in Uttar Pra sis by Boyce Rensberger stated, "The of imports would be required to oper desh, Gujarat, West Bengal and Ra- experts hold a range of views about ate the rationing system. The Eco jasthan," wrote Bernard Weinraub in how much social unrest growing food nomic and Political Weekly, however, the September 24 New York Times. shortages might engender. It is al stated that an additional five million Food protests have also been reported ready clear that the African famine tons were needed, and that "there is in Orissa, Bihar, and Tamil Nadu. has contributed to the downfall of gov not enough foreign exchange with the "There are reports from many parts ernments in Chad and Ethiopia. The government to arrange imports of this of the country of hungry folk raid Government in India is reported to be order on.commercial terms." ing hoarders' homes," Brahmanand becoming uneasy about social stresses Indian officials are reported to have Mishra wrote in the October 4 Far developing there." □ made private requests for U.S. food aid. But Secretary of Agriculture Earl Butz stated, "Our ability to deliver is limited this year." Commenting on Largest Independence Action in U.S. Butz's remark, the September 8 New York Times said, "America's former stockpile of grains had been delib 20,000 Demand 'Free Puerto Rico Now!' erately diminished by the Nixon Ad ministration to boost farm prices. The view expressed by Mr. Butz is that : About 20,000 persons crowded into Rico. He criticized Puerto Rican capitalist grain reserves should he held in pri Madison Square Garden in New York politicians as "a clique of lackeys." vate hands." October 27 in the largest action ever held Mari Bras said that the Puerto Rican Of course, with the U.S. food mo in the United States in support of Puerto independence movement is growing, while U. S. imperialism is "on the defensive." nopolists retaining almost total con Rican independence. Most participants "Its defeats in Korea, Cuba, and Viet trol of all grain reserves, they can were young Puerto Ricans who came from many cities throughout the United States nam signal the accelerated pace of that manipulate the market to their bene and Puerto Rico. fall," he said. "The inclusion of Guinea- fit, selling as much grain to New Del "Spirits were high during the entire rally Bissau among the sovereign nations of the hi as it can afford and the rest to with cheers, foot stomping, and applause world represents a great victory in the other customers more capable of pay interrupting many of the speakers and en anticolonial struggles in Africa and the ing the high prices. tertainers," wrote Sam Manuel in the No rest of the world." While Washington has agreed to pro vember 8 issue of The Militant, the U. S. Among the other speakers were Russell vide some food aid to New Delhi, Trotskyist weekly. "As the rally began, Means of the American Indian Movement; actress Jane Fonda; Angela Davis of the that aid will be far below the needed chants of 'Viva Puerto Rico! Que Viva!' Communist p arty; Corky Gonzales of Cru amount. According to a report in the resounded throughout the, auditorium. sade for Justice, a Chicano organization September 28 Statesman Weekly, Al There were huge banners saying 'Free Puerto Rico Now!' 'Viva Puerto Rico based in Denver; Owusu Sadaukai, former fred D. White, the Agency for Inter Libre! ' and 'Independencia Ya, Social- chairman of the African Liberation Sup national Development assistant ad ismo Ah or a! ' (Independence Now, So port Committee; Irwin Silber of the Guar ministrator for Asia, said in Wash cialism Now)." dian-, and Pedro Albizu Meneses, son of ington September 24 that any .sizable The rally, called last May by the Puerto the famous Puerto Rican nationalist leader amount of aid—like two million Rican Solidarity Day Committee, was co- Pedro Albizu Campos. tons —would not be forthcoming. He sponsored by many organizations and hypocritically cited the "poor" U.S. individuals. The national board of the Hanging over the speakers platform were large pictures of five Puerto Rican harvest. Solidarity Day Committee included rep resentatives of the Puerto Rican Socialist nationalist political prisoners held in U. S. party, Chicano and Native American or prisons: Lolita Lebron, Irving Flores, 2. In early 1972, New Delhi had nine ganizations, and politicrd groups. Andres Figueroa Cordero, Oscar Collazo, million tons of grain in reserve, but used The principal speaker at the rally was and Rafael Cancel Miranda. up the bulk of it during that year's Juan Mari Bras, secretary-general of the The large attendance at the rally was drought. It was unable to replenish the Puerto Rican Socialist party. Speaking particularly noteworthy because the cap reserves, and by 1974 they had dropped in Spanish, he described how U. S. impe italist news media had excluded virtually to about two million tons. rialism exploits and dominates Puerto all advance notice of the event. □

Intercontinental Press 'I Was Held Prisoner in the Government Palace'

Portuguese General Tells Inside Story of Putsch

By Gerry Foley

In the aftermath of the September 1 heard that because 1 was standing 27-28 crisis, when the Portuguese beside him. masses mobilized to block an attempt "He asked me if the stations were ed rightist coup, many questions were being guarded. 1 informed him that left unanswered about what happened military forces had been standing inside the government in the eventful guard at the radio stations since Fri hours before General Spinola resigned day afternoon [September 27]. He and the rightist offensive, at least tem then ordered the military forces re porarily, was called off. placed by riot police. That was the In the October 11 issue of the Lisbon third indication that he lacked confi afternoon paper Didrio de Lisboa, one dence in us. The second was when he of the key figures in these events. Brig removed me from command of the adier General Otelo Saraiva de Car- military units. valho, the commander of the regime's "However, at this point 1 was anx special security force COPCON (Co- ious to avoid an open confrontation mando Operacional do Continente — with our general. 1 telephoned the Operations Command for Continental COPCON and informed them that all Portugal), tried to answer some of the the military forces we had in the sta questions that were of special interest Saraiva de Carvalho: Had a "certain tions would be replaced by police and to the public. The interview was head presentiment something was wrong." GNR [Guarda Nacional Republicana lined: "1 Was Held Prisoner in the Gov — Republican National Guard]. The ernment Palace." uneasiness in COPCON about my situ "In the Paldcio de Belto between cional [Junta of National Salvation] ation began to grow rapidly, because 2 and 4 a.m.," the interviewer, Augus- were there. And later, after 1 had wait the order seemed to come completely to Vilela, wrote in his introduction, ed awhUe, when 1 entered the Sala out of the blue. Why were the mili "Otelo Saraiva de Carvalho ex dos Conselhos, Brigadier General Vas- tary forces suddenly replaced by spe perienced difficult moments, while un co Gongalves [the premier] was also cial police? But 1 was not interested easiness spread among the members there. He looked very downcast. The in getting into any confrontation, and of the Armed Forces Movement, an atmosphere was extremely tense. The so 1 obeyed the orders Iwas given." uneasiness that hours later was to faces of all the members of the Junta Despite Saraiva de Carvalho's de lead to another great victory for pro de Salvagao Nacional were grim." sire to avoid a "confrontation," the gressive ideas." Spinola told Saraiva de Carvalho situation began rapidly to get out of The brigadier general explained that that General Gomes was assuming di hand: "They started to call me from he arrived at the PalAcio de Belem at rect command of COPCON and that the navy, from the air force; 1 got 2 in the morning of September 28 in the command center would now be in telephone calls from the most varied response to an emergency call. the presidential palace (Beldm) itself. points in the country, asking me "1 had a certain presentiment that The brigadier general called the COP about my situation. But 1 could not something was wrong," Saraiva de CON staff to inform them of the be properly cool in talking to them Carvalho said, "because 1 went in a change. However, the order aroused because 1 began to feel that 1 was private car, one belonging to a friend certain suspicions on their part. being watched. They were my com of mine, with two others following. At "It was then that COPCON began rades and friends, but 1 was really the entrance on the Calgada da Aju- to get uneasy," Saraiva de Carvalho being watched. At a certain point, this da, a guard told me that he had or said. "Why had there been this sud state of unrest rose to a point of great ders to let only me pass, along with den change? Then General Spinola excitement, and 1 could see that it the person detailed to accompany me. was informed that Rddio Clube Por- was leading to a grave breakdown of That seemed very strange to me. My tugues [RCP] was about to broadcast discipline in the units. They were not comrade insisted on going with me. an appeal to the people to go to the obeying COPCON because 1 was not Inside were a lot more people than barricades. This alarmed him. He or there, and they were on their way to should have been there. dered the RCP and Rddio Renascenga Belem to rescue me from possible co "All General Spinola's civilian and cut off the air immediately and sent ercion or detention. military advisers were there. Practical instructions to the Emissora Nacio "At this point, 1 went to talk to Gen ly all General Costa Gomes's advisers nal to broadcast only communiques eral Costa Gomes and told him that 1 were there. General SUverio Marques's from the office of the president. He was going to COPCON, that 1 could principal advisers were there. All the also gave orders to stop the news not stay there because 1 had an opera members of the Junta de Salvagao Na- papers from publishing on Saturday. tion at 5:30 a.m. [a planned roundup

November 1 1, 1974 of former secret police agents and would not obey General Spinola. A "It is impermissible that the peo members of the paramilitary Legiao number of telephone calls had been ple's forces —which General Spinola Portuguesa], and since a lot of un made from the Palacio de Belto to was calling 'people's militias' when rest was brewing among the person the units asking them how things were I arrived at the Paldcio de Belem — nel, I was going there. The general and telling them that they should take came to take over a task that belonged did not do anything to stop me." orders only from the president's of to the forces of order. This was ex But the COPCON commander found fice. But the units refused to accept tremely bad and created a climate of that he could not get out of the pal orders from anyone but me. Finally enormous discontent among many ace. One guard told him he had to our general was convinced that he people. In the final analysis, these peo stay because there was a disagreement did not dominate the Armed Forces ple's brigades —and I thanked them between Spinola and Gomes and it Movement, that it was something too in the communique I broadcast over was his duty to maintain "equilibrium" big." television Saturday [September 28]— between the two. Then he was told Spinola's chief lieutenant, Firmino offered us effective help. I only regret there was a problem between three of Miguel, accompanied Saraiva de Car that because of a decision from above the generals on the Junta de SalvagSo valho to the COPCON headquarters. we did not head off the formation of Nacional and Vasco Gongalves. Fi But apparently the man Spinola tried these brigades." nally, he made another attempt to to appoint as premier in the first gov Despite a few bad moments, how leave. ernmental crisis in July did not ex ever, the COPCON commander said, "I was intercepted by an element ercise much sway over the COPCON no one need fear that basic "order" who was not from the presidential commander's decisions once the latter was breaking down in the country. staff but was very close to General got back to his headquarters. "I don't think there is as much of a Spinola. He told me not to get of "I ordered the police removed and threat from the Communist party as fended, to remain calm, but that he replaced by military forces," Saraiva is claimed. I read somewhere, I don't wanted to tell me something that no de Carvalho said. "This is proof that remember where . . . that somebody one else had the courage to say. I the Movement is a force. I was al had made a poll or a study showing had been called to Belen, he said, ways perfectly calm. I never felt up that the Communist party would not to be detained there because General set, although the other people were get more than 15 or 20 percent of the Spinola had a terrible fear that I profoundly agitated. I had complete vote in the coming elections for the would stay with the military forces, confidence in what I was doing. In Constituent Assembly. carry out a coup, and remove him the first place, I knew that I was not "I didn't say that the Communist from power or 'grab him.' He actual really fighting against General Spino party does not have the strength to ly went so far as to use such an ex la. My intention was never that, and start an open struggle. I said only pression. I replied that I had noticed the idea never crossed my mind of op that it is a well-organized party, but that I was being watched extraordi posing him or carrying out any coup in my opinion it is not at present in narily closely, but that it would nev to remove him from power. It was he terested in initiating an open struggle." er enter my head that such a thing himself who talked himself into be could happen. lieving this. My intention was to solve Only a very narrow section of cap "What upset me profoundly was that the problem that had arisen, the prob ital had anything to lose under the our general could think that I was lem of the barricades." new regime. there for any other reason than to "The legitimate interests of persons, solve a problem that no one was mak There was a need to block a right of property, their possessions, are by ing any progress toward solving (and ist march on Lisbon, Saraiva de Car no means threatened. I believe that I wasn't either), that he continued to valho admitted, but COPCON had a democracy — and we are not yet in assume that I was a traitor and a everything under control: "We already a democracy, we are going to go Marxist when I had nothing but the had the whole operation planned and through a parademocratic situation — purest of all possible intentions." arranged. It was just that we couldn't I am convinced that in this stage or The "problem" Saraiva de Carva- get authorization from above to 'push the next, with the achievement of Iho referred to was the masses going the button.' This created serious democracy, the security of persons into the streets to stop the rightist problems. and property will be more real than march on Lisbon. He explained his "We were bypassed by the people. ever. What is really in question is the feelings about this in detail later on. This process was extremely danger possible loss of privileges by a sec The pressure from various military ous in my opinion. Some of the peo tion of a class that was privileged units increased and finally Spinola ple's brigades did conduct themselves before AprU 25, that is, high finance. realized that he would have to let the with great tact, but they were doing That class, as is known, is not ready COPCON commander go. At first, the wrong thing, because civilians can to suddenly relinquish its privileges." the president insisted that he and Gen not maintain surveillance over civil Capitalist interests that were "legiti eral Gomes would accompany Sa ians. That is the task of the forces of mate," that is, "productive," had noth raiva de Carvalho. But then he aban order. Other people's brigades got out ing to lose and much to gain from doned the idea. of hand, got overexcited, and acted the new regime. "I don't know if he was afraid that in a tactless way toward persons, "All the big capitalists who really we would take him prisoner," Saraiva toward officers, even men of the want to work for the progress of the de Carvalho continued, "but he said Armed Forces Movement, who, al country they live in and do business that after thinking it over he had de though they identified themselves im in should be supported and treated cided not to go. We did have to solve mediately, were humiliated in public with consideration so that they will a very grave problem. The units by these people's forces. . . . use their capital to advance the coun-

Intercontinental Press try and fight for the real economic ber 27-28 coup attempt, in the man Forces Movement leaders played a progress we want." ner regarded as so improper by the passive role at the decisive moments There was no truth in a report that brigadier general, might well wonder in September. Furthermore, despite the the COPCON commander had ex what would happen in the event of experience of this putsch, he is still pressed suspicion of Antdnio Cham- another coup if they were to wait for determined to prevent the workers palimaud, one of the leading Portu the "forces of order" to "perform their from doing what they must do to de guese capitalists, whose son was in task." fend themselves —disarm the capital volved in the abortive September By his own account, one of the most ists by taking control of the national putsch: strategically placed of the Armed economy from their hands. □ "Personally, for example, everything I have ever heard said about Antdnio Champalimaud's work in the indus trial field is very good. I consider An Interview With Three Participants him, just from what I have heard about him, to be an industrial genius. And since he has an extremely open How Portuguese High-School Students mind on all questions, showing a bold flair in all his activities, I am con Joined in Struggle Against Dictatorship vinced that he is one of the men who can do most to spark a resurgence By Antonio Romero of our industry, if he wants to. And I think he wants to." Lisbon Impulso. There was a typically fas This led the interviewer to the con The collapse of the dam represented cist organization, which even used uni clusion that "with respect to the finan by the bloody Salazar-Caetano dicta forms similar to those of the Legifto cial groups, the Armed Forces Move torship on April 25 and the flood of Portuguesa, i that paraded, conducted ment is separating the grain from the struggles by the workers and toilers paramilitary training, and advanced chaff." that followed created a new and ex a reactionary ideology. But some "Exactly right," Saraiva de Carva- plosive situation in the class struggle years ago already, this organization, Iho said. "The big capitalists who are in Portugal. The following conversa which was called the Mocedade Portu interested in genuine progress and tion with young companeros from guesa [Portuguese Youth], had lost all who, with their open-mindedness and various high-school papers in Lisbon influence. Two factors were involved. their intelligence, realize that it is time deals with the experiences and the mo Most important was the profound dis to stop holding on to total economic bilizations of the high-school students credit into which the militarist and privilege, and who honestly want to before and after the so-called revolu racist values propagated by the Mo contribute to the progress of the coun tion of flowers. cedade Portuguesa had fallen among try, can count on the Armed Forces Outubro, O Grito, and Impulso were the youth. This was compounded by Movement as an ally and a loyal not just high-school papers but group some conflicts in the government and collaborator. As for those who hold ings or tendencies operating semUegal- the bourgeoisie, which came out into back their investments and prove that ly in the difficult conditions of the dic the open when Marcelo [Caetano] took they are not interested in the progress tatorship. In recent months, they have over the government. The result was of the country, I think there is only taken up open activity. Their goal a partial shift in tactics by the Ministry one solution — nationalizing their com remains the same, to carry forward of Education. panies, and if necessary expelling a struggle that, as they told me, "is The Secretariado para a Juventude them from the country." and must be a continuous one until [Youth Secretariat] was created. This capitalism is eliminated and the social- body tried to operate under a cloak The (newly promoted) brigadier list revolution has triumphed through of political neutrality, mainly through general had a certain understanding, out the world." "cultural" activities, especially sports. it seems, of the need for self-defense Impulso was published by students But its loots were very shallow and against reactionary conspiracies fi at the Liceo Amadora; Outubro, in it faded away, because since sports nanced by big business. It is true, the Liceo Dom Pedro V; and O Grito, events brought a lot of people to of course, that if the uneasiness of in the Liceo Dom Joao Castro. All gether, the students took advantage the privileged groups leads to a right of these schools are in Lisbon. of them to discuss certain things and ist coup, the military group that to try to achieve a certain democracy launched the present experiment in this sphere. would suffer the effects directly. The Thus, the attempts to recruit youth fate of the "constitutionalisr officers to the National Guard for the colonial in Chile who opposed the Pinochet war, or to use up their free time, came to nothing. coup is an indication of what could Question. In order to be able to happen. estimate the changes that have So, in the period before April 25, while there was no left student orga- However, it is apparent that Saraiva occurred in the student movement in de Carvalho is no more anxious for the recent period it would be interest a "confrontation" with big capital than ing to know what kind of organiza 1. An armed paramilitary organization he was with General Spinola. And so, tion the fascists had in the high of about 50,000 men maintained by the the workers who blocked the Septem schools. Salazarist regime.

November II, 1974 nization with any appreciable mass tions, and although we raised some problems, such as the sexual segrega influence, the influence of the organi correct criticisms we did not succeed tion in the cafeteria, disciplinary re zations linked to the far right and the in offering an alternative that could strictions, and compulsory uniforms government was nU. Obviously, the mobilize students. Finally we left this for the girls. In this way a process left organizations did not operate bureaucratic structure and organized developed in which many students openly as such but as informal group ourselves independently. participated, forcing the rector to ings whose real character had to be yield on most points. This school then completely hidden from the dictator Impulso. I think we can divide the moved to the forefront of the struggle, ship; they could not present themselves high-school struggles into three stages. with the activists' positions having sol as political movements. Sometimes The first is the period before 1972-73, id support. In this way also, we de this led to "legalisf deviations, to ref when the movement, which was very veloped a paper, another product of ormist activity in practice, however weak, was virtually monopolized by the discussions in O Grito and Outu much the theoretical pronouncements the tendency called "For a People's bro, in which we put forward a pro might differ. Education" (Mao-Stalinists), and there gram of transitional demands. were almost no struggles. We reached the conclusion that the Q. What were the characteristics and The stage after 1972-73 was marked mobilization would progress only if the orientation of the high-school stu by the appearance of O Grito and we were able to project student de dent struggles? Outubro and by struggles in the Padre mands in combination — including Antdnio Vieira, Dom Joao Castro, some of a "partial" character, that is, Outubro. As nearly as I can remem and Oeiras high schools, struggles in ones that the rectors could meet (I ber, before our organization was which 0 Grito and Outubro played a am still talking about the period of formed about two years ago, while leading role. But all this had an ultra- fascism), as well as transitional ones. we were still working in the MAE- left orientation, with a small group of ESL,2 there were almost no Struggles. activists and their collaborators issu Q. What kinds of slogans, for ex This "movement," moreover, was not ing a series of politically very ad ample? interested in mobilizing people but in vanced leaflets, which caused a sensa bureaucratically perpetuating its struc tion and, because of their novelty, at Impulso. For example, abolishing tures and in claiming a franchise to tracted a lot of people. But, of course, disciplinary measures at the school, represent the students. this soon led to a crisis. and establishing democratic freedoms The policy of the MAEESL was such as the right to strike. Other de based on the following axiom: "It is These struggles were essentially for mands were for abolishing exams and necessary to defend the students' in democratic rights. This was the only the disciplinary boards. Besides this, terests through student unionism, and question at the time that did not seem this will be sufficient to get them to reformist to us and that really was an a discussion was started on student control, but we didn't come to any struggle." And so, chronically, they issue on which you could mobilize conclusion on this point. Paradoxical fell into apologies for the most back people. ly, a lot of the effort put into this dis ward and petty demands, which also The third phase is the 1973-74 pe cussion didn't lead to anything very had very little mobilizing effect. riod, which is very interesting, includ much because April 25 came along At this point, our position was ap ing the part before April 25. We have and the situation changed completely! proximately as follows. As a group, been able to use the time given us by So that companheiros in other coun the students had different social ori the vacations to discuss our very em gins. They did not take part in pro pirical experience last year and to tries can get a better idea of our work, duction. Therefore they did not have formulate a line based on it for rais it is worth going into a little more detail here. On February 14, we or the same class interest. On the other ing the consciousness of the students. hand, they might face common prob It is a mass line, not one for a small ganized a rally that made consider lems created by the schools, or, as section of the students. It starts off able impact. For this purpose, ten young people, even face common from the present level of conscious companheiros came into our school from another area (so they couldn't problems created by society; and their ness of the broad masses of students, be identified) and put up posters while professional perspectives were more which is the only proper starting or less similar. It seemed to us that by place, with the objective of impelling another group stood guard so that presenting these problems as the re a process of mobilization that will no one would be arrested. sult of the contradictions of capitalism enable us to achieve a broad political- A great many companheiros gath as a whole we could develop a dy ization. ered while the commotion was going namic leading to mass struggle. So, This line reflects a whole process of on. The truth is that they understood we believed that, besides being Utop evolution that took place during the practically nothing the speakers said. ian, the line of defending student in last academic year, coming out of But in any case, this gave us a chance terests by trade-union methods — and our discussion and also out of our to organize the students who covered therefore organizing students in experience at the Liceo de Amadora. the group's retreat. So, when the po "unions" — was counterproductive. This was a high school which had lice came in, they couldn't get any Unfortunately, we were still carry stayed out of actions before but which leads. After this we held several ral ing a heavy burden of ultraleft no- this year was in the vanguard of the lies in more or less isolated spots in struggles. Here this line was applied the school, with good attendance. from the beginning. 2. Movimento Associative dos Estudantes Of course, the rally followed a whole de Ensino Secundario de Lisboa—Lisbon We began to issue very careful period of work. In December 1973, Secondary Schools Student Movement. statements there about very concrete there was a clandestine general as-

Intercantinental Press sembly of representatives of several in the universities, the situation in the discuss raising other demands. Gen high schools. Very few people came. high schools was much worse. eral assemblies were being held, and But the meeting was discovered and committees were also forming to dis surrounded by the police, who man Q. What was the reaction in the cuss other matters, such as the real aged to arrest almost all the partici high schools to April 25? objectives of capitalist education, the pants, about 150 companheiros. A meaning of the colonial war, and so half dozen were held in Caxias3 for O Grito. On the first day, the reac on. a few weeks. The rest were only held tion was one of surprise, bewilder In Dom Pedro V and Amadora, the for twenty-four hours. But it was a ment Only on the second day did peo students mobilized also in support of scandal anyway. Some of those ar ple begin to realize that a change had the demands of the nonteaching staff. rested were only twelve and thirteen taken place and that a mass move In the first school there was a quick years old! ment was building up. So, in Dom victory, because the demands were The agitation that this touched off Pedro V (and the same thing hap very modest and in an assembly the in the high schools reached its highest pened in other high schools), the stu rector was forced to grant them. In point in Padre Antdnio Vieira and dents began to pick out and arrest Amadora, it was different because one in Amadora. In the former a dem the agents of the PIDE4 and the bu- of the demands was for the resigna onstration was held. People shouted, fos (informers) in the high schools. tion of the rector. This set off a lot "Long live socialism!""Down with cap In my high school, we held a meet of arguments. "If the rector is thrown italist exploitation!" "Power to the ing on April 27 to explain the need out, who wUl replace him?" workers!" and so forth. And as a re to mobilize, to take advantage of the sult all the work that had been done fall of fascism to win and consolidate Impulso. In the most militant high collapsed. democratic rights. And, as was hap schools, classes were practically sus In Amadora, we preferred to go pening among the rest of the popu pended because of demonstrations more slowly. We never got ahead of lation, a regular hunt was started up our support. We held meetings of 250 for the PIDEs, the members of the and railies. The rectors were forced to grant all the demands that were students for democratic rights, as well Legiao Portuguesa, and soon. It was put to them. At the beginning we had as other meetings demanding that the first time we got all the compa the impression that this situation there be no sanctions against those nheiros out to a rally. arrested. And in this way we stopped Later we hunted down and grabbed could not last and that it would be followed by a more brutal repression. punishments from being applied the PIDEs, who wept and threw tan We put our main stress, especially in against any companheiro, although trums. We turned them over to the places we had chosen to be active in, more and more students were talking military police and called for a gen on the need to completely eliminate and distributing propaganda. So, eral strike and a march behind the the repressive apparatus —the PIDE when we held the rally in February car carrying the PIDEs. About 800 agents, the informers, the reactionary we knew that we would have support. companheiros marched and after rectors and professors, the disciplin ward continued to demonstrate in the ary boards. streets for several hours. Outubro. As regards the forms of The problem arose also of orga nizing the student movement, since up struggle, in general the most ad Q. What slogans did they shout at untU that time what existed (the vanced were rallies, which in some that timS cases were held in front of the ad MAEESL) was totally unrepresenta tive, and the only alternative was some ministrative offices. We never man O Grito. They shouted, "Death to the "ComissOes Unitarias" [United-Front aged to hold a strike before AprU PIDEs!" "Down with the colonial war!" Committees] in Padre Antdnio Vieira 25. That was something Utopian. On "Independence for the colonies now!"; and Amadora. But in the new con ly in Amadora did such a possibility and sometimes, when they passed fac ditions, these committees (which might exist. If companheiros had been sus tories, they shouted, "Power to the have served as a legal or semilegal pended, there were possibilities for a workers!" strike in the seventh-year and sixth- alternative under fascism) were com pletely overwhelmed by the mobiliza year classes, and to some extent in Impulso. And "Down with fascism!" the fifth and fourth years. tion. You have to keep in mind the great difference there was between the in O Grito. Yes. That was continuai. Q. What effects did the May 1 mo tense repression that existed in the You heard it day and night every bilization hand? high schools and the situation in the where in the city. universities. In the universities, the Impulso. The high schoois and the mobilizations of 1962, 1965, 1969, Q. How did the process develop? students did not participate under and 1970 had established a tradition their own banners but joined the of struggle. Those battles had opened O Grito. In the following days, the columns of the various organizations up many more possibilities for ac most basic freedoms were put into or participated as independents. That tivity by the student movement. practice — the right of assembly, of day everyone went onto the streets. Even though in the last period an discussioi^ and so people began to It was obvious that May 1 marked extensive repression had taken place the irruption of the masses into the 4. Policia Internacional e de Defesa do process started on AprU 25. 3. A secret-police prison with a reputation Estado — International and State Security After the May Day march there were as a torture center. Police. no other demonstrations of hundreds November I.I, 1974 of thousands of persons in the street, ther Caetano nor Spinola, socialist drive a breach into the capitalist sys but the struggles began in the fac revolution!" But these slogans made tem of restricting access to education. tories and workplaces. It is very dif no impact and were later withdrawn. But it was unquestionably a progres ficult, however, to separate out the sive movement. specific effects of the demonstration on Q. Let's go back to the high schools. On the other hand, the actual a situation where everything was new, How did the strike begin? strength of the mobilization was rela where everything was all mixed up tive, and therefore so were the gains together and discussed at the same Impulso. The call for a strike was that were won. There was a complete tirne. raised in a sectarian, almost surrep lack of organization. We raised the titious way by an ultrasectarian and slogan of "student control," but in Q. Was it then that the PCP^ called ultraleftist group called "Dare to practice this "control" was exercised by for a coalition government Struggle, Dare to Win," a group very small groups, and the great ma backed by the Maoist MRPP,8 as a jority of them rapidly broke up. Fur O Grito. The possibility of a co means of self-advertising, so that it thermore, the authorities made it quite alition government was raised from could proclaim itself "the pivot of the clear that the concessions were only the beginning. It is known that pre mobilizations." This is a constant for for this year, because they obviously vious contacts and discussions be the group, putting its own "advance- wanted to avoid an immediate clash tween the Armed Forces Movement, menf ahead of the needs of mobiliz with the students that would have dis the Socialist party, and the PCP oc ing the masses in struggle and rais credited them. curred. ing their political consciousness. At the beginning, we were taken by Impulso. But this perspective be surprise like all the other currents. But Q. How many high schools joined gan to be raised especially after the we got over this. One of the slogans the strikd? rally organized to welcome back Al- raised was "Exemptions from exami varo Cunhal;6 and in the following nations for everyone!" We considered O Grito. All, virtually all, the high days the slogan "Cunhal ao governo!" this Utopian and raised more cautious schools and technical schools in Lis [Take Cunhal into the government!] slogans such as reducing the average bon. There were also some in other was heard everywhere in Lisbon. needed for exemptions and things like places, Evora, Santarem, Aveiro, To- ' that. As a result of the general up rres Vedras. But there was no coor O Grito. This was also a central surge, the strike immediately won dination whatever. slogan in the May Day marches. great support. Impulso. In Amadora, we called _ Q. What alternative did the other O Grito. It was launched in the sec from the beginning for student con l^t currents propose ond half of May. trol and defense pickets (in order to prevent provocations, damage, and so O Grito. Sometimes the slogan was Impulso. It is worth noting that the on. We also put forward a series of raised of "Power to the workers!" but strike was launched first and the de points for discussion that were ap this was very general. mands were discussed later. In every proved by a general assembly, such high school, specific lists of demands as the colonial war, the school in were drawn up and voted on in as Impulso. For all practical purposes, capitalist society, repression, famUy semblies. It was only afterward that no alternatives were actually offered. and sexual repression. Up to 300 unification was discussed. The posi We have to admit that we did not pre companheiros participated in these tion of the reformists, as could have sent one either. There is one thing, discussions, and the debates often last been expected, was to boycott the though, that is worth noting. To the ed as long as four hours. The occu strike, claiming that before such ac south of Lisbon, in Barreiro, many pation in Amadora developed rather tion was taken the possibilities for ne members of the PCP were repelled by well, perhaps as well as it could have. gotiations and consultations with the this campaign for a coalition and What was impressive in the general provisional government had to be ex moved away from the party because situation is that there was no orga hausted. they were opposed to sharing the gov nization, and still there was a strike. They tried to break the strike, and ernment with military officers. Another falling was not linking up the when they failed they resorted to slan strike to the population, which under ders and exaggerated claims. They O Grito. There were also positions stood nothing about what was hap said the strike was "reactionary" and like the Maoist slogan "Neither Cae- pening. You have to understand that that the students only wanted to "go tano nor Spinola, people's revolu these conditions will not be repeated; to the beach." Of course, not all the tion!" or the one offered by the Liga another impromptu strike could be companheiros understood clearly that a defeat. Comunista Internacionalista; "Nei- the strike represented an attempt to But with this caution in mind, the strike was an important experience in 5. Partido Comunista Portugues — Portu the learning process for thousands of guese Communist party. sympathizing organization of the Fourth companheiros. It gave them a feel International. 6. The general secretary of the PCP, who ing of their power and of the poten had been living in exile. 8. Movimento Reorganizativo do Partido tial for victory if they put all their do Proletariado — Movement to Reor strength behind common objectives. 7. International Communist League, a ganize the Proletarian party. This, along with the general condi-

Intercontinental Press tions, is what made it possible to for very long, indefinitely—was an tive elements. And this alliance will force the government to partially issue that could not only mobilize the be very much needed in the coming grant the demands. students but also lead more or less months. broadly to an understanding that a Q. You said before that one of the more rational approach in the schools questions that came up was who and a sense of social responsibility should run the high schools. How was were incompatible with the survival Supertanker Spilled 50,000 Tons of Oil this question answered? of capitalist society. But in spite of our failure to see this at first, the The potentially catastrophic effects of 0 Grito. After AprU 25, the reform needs of the mobilization brought us an oil spill that occurred off the tip of ists began to call for removing the to make a proposal that in practice, South America on August 9 were recently fascist rectors and replacing them with in its operation, led to student control revealed in the U. S. Senate. More than "Co-Management Committees." As we of the high school. 50,000 tons of crude oil spilled into Chil said, in Amadora we had started dis ean waters when the supertanker Metula cussing this question before. We pro O Grito. It is important to expose ran aground in the Strait of Magellan. posed a formula different from the the fact now that the government's A coating of oil up to three inches deep reformists' "co-managemenf while we present proposal, like many other fouled seventy-five miles of Chile's coast continued to discuss the problem measures it is taking, is designed to line. Bodies of several hundred penguins and other waterfowl were counted in one among ourselves. You have to keep cut back or wipe out what has been survey, and shellfish production in the in mind that at this time we were com gained. In the case of Amadora, for area has been damaged. More than two pletely ignorant of all the experiences instance, the Ministry of Education months after the event no cleanup work of students in other countries on this finally recognized the committee —but has begun. question, and after forty years of fas only for the vacation months. And The ship —owned by a company of the cism, we had no experience of our now they are arguing that you have Royal Dutch Shell group —had a capacity got to prevent anarchy, have uniform of 206,000 tons. Tankers of 500,000- standards, and things like that, in ton capacity are under construction in Impulso. We started off from the order to impose forms of administra Japan. principle that since the schools have tion that give a wide majority to the very specific functions under capital teachers and leave only a minority ism—to serve the bourgeoisie —we of positions to be distributed propor could not agree to participate in co- tionately among the nonteaching staff management of these functions, nor and the students. in keeping a check on them to see that they were carried out correctly. Furthermore, the students will have Thi.$ Furthermore, we suspected that the only a consultative role in the com reformists would turn co-management mittee, or the function of relaying the into open "participationism" [that is, decisions of the committee to the stu collaboration with the administration]. is Available in dent assembly. Obviously we are go Nonetheless, we realized that if we ing to fight against this or any other MICROFORM didn't offer a concrete alternative the arbitrary reorganization that goes reformists would ride roughshod over against the interests and the gains of ..from us and the mass of students. So, we the students. And it is almost cer made a proposal for an Administra tain that similar struggles will take tive Committee made up of eight stu place among the university students dents, five teachers, two members of or have already begun to develop the nonteaching staff, and one ad there. ministrator. We got it passed by an overwhelming majority in a general Impulso. I think that it was an im ^ Xerox assembly. portant step forward to understand the L University importance of the nonteaching staff. But in raising this proposal we were There were a number of prejudices Vg Microfilms afraid of getting involved in dis against them, because traditionally 300 North Zeeb Road cussing and carrying out the "prac the PIDE planted informers in all the Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106 tical tasks" of running the school, high schools. But experience has Xerox University Microfiims something that at this stage seemed shown that the immense majority in 35 Mobile Drive to us to be completely reformist. And this category are superexploited and Toronto, Ontario, so it was proposed that the student very militant workers, and that unity Canada M4A 1H6 representatives of the committee only between the students and workers University Microfilms Limited present the resolutions passed by the must start in the high schools them St. John's Road, Tyler's Green, Penn, general assembly of students. selves. Our experience is that this not Buckinghamshire, England only raises the consciousness of the PLEASE WRITE FOR Outubro. We acted empirically. We students but improves the chances for COMPLETE INFORMATION did not understand that "control" — an alliance with the workers against although it could not be maintained the more reactionary and conserva November I I, 1974 Something for Everybody

The French CP's Weekend Carnival

By Irving Herrera

its size and its crass commercial atmo sphere. It was held at La Courneuve, one mm, of the working-class suburbs that make up the "Red Belt" of Communist- innmim controlled municipalities surrounding Paris. The festival grounds covered /m hundreds of acres. On September 19, I'Humaniti reported that in the six weeks before the event, 619,370 tickets had been sold by Communist party members at the reduced rate of 9 francs (one franc equals about /# ' US$0.20). This meant a take of more than $1,110,000. Besides this, sales at the gate at the rate of 12 francs were brisk. The Paris daily Le Monde £ - '"'^L estimated that more than one million persons attended during the two days f* 7'' ' of activities — one out of every seven in %•- "•"x \ the greater Paris area. '< iumfiKt I'lifK There were more than 500 political , X ' - ( l " »< stands or pavilions, including 275 sec tions of the PCF. Each section is gen

9' > erally composed of 5 to 10 cells with between 10 to 40 members each. Al most all of these sections were from the greater Paris area. The 78 regional federations of the party were represent ed by stands also. A separate "Inter national City" consisted of pavilions from Communist parties in 45 other countries. "I am 0 Communist, why not you . . ." The cover of the guide to the "Fete I'Hu- Fifty-five stands were sponsored by monite" is not modeled on the current sexist advertisement of the American airline groups listed as "democratic organiza that has a stewardess saying, "Fly me!" Instead, the artist stands faithfully in the tions." These included sections of the tradition of Stalinist-style recruiting (and politics) as practiced for more than four Confederation Gendrale du Travail decades—and not only in France. (General Confederation of Labor), the Union of Young Communists, the Union of Communist Students, veter ans of the French resistance movement Paris is around a quarter of a million. during World War 11, veterans of the On September 5 and 6, I attended Moreover, nearly one-quarter of the Spanish civil war, and even veterans the "Fete PHumanitd," the annual fes total vote in national elections goes of the Algerian (!) war. tival organized by 1'Humanity the to the PCF. central organ of the Parti Commu- Notorious for its bureaucratism, the At "Cite Livre" (Book City) tens of niste Frangais (PCF —French Com PCF nevertheless retains a strong base thousands of books filled the nearly munist party). With its 400,000 mem in the working class. 20,000 square-foot area in the larg bers, the organization is the second Political "fetes," or festivals, are a est of several literary pavilions. The largest Stalinist party in the capitalist tradition in France, particularly with display was dominated by Editions world. It has between 30,000 and 50,- the left-wing parties. They consist of a Sociales, the French Stalinist publish 000 full-time functionaries either paid big weekend gathering marked by de ing house. However, an additional directly by the party or by the many bates, sales of literature, and perhaps 42 publishers showed their wares, mass organizations, trade unions, and music and other cultural activities. while 325 authors were on hand to municipalities under its control. Nothing, however, can compare with autograph them. According to I'Hu- The daUy circulation of I'Humaniti the "Fete I'Humanitd," because of both maniti 4 million francs worth of lit-

Intercontinental Press erature was sold. And everywhere was the central slo ing the fete in I'Humanity was"Innum A special effort was made to appear gan of the fete—"For a Union of the erable Youth." While many young peo "nonfactional" — Solzhenitsyn's book People of France for Democratic ple displayed their "Je suis Commu The Gulag Archipelago as well as two Changes." niste .. ." stickers, a much larger books by Leon Trotsky were allowed Later I'Humaniti published the re number were clearly there solely for to appear in the display of a bour sult of the recruitment drive: 5,574 the music and entertainment. Although geois publisher. new members. This, the editors said, the statistics may be exaggerated, it is However, Maspero, one of the larg "is testimony to the possibilities that clear that even among the youth the est publishers of revolutionary litera have opened since the presidential elec PCF is hardly isolated. ture in France, was not present, nor tions. At the threshold of an absolute During the fete the Central Commit were any of the revolutionary groups majority, the united left crystallizes tee of the PCF met and approved a or parties represented. more and more the hopes for change draft resolution for a special congress in the country. The Communist party to be held October 24-25. The course In addition to a circus, a troupe must be made still stronger to assem laid out in this document extends the of Russian gymnasts, and a theater, ble those who are interested in demo line of the "Union of the Left," the a "Kiosque de Musique" featured well- cratic reforms." "Common Program" agreed to by the known singing groups from around PCF, the Socialist party, and the bour the world. At the "Grande Sc6ne" about Who joins the Communist party in geois Left Radicals. 100,000 persons, mostly young, France? L'Humaniti emphasized the The new PCF document calls for listened to Mikis Theodorakis and youthfulness of the recruits: 80% developing the Union of the Left into Leonard Cohen. The next night a sim (more than 4,000) were under 25, a "Union of the People of France for ilar but older crowd attended Berlioz's "proving" that the PCF is a "real pole Democratic Changes," a formation Requiem performed by the Budapest of attraction for the youth." However, that is compared to the Popular Front Philharmonic Orchestra. Some 100,- the "proportion of women has changed of the 1930s. That front, it will be re 000 persons also viewed the exhibition only slowly (it is 37 percent). . . ." called, included both the Communist of Impressionist art. According to these figures, workers party and major bourgeois forces. To top it off, at "Cit^ Commercial" and employees constitute 60%; unem The 49% vote received by Frangois major capitalist corporations dis ployed, 6%; college and high-school Mitterrand, the candidate of the Union played the latest in camping equip students, 23%; teachers, 6.5%; and of the Left last May, greatly encour ment, automobiles, fashions, and fur professional, technical, and manage aged the French Stalinists. They smell niture. In short, something was pro ment, 5%. the possibility in the coming period of vided for every taste. In addition, the Movement of Young being included in a coalition govern Near the entrance to the festival Communists launched a separate re ment to help preserve capitalism in grounds was "Cite Internationale" with cruitment drive during the fete. Their France. This was what the editors of pavilions set up by other Communist goal for the weekend was 15,000 new I'Humanite no doubt had in mind parties, ranging from the giant dis members, and their progress was re when they chose as the banner head play of the Soviet Union to the little corded on a giant "thermometer chart." line under the picture of the huge booth of the American Stalinist news The emphasis on youth was very throng at La Courneuve: "Un Courant paper, ih.e Daily World. strong. The banner headline describ Irresistible"(An Irresistible Current). □ Under a banner calling for "Massive Signing of the Petition for Strict Appli cation of the Paris Accords," the Viet namese Communist party sold Viet namese food and stickers inscribed, "Thieu must free all the political pris How to subscribe oners." Nearby, the Portuguese Communists sold the pamphlet Such a Model of If you'd rather not cut up this issue by using the subscription blank . . . Jot your name and address on any old piece of paper and send it with Heroism: Salvador Allende. The Cam S7.50 for a six-month subscription. bodian pavilion had a big banner reading, "Long Live the Royal [!] Gov ernment of National Union of Cam bodia." Intercontinental Press A main theme of the "fete" was re P. O. Box 1 16 cruitment of new members. Attendants Village Station everywhere wore the large sticker "Je New York, N.V. 10014 suis Communiste, pourquoi pas vous. . . ." (I am a Communist, why [ ] Enclosed is S7.50 for a six-month subscription. not you . . . ) Posters proclaimed: "Adh&re id." Name (Join here.) "Id on adhere, id on dis- CMte."(You join here, you discuss here.) "Bobigny PCF—d6ja 25 adhesions." (Bobigny PCF — already 25 new members.)

November 1 1, 1974 An Interview With YohichI Sakai

Impact of Radicalized Youth on Japanese Unions

[The following interview with Yohichi en Japan as an imperialist power; but In 1954 or 1955 the right and left wings Sakai, a member of the Poiitical Bureau because of the so-calied coid war, and of the Sociaiist party unified. But by this of the Japan Revoiutionary Communist because of the situation in China, U.S. time they were the same size or perhaps League (Japanese section of the Fourth imperialism changed its policy to build the left wing was a little bit bigger. The International) was granted to Caroline ing up Japanese capitalism. right wing had little influence among the Lund. The interview took place in Tokyo And after the expuision of the Com masses. on August 7.] munist party members from the unions, At the same time, in the trade-union a new reformist current took over the movement spontaneous left-wing tenden trade-union apparatus in a kind of coup cies arose, although with no national co d'etat. ordination or ieadership. This broad Question. Could you explain how the rank-and-file militant tendency inciuded youth radicalization developed in Japan Q. Was that the Socialist party leader- worker supporters of the CP. These ten and what its impact has been on the la dencies aiso began to deveiop ciose con bor movement? tact with the Zengakuren student move A Yes. From 1946 to about 1951, the ment. The Zengakuren had verygoodcon Answer. To answer that, first I must SP was under the leadership of a right- tact with the workers movement. expiain that the labor movement in Japan wing majority. So the miiitant feeiings The ieading members of the Zengakuren is quite different from that of the United of the Japanese workers were at that time at that time were members of the Com States or, say, France, where the Sociai reflected through support to the Com munist party. And many of the ieftist Democratic trade-union bureaucracy in munist party. activist workers were also in the Com the one case, and the Communist union In I95I the reformist-oriented SP trade- munist party. This was the situation in bureaucracy in the other, have for many union activists organized a new nationai the late 1950s. So you see there was no years had firm control over the unions. federation of trade unions, Sohyo. Sohyo 100 percent bureaucratization of the trade In Japan there is more; of a tradition heid its founding conference in 1951 un unions. of opposition currents in the unions. And der the protection of the American oc- But from 1960 to 1966 or 1967, the this is one of the reasons why the stu cupationai army. This founding confer Japanese trade-union movement stag dent radicalization and the radicalization ence of Sohyo supported the American nated because of the rapid expansion of of young workers in the iate 1960s and imperialist war in Korea. the economy combined with several de early 1970s in Japan was better connect In 1951 the Socialist party split into feats of the trade-union struggies—of the ed than was the case in the U.S. or Eu left and right wings. The right wing,open railway workers in 1958, the teachers in rope. ly support U.S. imperialism, just as the 1959, and the coal miners in 1960. Prior to the end of World War II, there West European has From its founding until 1960, Sohyo was no real bourgeois democracy in supported NATO and so on. The left was a real national federation of Japan Japan, and the workers were denied the wing tried to deveiop a sort of neutral ese trade unions, in both the private and right to organize. Unions existed before ist position, like Indian Prime Minister public sectors. But in the 1960s, new right- the war but they were very smaii, en Nehru, because of the deep pacifist mood wing trade unions rose up very quickly compassing only perhaps 10 percent of of the Japanese masses. in the private sector, especially in the the working ciass or iess. So there was At the time of the split, the left wing big industries and enterprises. no reai trade-union bureaucracy as a was stiii in a minority. So now in the private sector for the stabilized phenomenon. In 1952, when Sohyo held its second big majority of the trade-union appa So the union bureaucracy today has national conference, it changed its po ratuses are controiled by right-wing bu no long tradition or experience in con sition in relation to the Korean war. Un reaucracies. The pubiic sector—the rail trolling the working class—it has arisen der pressure from the masses, it took a roads, telephone and telegraph, postal since the second world war. neutralist position. workers, teachers, municipal employees — From 1946 to 1949 or 1950, the major So the present bioc that exists between is stiii in the hands of a centrist leader ity of the active militants of the Japanese the Socialist party and Sohyo originated ship oriented toward the Sociaiist party. trade-union movement were under theiead- in the bloc between the left-wing Socialists So, on one side, there was the quick ership of the Japanese Communist party. and Sohyo in 1951 and 1952. rise of a right-wing trade-union tendency In that period, following the defeat and So because of the expuision of Com in the expanding private industry. And collapse of Japanese imperialism, the munist members from the trade unions on the other hand, there was a deepening Japanese people were deeply disillusioned and factories and shops, the postwar of the bureaucratization in the trade-union with the system, and their struggles were trade-union movement was defeated very apparatus in the public sector. very militant. severeiy in 1949, 1950, and 1951. At the same time, since 1963, young But in 1949 and 1950, all the Com After 1954 there was an economic up workers began to appear as an opposi- munist party workers were expelled from swing among the capitalist countries on tional element in the unions, especially the factories and shops, under the pres a worid scale. And the Japanese economy in the public sector. They are organized sure of the American army in Japan. also began to recover from the postwar in the youth caucuses of the trade unions, It was cailed the "Red purge." crisis. As a resuit of the economic re something that I believe you don't have Political differentiations arose in the covery, the rank and file began to show in the American trade unions. trade unions that reflected the change in greater militancy inside Sohyo. This up American policy. From 1945 to 1947, surge was not as radicai or militant, how Q. That's right, there are no youth cau American imperiaiism wanted to weak ever, as in 1946-49. cuses in the American unions. The Japan-

Intercontinental Press ese Trotskyists were working as members crease campaign with huge strikes. About an impact on the struggle on a city-wide of the Socialist party at that time, weren't five or six million workers joined the scale. they? strikes for periods of from four days to a week last April. Q. In the United States, the demand for A Yes, and our work in the Socialist In the last spring wage offensive we a wage escalator clause to keep up with party and Socialist youth organization saw the biggest strike wave in the his inflation has become more and more consisted of trying to organize those new tory of the postwar Japanese working- popular. Was this raised as a demand militant tendencies among young work class movement. during the spring wage offensive? ers. The capitalists decided, however, to Then, as you know, from 1967 to 1970 make a compromise to postpone a real A Yes, there was much discussion about there was the big explosion of the youth confrontation with the workers, for two this slogan, and we ourselves posed this radicalization in Japan. The main forces reasons. The first is that the capitalist question during the spring wage-increase were students, but several tens of thou class was able to make very big eco campaign. But up till now the demand sands of young workers joined the move nomic concessions; for example, wage in for a sliding scale of wages has not been ment. creases on the order of 20,000 or 25,- raised by the trade-union movement as The National Antiwar Youth Commit 000 yen [approximately US$70 or $85] a whole. tee was formed in 1965, initially under a month, or 25 to 30 percent increases. Sohyo did raise the demand for a slid the leadership of the Socialist party. It The capitalists were able to pay these ing scale for pensions of retired work was a united front of radical and leftist increases because of their accumulation ers, handicapped people, and payments independent young workers in the trade of very big profits owing to the inflation to mothers without husbands. And the unions. It was organized under the ban and the so-called oil crisis. government made some concessions to ner of opposition to the American war The second reason was political. Be this demand for a sliding scale for social in Vietnam, a political slogan. It was cause of the very big inflation at the end of benefits, because the pressures were so this political slogan that succeeded in uni last year and the beginning of this year, big because of the inflation. fying all those young workers. the discontent of the masses was very The students created their own national deep. At the same time, the bourgeoisie Q. Is it illegal for public workers to antiwar organization, the National Fed had to hold the upper house elections strike in Japan, and was the right to eration of Campus Struggle Committees, in June. And the political position of the strike a demand of the spring wage of during the big explosion of campus strug ruling bourgeois party did not look good. fensive? gles. So the bourgeoisie wanted to avoid a serious confrontation just before the A Yes, the workers of the public sec Q. What was the relative strength of elections. tor have no legal right to strike. But in the two committees? Another reason a more serious con the past three or four years they have frontation did not develop was because been making strikes de facto. of the leadership of the trade-union move In the spring wage offensive, the gov A About the same. In the early stage ment. Before the last spring wage-increase ernment tried to take reprisals against of the radicalization, the National Anti campaign, the vast majority of the rank- the public workers who struck, but the war Youth Committee was bigger. and-file workers were very militant and reprisals were very small because this But it was the students who exploded wanted to put up a real fight for their was worked out as part of the compro as a social layer in 1968 and 1969. Af demands. The union bureaucrats saw that mise between the unions and the gov ter this explosion, when students and their position was very precarious, so ernment. young workers took to the streets in mili they were eager for a nationwide com The public workers were the real van tant actions, the Socialist party refused to promise with the government and bour guard of the whole general strike, and participate anymore in such a militant geoisie to keep the workers from getting one of the main demands of the campaign movement. So after that, the National out of control. was for the real right to strike. But on Antiwar Youth Committee came under the So although support for the strikes and this point too there was a compromise, leadership of the far-left tendencies. the militancy of the workers were very and the question was postponed for two This is also the time when the Trotsky high, the rank and file had no nation years. □ ists left the Socialist party; it was part wide independent leftist leadership. of the same process. We see two problems before our move The workers movement did not explode ment now. One is how to plan and to in the late 1960s when the students did, project the next spring wage-increase cam so the leftist young workers tended to paign. And the second is how to develop Covert Work in State Department be isolated in the trade unions. But after an independent, political, nationwide, left- 1971 and 1972, after the exhaustion of oppositionist tendency in the working class the energy of the student movement, the According to a report by syndicated itself. workers began to move. The workers as columnist Jack Anderson October 30, a whole began to move. Q. What was the role of the Japan Revo more than one-fourth of the 5,435 State So now those young workers are in lutionary Communist League during the Department employees assigned to foreign a leading position, even if only at the countries are actually undercover CIA last spring wage-increase campaign? local level. The balance of forces in the agents. Anderson's source, former State trade unions has changed in favor of Department official John Marks, named the militant young workers. But even now one of the agents placed in the U. S. diplo they have no national leadership. A We did our best to intervene in the matic mission in Peking: James R. Lilley, campaign, the best example being in the a "political officer" who has served in Q. How was this new relationship of city of Sendai. We attempted to make Cambodia, Laos, and Thailand. forces reflected in the annual spring wage- the strikes active ones, mobilizing the Of the 121 Foreign Service Reserve Of increase struggle this year? workers through meetings, picketing, and ficers whose appointments to important occupation of plants. We had success in posts were approved by the Senate For A The vast majority of the working individual unions in a number of cities, eign Relations Committee last year, seven class joined in the last spring wage-in but only in Sendai were we able to have ty were CIA agents, Marks disclosed.

November I I, 1974 'It 'El Funcionario y el Revolucionario' V-' • >V. -.tI' V-

Nota Sobre las Troyectorios de Bejor y Blanco Por Gerry Foley

[La siguiente es una traducci6n del los stalinistas. Se unid muy joven al desde su prisidn en Arequipa, no tiene articulo "A Note on Careers of B^jar Partido Comunista del Peru, y llegd un objetivo inmediato de lucha por el and Blanco", que aparecio en Inter a ser miembro del Comite Central y poder o por el derrocamiento del go continental Press el 4 de noviembre]. editor del periddico del partido. Fue bierno de Belaunde sino objetivos mSs expulsado del PC en 1958, porque modestos y defensivos: la defensa de habia deshrrollado diferencias con la las ocupaciones de tierras por linea de la "coexistencia pacifica y el los campesiiios, dd ataqiie de las fuer Recientemente, H&tor Bejar, que en camino parlamentario hacia el social zas armadas y de los terratenientes, el pasado fue dirigente guerrillero y ism o." "La tesis del poder dual y de las mi- actualmente es funcionario de un or- Como muchos otros de su genera- licias podia tener exito como consigna ganismo estatal peruano, visitd Sue- cidn y antecedentes, Bejar pasd deun para las masas y podia ser difundida cia, como invitado especial del go- partido que decia estar tratando de y obedecida bajo un rdgimen burgu^s bierno sueco. resolver los problemas de las masas que, como d de Prado, alternaba la Como otro conocido ex dirigente por medio de la construccidn de una negociacidn con la represidn; pero ya guerrillero — que ha seguido un curso delicada maquinaria politica que fue- despufe del golpe mUitar de 1962 no muy diferente al de Bejar —vive en ra perfecta para realizar "delicadas" servia para hacer frente a un ejercito Suecia, el principal diario del pals, maniobras parlamentarias y negocia- que habia asumido d poder para 'po- Dagens Nyheter, considerd que habia ciones tras bastidores, a un grupo mi- ner orden' en d pais y para arreglar material para un articulo interesante. litar que tenia la esperanza de de- cuentas, entre otras cosas, con los Arregld una reunidn entre Hdctor Be rrotar a los enemigos de las masas a campesinos de La Convencidn. jar y el dirigente camp esino trotskista travds de la construccidn de un ejer Hugo Blanco, que fue deportado de cito que las sustituyera en la batalla. "Cualquiera que quisiera mantener- Peru en 1971; posteriormente, en En ambos casos, la estrategia era se junto a las masas a pesar de la 1972, fue deportado de Argentina; en estrictamente antimperialista, no so- represion debia recurrir a la thctica 1973 escapo de ChUe, y todos los cialista, y tenia el objetivo de unificar guerrillera. Pero esa decisidn reque- paises latinoamericanos le ban nega- a todas las fuerzas patridticas. ria una absoluta claridad sobre la do el asUo. Por lo tanto, Bejar no apoya — y metodologia a aplicarse. El informe sobre esta reunion fue aparentemente tampoco entiende—la "Esa condicion no se did. Y a cp- publicado en el mimero del 14 de oc- linea aplicada por el dirigente trotskis mienzos, de. 1963, despues de los en- tubre de Dagens Nyheter, con el titu ta peruano Hugo Blanco, que es la cuentros de Pucyura, solo y abando- lar: "El Funcionario se Reune con el de movilizar a las masas en base a nado, Blanco cayd en poder de la Revolucionario." sus preocupaciones mhs inmediatas policia. Un resultado en el cual la iz- Hdctor Bejar era uno de los diri- y educarlas politicamente a travds de quierda en general y particularmente gentes del Ejercito de Liberacion Na- hacer avanzar la lucha. la izquierda revolucionaria, tenia se cional (ELN), grupo guerrillero que Bdjar atribuyd el exito del gobierno ria responsabilidad. estuvo activo en Peru en 1965. Es en reprimir al sindicato campesino "Por eso, las masas de La Conven- mds conocido, sin embargo, por el que dirigia Hugo Blanco, a ciertas cidn y Lares no desembocaron en la libro que escribid sobre su fracasado Uusiones por parte de este, aparente lucha guerrillera que constituia la cul- intento guerrillero, Apuntes Sobre una mente en relacidn a la organizacidn minacidn Idgica del proceso iniciado Experiencia Guerrillera (ver Intercon de la lucha armada. Bdjar escribid desde 1956 . . .". tinental Press, 1970 del mimero 2 al en su libro: En realidad, la resistencia armada 10). "Blanco aspiraba a que 'el Sindicato del sindicato campesino que dirigia En 1969 obtuvo el premio que otor- Campesino se erija paulatinamente en Hugo Blanco fue mhs amplia y pro- ga al mejor ensayo la Casa de las un verdadero organismo de poder po longada que cualquiera de las otras Amdricas, la editorial del estado cu- pular democratico, que se enfrenta a experiencias guerrilleras que se rea- bano. Es uno de los libros que han cada paso y cada dia con mayor lizaron en Peru en los aflos sesenta. circulado mds ampliamente de todos vigor al poderpatronal, representado El desacuerdo que tenia B6jar con la los que se escribieron sobre las nu- por el gamonal y todas las fuerzas orientacidn de ese dirigente de masas merosas experiencias guerrilleras que estatales a su servicio.' ... campesinas lo Ilevd a centrarse sdlo fueron impulsadas por el ejemplo de "El organismo fundamental de la en el hecho de que la resistencia no la revolucidn cub ana. Fue tambien lucha armada en d Perii seria, segun pudo derrotar la represidn lanzada uno de los mhs concretos y mejor esa tesis, la mUicia dd sindicato diri- por el gobierno. pensados. gida por el partido. Lo que no queria La explicacidn que da Blanco para Bejar, como muchos de los guerri- decir que hubiera llegado la bora de esa derrota, es que la lucha de La lleros de la ddcada del sesenta, reci- la lucha por d poder: Convencidn se quedd aislada por la bio su primera educacidn politica de "Esta etapa, decia Blanco en 1964 falta de un partido revolucionario que

Intercontinenfal Press estuviera organizado a escala nacio- El nuevo gobierno siguib reprimien- exilio en vez de la prisibn. Blanco, nal. do, sin embargo, todas las huelgas que habia denunciado la naturaleza Un factor importante en el aisla- o protestas de masas que no encaja- de la reforma agraria realizada por miento de la lucha de La Convehcidn ban dentro de su programa de levan- la junta y apoyado a los maestros fue el sectarismo del Partido Comu- tar al capital nacional. Por ejemplo, huelgistas, fue exUiado junto con los nista y de las corrientes que se ha- reprimib la huelga de los maestros dirigentes de la huelga. bian desprendido de dl. Bejar, a di- en 1971 deportando arbitrariamente De esta forma, las diferencias entre ferencia de otros que compartlan sus a sus dirigentes. Este era- el nuevo Hugo Blanco y H&tor B^jar han con- antecedentes y orientacidn, tuvo la ca- tratamiento que se iba a dar a los tinuado despues de los cambios poli pacidad de ver esto y fue lo suficien- izquierdistas "que no cooperaran": el ticos ocurridos en Peru. □ temente honesto como para cOndenar- lo. Tambidn fue lo suficientemente ho nesto como para reconocer muchos de Entrevista en Suecia los logros de Blanco. ?'La incorporacidn de Hugo Blanco a la actividad organizativa de los sin- dicatos produce una elevacion en el Blanco y Bejar jnfercambian Palabras nivd de la lucha. 1961 y 1962 pue- deh seftalarse como los puntos mds [El siguiente articulo, escrito porBir- planted de frente a Hector Bdjar re- altos de la ola sindicalista. gitta Nyblom, aparecib en el nume- petidas veces, cuando dste lo visitb "Pero la ideologla revolucionaria de ro del 14 de- octubre del diario sueco en Harnbsand. Hector Bdjar explicb Blanco desplerta el celo de los anti- Dagens Nyheter. La entrevista fuecon- que a esta pregunta deberia responder guos dirigentes de la Federacidh Pro ducida en espafiol y traducida al sue el gobierno peruano. En lugar de con- vincial y su trotzquismo la descon- co por Dagens Nyheter. El texto en testar, prefirib referirse a lo que se ha fianza de los dirigentes comunistas de espafiol que presentamos a continua- hecho en los ultimos afios: la reforma la Federacidn de Trabajadores del cibn fue corregido por Hugo Blanco. agraria; la nacionalizacibn de las mi- Cuzco. Cuando en 1962 es nombrado En el niimero del , 4 de noviembre nas, la banca, la propiedad privada Secretario General de aquella, la elec- de Intercontinental Press publicamos y los medios de produccibn; asi como ci6n es impugnada por algunos miem- la traduccibn al inglbs]. al mayor nivel de conciencia politica bros. Mientras tanto, el gobierno de que se ha creado entre los peruanos. Lima ordenaba su captura. Personalmente, dl quisiera que Hugo "Sobrevino entonces el violento pe- Blanco regresara a Perb y discutiera ripdo de persecueidn que culmind al En diciembre de 1970 dos lideres de politica, tanto fuera como dentro ser apresado en mayo de 1963. El guerrilleros peruanos fueron puestos del pais. gobierno se habla librado de Blanco en libertad al mismo tiempo, cuando Hdctor Bdjar estuvo aqui para es- pero no habia podido evitar la libe- el nuevo regimen mUitar llevaba dos tudiar cbmo moviliza sus fuerzas en racidn de mUes de campesinos, el que- afios en d poder. Ellos eran Hugo los sindicatos el movimiento obrero brantamiento del poder de los hacen- Blanco y Hbctor Bejar. Habian estado sueco, y los programas de educacibn dados y la alteracidn de la estructu- en diferentes cdrceles como presos poli para adultos. Su itinerario fue muy ra social preexistente. Era la primera ticos. Hugo Blanco pasb mds tiempo pesado: visitb las oficinas del Partido derrota del latifundio en esas^ pro- en prisibn. El sdbado se reunieron Socialdembcrata y de LO [Landsor- prociones: una reforma agraria que- en Harnbsand, bajo condiciones to- ganisation—Federacibn Sindical Na daba realizada de facto." talmente diferentes. Hugo Blanco vive cional], el sindicato metalurgico, el Cuando se profundizaba la crisis exiliado en Suecia, tras haber sido de- SSU [Sveriges Socialdemokratiska en Peru, una junta mOitar reformis- portado de Peru en 1971. Hector Bd- Ungdomsfbrbund — Liga JuvenU So ta tomb el poder en 1968, en un in- jar es un alto funcionario del orga- cialdembcrata de Suecia] en Estocol- tento por prevenir una explosibn ge nismo estatal Sinamos [Sistema Na mo y Bommersvik, el ABF [Arbetar- neral. Una de las concesiones que cional de Apoyo a la MovUizacibn So nas BUdningsfbrbund—Liga de Edu dib fue la liberacibn de la mayoria cial], que tiene como fin organizar cacibn Obrera] en Estocolmo y Vas- de los presos politicos que habian el movimiento popular en Peru, espe- teras, TRU en Stocksund, y el fin sido encarcelados por el gobierno de cialmente los sindicatos. de semana pudo observar el funciona- Belabnde, incluido Blanco. La reunibn tuvo lugar a iniciativa miento de los ministerios y del go El gobierno hizo una serie de ma- de Dagens Nyheter, y con ella ter- bierno municipal de Botkyrka. niobras nacionalistas, como la refor minb la visita de una semanas a Sue Hugo Blanco, que antes habia es ma agraria parcial con el objetivo cia que hizo Hector Bbjar, quien estu- tado refugiado en Chile, llegb a Sue de orientar el capital hacia la indus- vo en el pais como invitado del Mi- cia el invierno pasado y consiguib un tria, y la nacionalizacibn de algunas nisterio del Exterior y salib el do- trabajo como maestro en Sandbsko- propiedades imperialistas. Estas re- mingo para la Republica Democrdtica lan, una escuela para la asistencia formas le ganaron al rbgimen al apo- Alemana. al desarrollo situada en Kramfors, yo de la mayor parte de la izquierda, al norte de Harnbsand. Actualmente incluidos el Partido Comunista y mu estd siendo tratado de una dolencia en chos ex guerrilleros, varios de los la columna vertebral en la clinica or- cuales recibieron cargos en el gobier "^Cudndo se nos permitird a los topbdica del hospital de Harnbsand, no Q en organismos semigubernamen- deportados regresar a nuestro pais?" y fue alii donde Hbctor Bejar lo vi tales. B^jar fue uno de ellos. Esta fue la pregunta que Hugo Blanco sitb. Hugo Blanco es trotskista, miem- November 11, 1974 1493 . bro de la Cuarta Internacional (co- observado en su totalidad, no hubiera mos luchando, no pedimos permiso a mo muchos de sus compatriotas que eambiado nada. Ahora hay un did- ningiin gobierno, ni siquiera reformis- ban trabajado o estudiado en Argen logo entre iguales en mi pais. Entre ta, como por ejemplo el de Belaiinde. tina, como fl). ellos se encuentra el Presidente de la Simplemente cruzdbamos las fron- Realmente no se establecid ningiin Repiiblica, Juan Velasco; el Ministro teras. No pedimos permiso a emba- didlogo entre Hector Bejar y Hugo de Minas, y los dirigentes sindicales de jadores para luchar por nuestro Blanco. El problem a a tratar era el los profesores y los mineros. pueblo." programa de reforma social y el pro- "Entonces, idebemos discutir si te- (Bdjar se referia a un pedido he fundo cambio politico que se estd rea- nemos exiliados, o si los militares cho por Blanco al embajador peruano lizando en Peru, y la discusidn fue ganan mucho o ganan poco? Lacues- en Estocplmo la primavera pasada un intercambio de palabras entre uno tidn central para los latinoamericanos para que le permitieran volver a Pe que estd excluido de este proceso y y para los peruanos es si el gobier rii. Escribid una carta al embajador uno que estd participando en el. El no y el pueblo de mi pais estdn o donde le decia que es un deber para periodo que siguid a la guerra de gue no enfrentdndose al imperialismo; si todos los peruanos enfrentar la ame- rrillas esta marcado por este tipo de estdn o no haciendo grandes esfuer- naza de los paises reaccionarios que tensiones entre los que se quedaron zos por la transformacidn social." rodean a Perii, y que por eso se de- en su pais y los que huyeron, o fue- Blanco. "He hecho una pregunta y be permitir que regresen los refugia ron obligados a huir. Hector todavia no me ha contestado: dos izquierdistas. La carta fue publi- Blanco. "iHay todavia presos po- i cudndo va a regresar el gobierno cada posteriormente en el diario de liticos y hay todavia deportados? Creo a todos estos luchadores antimperialis- Lima El Expreso). que toda discusion politica sobre Perii tas que estdn deportados? Ellos se Blanco. "Pregunto; L cudndo va a tiene que hacerse dentro del pais." interesan por los problemas de su regresar el rdgimen peruano a los Bqar. "No represento al gobierno. pais. Por eso han luchado consecuen- revolucionarios que ha deportado? Pero trabajo dentro del rdgimen con temente contra el imperialismo, y quie- Nunca hemos dicho que dste sea un satisfaccidn, porque ha nacionalizado ren regresar al pais para seguir lu- rdgimen fascista; lo que digo es que todos los recursos y ha realizado la chando. Estdn dispuestos a discutir el rdgimen peruano no tiene ningu reforma agraria por la cual hemos sobre Peru con el rdgimen o cOn cual- na autoridad moral para pretender luchado los dos. Tambien estd cons- quiera. discutir sobre politica con gente a truyendo un importante movimiento "Pero quieren discutir en el Peru, quienes ha expulsado del Perii." de masas, volviendose cada vezmenos no en Suecia. Porque todos nosotros Byar. "Me alegra que Hugo se es exclusivamente militar y cada vez somos peruanos, y se nos estd qui- te acercando poco a poco a la dis- mas un gobierno revolucionario. Se tando el derecho de conversar con cusidn politica que quiere evitar. hace Una integracion de mUitares y nuestro pueblo. Estamos exigiendo ^ Considera que mi gobierno no tiene dirigentes revolucionarios. que ese atropello termine. No se puede peso o autoridad moral? 6 Por qud "Lo que define a un rdgimen no es pedir a los refugiados chilenos que no habia de tenerla? i C6mo no va a su cardcter militar, sino lo que hace discutan con el gobierno la situacidn tener autoridad moral un rdgimen que contra el imperialismo y contra la de su pais. Seria como pedir a los ha expulsado del pais a la mayoria oligarquia y los grupos que han do- judios que estuvieron en los campos de las companias imperialistas, que minado al pais durante muchos anos. de concentracion que discutieran con ha expropiado casi todos los latifun- La mayoria de los peruanos exiliados Hitler. dios, que ha deportado a las fami- pertenecen a la oligarquia. Lamento "Quiero saber breve y claramente lias oligdrquicas que constituian la que hombres como Hugo Blanco, si el regimen peruano estd dispuesto clase dominante de nuestro pais? quien ha participado en la lucha po a permitir que vuelvan los revolucio "Yo sd que en el proceso revolu pular de nuestro pais en una manera narios deportados o no." cionario peruano se estd construyen- importante, tambidn se encuentre entre B^ar. "He dicho que no represento do una nueva organizacidn campesi- los exiliados." al gobierno y que es el gobierno pe na. En ella participan muchos de los Blanco. "Parece que Hdctor no ha ruano el que debe contestar a Hugo. trabajadores agricolas que lucharon entendido mi pregunta y su finalidad. Eso no significa que no tenga opi- junto con Hugo Blanco en las ddca- Yo me refiero a deportados como el nidn personal. Yo considero que Hu das del cincuenta y del sesenta. Yo lider estudiantil Rolando Brefia, que go Blanco y sus camaradas deb en quisiera que el tocara este problema no ha salido de la oligarquia; tam- volver a Peru. Nunca he ocultado y discutiera sobre politica. Lb linico poco el dirigente de la huelga de los esta opinidn. que tengo que decir es que no es de profesores; o Napuri y Cuentas, que "Hacer una comparacidn, o simple- revolucionarios adoptar una actitud apoyaron la huelga minera; o Gusta mente mencionar a Pinochet o a Hit altisonante." vo Ruiz de Somocurcio, que partici- ler de manera que implique una com- Blanco. "Me parece ridiculo que un p6 en la huelga de Arequipa. Estos paracidn con el gobierno de Velasco funcionario del rbgimen peruano que camaradas no pertenecen a la oligar me parece que refleja una confusidn nos ha deportado para que no dis- quia. Han participado en la lucha politica muy grande. Hay algunas cutamos, nos diga ahora que eludi- de los obreros. Estdn exiliados. En personas en ml pais que dicen que mos la discusibn. Me parece ridiculo Peru no hay ninguna ley que auto- lo que estd ocurriendo no es una re- que hable de aproximacibn quien nos rice las deportaciones. 6 Ha terminado volucidn, sino fascismo. Sin embargo, ha alejado hasta Europa. Bejar sabe esa situacidn Uegal?" no vamos a permitir que ningiin fas- lo que es de revolucionarios y lo que Bijar. "i Es increibleque Hugo Blan cista regrese para luchar contra no no es de revolucionarios. Pero yo tam- co se preocupe por la existencia de sotros. bibn sb que es muy propio de funcio- leyes burguesas! Si las hubi^ramos "Pero cuando Hugo y yo estdba- narios no dar una respuesta concreta

Intercontinental Press y contestar con un discurso." Bijar. "Lamento que Hugo no tenga turos", para sustituir la discusidn po- Bqar. "Las acciones de los grupos nada mas que decir." litica. El insulto en contra de Heberto imperialistas son un peligro presents Cuando la conversacidn enmudecio, Castillo (presidente del PMT) no pue- y futuro. Eso no es un discurso; es el soleado cielo otofial de Harnosand de ayudar en nada a unas de las ta- un hecho. seyeia todavia brillante. KerstinLind- reas mds importantes que tiene la iz "Hugo sabe que no hablo s61o de blad de Sandbskolan, que tradujo la quierda en Mexico: la clarificacidn po- la aproximacidn fisica —que es impor- discusidn, salio apresuradamente pa litica. Si hay una critica, esta tiene tante—sino de la animica y moral. ra llegar a un seminario sobre Ame que ser programdtica. En estos momentos, los revoluciona- rica Latina. El Dr. Antemor Velasco, Es alentador hacer notar que el rios peruanos tenemos el deber de de- un boliviano que escapo de Chile y PMT a diferencia del PST, no llama clarar abierta y claramente si apoya- que trabaja en la clinica ortopddica, a una "alianza popular revoluciona- mos el proceso que se estd llevan- intercambid unas cuantas palabras ria" con los elementos "progresistas" do a cabo en el pais, tal y como ds- con Hdctor Bejar. Quisiera regresar de la burguesia. te se ha dado, con todos los cues- a America Latina. tPodria ir a Pe Es importante recalcar el hecho de tionamientos y las criticas que poda- ru, que tiene frontera con su pais? que el PMT no propone alianzas con mos hacerle, o si estamos contra dl. Dagens Nyheter preguntd a Hugo la burguesia nacional (o sectores de Y esto no son discursos." Blanco que haria si fuera funcionario ella). No hay organismos mas perni- Blanco. "Veo que es imposible que en Peru. ciosos para la clase obrera que estos me contests. For lo tanto, ya no ten- "Actualmente soy revolucionario", frentes populares de concUiacidn de go mas que decir." respondid. □ clases. Ha habido tantas derrotas por causa de este tipo de organismos en la historia del movimiento obrero, que es fundamental definirse con respecto a ellos. Surge un Nuevo Partido en Mexico Simplemente la derrota en Chile, se debid precisamente a la Unidad Por Ricardo Ramos Popular, un organismo de colabora- ci6n de clases. No hay peor traicion que la de ha en que se transformd en Partido Mexi- [El articulo que reproducimos a con- cer confiar a la clase obrera en su tinuacidn fue tomado del niimero 13 cano de los Trabajadores, celebrando enemigo de clase: la burguesia. Es- (octubre) de El Socialista, drgano de su congreso de fundacidn]. peramos que los compaaeros del PMT- la Liga Socialista, una organizacidn tomardn una posicidn al respecto de simpatizante de la Cuarta Internacio- este punto tan importante. nal en Mexico. En la introduccidn a su Declara- [En 1972, algunos de los dirigen- El pasado mes de septiembre se cion de Principios, los companeros tes del movimiento estudiantil de 1968 constituyd el Partido Mexicano de los nos dicen que enarbolaran "las ban- que estuvieron presos a consecuencia Trabajadores (PMT). De esta manera deras de Hidalgo, Morelos, FloresMa- de la represidn del gobierno contra el CNAO (Comitd Nacional de Auscul- gdn, VUla, Zapata, Cardenas y de ess movimiento, y Demetrio Vallejo, tacidn y Organizacidn) se transforma todos los mexicanos que ban defen- lider de las luchas ferrocarrUeras de en partido. A1 congreso asistieron al- dido los derechos de los humildes y 1948 y 1958, y actualmente figura rededor de 300 delegados (entre efec- con ellos, se enfrentaron a los central del Movimiento Sindical Fe- tivos y fraternales) haciendose notoria poderosos .. ." rrocarrilero (MSF —grupo de oposi- la presencia del hijo de Echeverria, Se puede propagandisticamente de cidn sindical), comenzaron a organi- como delegado fraternal. El mimero cir: "seguir la tradicidn de Hidalgo, zar el Comitd Nacional de Ausculta- de delegados reunidos en el congreso Flores Magbn, Villa, Zapata" aunque cidn y Organizacidn (CNAO), con el del PMT se nos hizo muy reducido, ninguno de ellos haya tenido un pro- objetivo declarado de construir un ya que dicen tener alrededor de 45 grama bolchevique. partido de los trabajadores. mil miembros. Con respecto a Cdrdenas es de prin [A1 poco tiempo, sin embargo, co- Creemos que si el PMT agrupara cipios tomar una posicidn tajante, ya menzd a darse una lucha interna en- a tantas personas, habria superado que se trata de un dirigente de la tre los dirigentes mejor conocidos del con mucho la cifra de 500 delegados burguesia y, ademds, no de cualquier Gomitd y un grupo de jdvenes, la que el PST (Partido Socialista de los dirigente de esa clase, sino del que le mayoria de los cuales habian sido Trabajadores), reunid en julio del ano did al estado mexicano su actual con- activistas estudiantiles. pasado. tenido. [Se produjo una escisidn, que se Sin embargo, lo fundamental es ha- Cardenas pudo, con la ayuda de consumd cuando los elementos jdve cer un balance critico de la Declara- Lombardo Toledano y del Partido nes abandonaron el CNAO y realiza- cidn de Principios y de los puntos Comunista Mexicano, colocar a la rpn una Asamblea Nacional de Ba programdticos aparecidos en un des- clase obrera detras del estado bur- lance y Consulta, en Julio de 1973. plegado de Excdsior, el dia 20 de guds. No en balde la clase obrera Alii se llamd a la formacidn del Par septiembre de 1974. mexicana ha sido de las mds pasivas, tido Socialista de los Trabajadores Es muy importante que el movi si no la mas pasiva de Amdrica (PST). miento de izquierda discuta este pro- Latina. [El otro grupo conservd el nombre grama a la luz de lo que plantea, y Es decir, la burguesia en Mdxico, de CNAO, hasta el 9 de septiembre. no que utilice el adjetivo fdcil de "aper- por medio de Cdrdenas pudo ilusionar

November I I, 1974 a la clase obrera y a los campesi- bren con apariencia de mexicanasgra- entonces es necesario plantear que ti- nos para asi poder consolidar su es- cias al anonimato de las acciones. po de gobierno proponemos y bajo la tado recientemente formado. Las acciones de las empresas deberdn direccibn de qu6 clase va a ser. No hay peer derrota para la clase ser nominativas para acabar con los Es por eso, que hay que reafirmar obrera que cuando se le rob a su con- prestanombres." la idea de un gobierno obrero y cam- ciencia de clase, cuando dsta es some- A nosotros no nos debe interesar pesino con un programa de reivindi- tida voluntariamente a su enemigo c6mo sean o dejen de ser las accio caciones para las clases explotadas, de clase. Esto es peor que una masa- nes de las empresas; nos interesa que en contra de los explotadores. cre, en que se le derrota, pero queda estas pasen al control de los obre Los planteamientos de los compane- viva la conciencia. No podemos mds ros. Un programa revolucionario dh ros del PMT son un tanto ambiguos. que ser tajantes en este aspecto: que soluciones a los trabajadores de la Esperamos que una discusion seria los trabajadores volvieran a confiar ciudad y del campo, al campesinado, pueda clarificar aiin mas la politica en un gobierno reformista como el e incluso a la pequeno burguesia. Pe de este movimiento. □ de Cdrdenas significaria la derrota ro nunca dd soluciones a laburguesia. para el movimiento obrero. Cdrdenas Hay algunos puntos vdlidos en la s61o puede ser la band era para la bur- Declaracibn de Principios y en el pro Policia Mata a Cordobesa guesia, no para los obreros. grama del PMT, otros notanvdlidos La Declaracibn de Principios y el y algunos innecesarios. Pero el pro Los diarios argentinos del 20 de oc- tubre, dan a conocer la noticia de la programa del FMT, tienden a caer en blema fundamental estriba en el md- ambigiiedades. Hay puntos que nos todo de plantear un programa revolu muerte de la joven mUitante del Par- tido Comunista Tita Hidalgo, a con- hacen pensar que se lucha por el so- cionario. cialismo, pero tambien los hay que Por ejemplo, es sumamente necesa- secuencia de las torturas recibidas des- puds de su detencibn en el local de di- alientan la continuacidn del capitalis- rio aclarar cudles son los metodos de mo. Por ejemplo: lucha; es decir: solo la movUizacibn cha organizacibn en la ciudad de C6r- En el punto 2 de su Declaracibn de independiente del proletariado y sus doba. Principios nos dicen que: "ningun ser aliados puede imponer su poder. Hay Como se recordard, el dia 9 de oc- humano tiene derecho a explotar en su que hacer notar tambien, que aiin tubre la policia realizd en esa ciudad beneficio el trabajo de otros seres las demandas minimas y las democrd- un operativo represivo durante el cual fueron allanados los locales de Luz Y humanos." ticas no pueden ser concedidas por un Y en el punto 5 de la misma De- estado capitalista subdesarrollado y Fuerza, del Partido Comunista y del claracidn: "El trabajo humano es el cada vez mds en crisis econbmica. Partido Socialista de los Trabaja^ origen de toda riqueza. Por ello, esa Que para llevar a cabo estas deman dores. En este liltimo — como informd- riqueza debe pasar a poder de los das es necesario establecer un gobier ramos eh Intercontinental Press del 21 trabajadores manuales e Intelectuales, no obrero-campesino. de octubre —la policia cometid salva- del campo y de la ciudad, quienes Por otro lado, el programa no men- jes destrozos, y detuvo a los militantes son sus verdaderos propietarios." ciona para nada la palabra socialis- de ese partido que se encontraban en Acerca de estos puntos es dificil para mo. Se podria argiiir que no se ne- el edificio. Luego les aplicd brutales un revolucionario estar en contra de cesita hacer explicito lo que va im- castigos. ellos, en general.* Sin embargo, el plicito en los puntos antes menciona- Tambien en el local del PC fueron punto 11 de la Declaracidn de Prin dos. Sin embargo, debemos ser claros detenidos miembros de esta organi- cipios dice: ante las masas y llamar a las cosas zacidn que se encontraban en el lu- "Las empresas del imperialismo ope- por su nombre. Si pretendemos ins- gar. Las torturas aplicadas a una ran con grandes utUidades en Mexi taurar un sistema socialista, asi lo joven detenida, provocaron su muerte co, sin resolver el creciente problema decimos. No tenemos nada que ocul- algunos dias mds tarde. del desempleo. Muchas de ellas se cu- tar. Creer que hablar de socialismo Esto es parte de una escalada re- nos aleja de las masas, es subesti- presiva del gobierno dirigida hacia el * Decimos "en general", porque algu- m arias. movimiento obrero y sectores de iz- nas formulaciones son imprecisas. Por Otro punto en el que tambidn es quierda, que culmina con la promul- ejemplo, para los marxistas la riqueza necesario hacer dnfasis es el que se gacidn de la Ley de Seguridad, que no es producto s61o del trabajo huma refiere a las nacionallzaciones y ex- entre otras cosas, anula el derecho no. Marx, en el primer capitulo de la propiaciones que propone el PMT. Es de opinidn y el derecho de huelga. □ primera seccion de El Capital, sobre to es correcto, pero no hay que dejar- la mercancia, explica lo siguiente:". . . lo ahi: hay que proponer el control las mercancias consideradas como obrero de la industria nacionalizada. objetos corpbreos, son combinaciones De otra manera, terminaria controldn- Es facil suscribirse... de dos elementos: la materia, que su- dola el estado de la burguesia. ministra la naturaleza, y el traba Siempre que se plantea un progra Para recibir IP durante seis me- jo .. . El trabajo no es, p\ies, lafuen- ma, es bajo la idea de gobernar con ses, envie $7.50 con su nombre y te unica y exclusiva de los valores de el. Si estamos convencidos de que la direccidn a: uso que produce, de la riqueza ma manera de solucionar los problemas terial. El trabajo es, como ha dicho de las masas explotadas, es por medio Interconlinental Press William Petty, el padre de la riqueza, del cambio de estructuras sociales y y la tierra la madre." {El Capital, Vol. econbmicas del pais, que los medios P. O. Box 116, Village Sta. I, Fondo de Cultura Econbmica, e instrumentos de produccibn sean New York NY 10014 U.S.A. Mexico, 1973). propiedad social y no de la burguesia.

Intercontinental Press La Ultroderecho Realize Acciones Terroristas

Asesinan Tres Trotskistas Argentines

Por Gerry Foley

[La siguiente es una traducci6n del Todavia no estA claro si los ma articulo "Argentine Death Squads Slay tones que asesinanon a los tres miem Three Trotskyists", que aparece en es- bros del PST y al profesor actuaban te numero de Intercontinental Press.] en respuesta al asesinato de Villar. Pero, de cualquier manera, es evidente que estos asesinatos son parte de una ola de terror derecbista que Se viene Cuatro personas fueron asesinadas baciendo cada vez mAs amplia. entre el sab ado 2 y el domingo 3 en Al mismo tiempo que las bandas' Buenos Aires, por las bandas de dere- derecbistas ban ampliado su bianco cha. Tres de ellas eran miemhros del para incluir no sAlo a guerrilleros Partido Socialista de los Trabaja- de izquierda y mUitantes socialistas, dores, una organizacion simpatizante sino tambiAn a politicos burgueses li- de la Cuarta Internacional en Ar berales, profesores e incluso artistas gentina. apoliticos, su comportamiento ba co- La otra, Carlos Alberto de la Riva, menzado a tomar los aspectos del cul- era profesor de la Universidad de to al sadismo y al oscurantismo ti- La Plata. picos de los comandos fascistas. Avanzada Socialista El viernes 1, por la noebe, un gru- AdemAs, esta escalada del terror de Uno de los tres hermanos del miem po de bombres que dijeron pertenecer recbista ba estado estrecbamente vin- bro del PST que fueron golpeados por a la policia, sacaron de su domici- culada con acciones represivas cada los motones. lio por la fuerza a Ruben Bouzas, que vez mAs brutales y arbitrarias, co- vivia en el Gran Buenos Aires. zona del Gran Buenos Aires. metidas por la misma policia. Uno A1 mediodia del sAbado fue encon- Cesar Robles tenia 36 anos. Se con- de los ejemplos mAs claros fueron los trado su cuerpo. Habia sido asesina- tab a entre los principales dirigentes sucesos del 9 de octubre en Cordoba. do con disparos de escopeta. Bouzas nacionales del PST. Era miembro del La policia bablA vagamente sobre tenia 20 anos, era estudiante secun- Comitd Ejecutivo Nacional. A poco "armas" y "francotiradores" en los lo ' dario. de integrarse al partido entro a tra- cales de los sindicatos combativos, pa Hecia un ano y medio que eramiem- bajar en el frigorifico Swift de Be- ra justificar su ataque contra el ul bro del PST. Militaba en la Juventud risso, de donde fue despedido. Du timo reducto de la resistencia contra Socialista de la localidad de Ramos rante la dictadura de Ongania, fue la burocracia sindical derecbista. Pe Mejia. uno de los dirigentes de la primera ro no quedaron satisfecbos. Sin si- Juan Carlos Nievas fue tambiAn se- buelga obrera que sacudio al regimen quiera buscar un pretexto, aprove- cuestrado en su domicilio el viernes. militar, que fue la buelga portuaria. cbaron la ocasiAn para invadir los lo A las pocas boras fue encontrado en Fue el organizador de la zona norte cales del PST y del Partido Comu- la zona de Villa del Retiro. Su cuer del Gran Buenos Aires, donde el PST nista. Todas las personas que estaban po presentaba multiples beridas de alcanzo gran influencia en el movi- en estas oficinas fueron encarceladas escopeta. miento obrero. Fue pionero en la ta- y golpeadas. La policia fue particu- Nievas tenia 26 anos. Era obrero rea de extender el partido nacional- larmente brutal con los mUitantes del de la fAbrica Nestle y se babia des- mente. Esa tarea lo llevA a Cordoba Partido Comunista, uno de los cuales, tacado como activista de su fAbrica, donde junto con otros companeros Tita Hidalgo, muriA a consecuencia durante una ocupacidn que bubo por permitiA que el PST jugara un pa- de los golpes recibidos. aumento de salarios. De nocbe con- pel destacado en las lucbas obreras Las acusaciones presentadas por el curria a una escuela secundaria noc- de esa provincia. Partido Comunista fueron resumidas turna. Desde bacia varios meses era Esta nueva ola de crimenes siguiA por Avanzada Socialista, semanario miembro del PST. al asesinato, el 1 de noviembre, de del PST, en su numero del 30 de El domingo 3, por la nocbe, des- Alberto Villar, jefe de la policia, por octubre; pues de la realizacion del Congreso guerrilleros peronistas de izquierda. ". . . los cuarenta y ocbo detenidos anual del PST, C^sar Robles se Las bandas de matones de derecba fueron golpeados sin la mAs minima dirigio a una beladeria. De alii fue ban amenazado mucbas veces con consideraciAn a su edad, estado de sacado por la fuerza, por un grupo "vengar" la muerte de cualquier funcio- salud, etc. En general, los bombres de individuos. Fue llevado en un nario gubernamental derecbista, en presentaban bematomas en todo el auto; a las dos boras apareciA su particular, de miembros del ejdrcito cuerpo, especialmente en la espalda cuerpo ametrallado en Floresta, una y la policia. y zona lumbar, y muestras de gol-

November II, 1974 pes y heridas en la cabeza y los ojos. Reci^n cuando llego otro familiar que actores y actrices que no tenian vin- Las mujeres, entre las qua habia una se desempena en el cuerpo de vigilan- culos politicos. Las AAA los consi- chica de quince anos, sufrieron veja- cia de una importante reparticidn es- deraba malos ejemplos morales. ciones especiales con los canos de las tatal y mostro su credencial, nos fue El 25 de octubre renunciaron to- armas, qua las provocaron peligrosas permitido visitarlos. Alii hablando das las autoridades de la Universi- heridas. Una companera, embara- con ellos, nos enteramos que ciertos dad de Tucumdn, en el norte del pais, zada de cinco mesas, tambife fue obli- medicos — segiin dijeron, por consejo como resultado de la campana de gada a ponerse cuerpo a tierra, pi- de la Policia — les habian recomenda- terror de las AAA. sada y golpeada." do que 'no contaran nada.'" Los matones derechistas impulsaron La libreria del Partido Comunista El mismo 22 de octubre, un grupo su campafia de intimidacibn contra fue completamente destruida, y los de treinta matones invadid el local las autoridades universitarias, ade- "agentes de la ley y el orden" se lle- del PST en la ciudad de ChivUcoy, mds de por otros medios, ametrallan- varon todo el dinero que encontra- provincia de Buenos Aires. Llegaron do la cafeteria universitaria y des ron. Pintaron insultos en las parades, en dos autobuses que formaban parte pues voldndola, senalaba Avanzada incluyendo el siguiente: de la comitiva del gobernador dere Socialista el 30 de octubre. Tambi^n "Si son comunista como Guarany, chista, Calabro, que estaba enca- ametrallaron la casa del profesor Or mas bien bayanse del pals porque bezando un desfile en el lugar, y reali- lando Bravo, jefe del Departamento de los bamos a matar, uno por uno, si zando una serie de actos. Parte de la Fisica. Asaltaron la Facultad de Filo- cae un Policia van a caer tres de comitiva pas6 por enfrente del local sofia, gritando que eran "de la poli ustedes, bolches hijos dep...". del PST cuando iban al lugar en don cia y las AAA" y que buscaban al Este mensaje estaba firmado por de se haria un asado. decano. "Las Tres A" (AAA —Alianza Antico- ".. . cuando vieron el comite del El diario local La Gaceta informa munista Argentina). Esta as la banda PST se enloquecieron", dijo a Avan ba el 24 de octubre que la casa de de asesinos que ha amenazado a va- zada Socialista un testigo de los he- verano del decano del Departamento rios miembros del parlamento argenti- chos. "Se bajaron unas treinta perso- de Derecho y Ciencias Sociales, Car no, profesores y todo tipo de perso- nas armadas. Uno se trepd a la pa los Sanjuan, fue volada por tres najes piiblicos. En muchos casos ha red y arranco el cartel del partido, poderosas bombas que explotaron si- cumplido brutalmente sus amenazas. otros rompieron los vidrios de las multdneamente. En el local del PST tambi^n apa- ventanas y otros tiraron la puerta Ademds, desparramaron cabezas de recieron escritas en las paredes las abajo. Despues entraron todos." gallinas y cuerpos de perros con la iniciales de las AAA. Comandos derechistas atacaron el garganta cortada, junto con volantes La noche del 22 de octubre, una 23 de octubre el local nacional del que decian: "esto es s61o una muestra banda derechista derribd la puerta PST. "El hecho ocurrid a las 5", in de lo que les espera si no renuncian." de la casa de un miembro del PST formaba Avanzada Socialista, cuando La Gaceta informaba tambi^n que en un distrito de Buenos Aires. La los companeros estaban limpiando el "en el lugar se encontraron impresos banda estaba formada por veinte lugar. " . . . se dispard una rdfaga dirigidos al Rector de la Universidad, hombres fuertemente armados. Encon- de ametralladora calibre 9mm. contra Pedro Amadeo Heredia, mediante los traron a la madre y a tres hermanos la cortina metalica de la Libreria cuales la organizacidn se atribuye ha- del miembro del PST, que no hacian 'Avanzada', pertenenciente al Partido, ber volado los domicilios del Decano ninguna actividad politica. Amenaza- y contra el frente. Segun testigos ocu- de Derecho 'al no haber cumplimiento ron con matar a la madre si no les lares los disparos se hicieron desde por parte suya y de algunos de sus decia donde podian encontrar al "hijo un Falcon verde tripulado por cuatro secuaces de renunciar en forma inde de p . . . que el sdbado fue a la re individuos que vestian ropas oscuras. clinable a su cargo.' Asimismo es fac- union en el local de Ramos Mejia"; "Cuando varios companeros salie- tible que con estos atentados la or- es decir, su hijo. ron a observar desde el balcdn del ganizacidn deja una pequefta adver- Los tres hermanos, que son obreros primer piso, otro automdvil grande, tencia de nuestras futuras acciones pa de la construccidn, fueron salvajemen- probablemente un Dodge Polara, ra limpiar nuestras Universidades de te golpeados. Uno fue golpeado en el arrojd una granada contra el frente, inflUtrados traidores." hombro con una de sus propias he- cuyas esquirlas alcanzaron a los auto- Avanzada Socialista decia que hay rramientas, que es muy pesada. mdviles estacionados de varios veci- varios signos de que se estd forman- "Los tres hermanos tuvieron que ser nos, destruyendo vidrios y carroce- do un frente amplio para enfrentar hospitalizados", informaba Avanzada rias." el terror reaccionario. Ponia el ejem- Socialista el 30 de octubre, "con hema- Ocho dirigentes del segundo parti plo de varios dirigentes del sindicato tomas y heridas cortantes en la ca do burguds mas grande del pais, la de petroleros privados, en la ciudad beza y en el rostro, que los hacian Unidn Civica Radical (UCR) fueron surefta de Comodoro Rivadavia, que irreconocibles hasta para sus famUia- amenazados por las AAA, informd recibieron amenazas de las AAA. "El res. El mayor tiene el brazo fractura- Avanzada Socialista el 30 de octubre. viernes pasado [25 de octubre], los do y el siguiente serios golpes en la Entre ellos estaba Raul Alfonsin, uno petroleros privados realizaron un pa- columna." de los principales dirigentes naciona- ro de repudio. Reunidos en asamblea, Los representantes del PST tuvieron les dela UCR. decidieron posteriormente marchar problemas para entrar a hablar con Dos diarios provinciales. La Voz por las calles de Comodoro Uevando los hermanos en el hospital. "Ni si- de Concordia y La Voz del Interior asi a toda la poblacibn la decisidn quiera su hermano — el quebuscaban recibieron ultimatums de las AAA. de enfrentar a los matones fascis- los matones—tenia acceso a la sala. Tambidn fueron amenazados varios tas." □

Intercontinental Press some of these criticisms. [The translation was done for Inter continental Press by Marilyn Vogt.]

My article "The Problem of Democrati Roy Medvedev Debates With Ponin, zation and Detente" published November 1973 by the newspaper Zeit provoked a lively discussion in the foreign press Sakhorov, Soizhenitsyn, and Others as well as in various circles of the Soviet intelligentsia. Naturally, not all the par ticipants in this discussion have supported [We print below an essay by Soviet the fundamental theses set forth in my dissident Roy Medvedev. Medvedev is per article, which I myself do not consider ir haps best known for bis extensive unof reproachable. Nevertheless, it seems to ficial history of the Stalin era, Let His me that several of the comments require tory Judge. a public response. [During the past year, Medvedev has been a central participant in an unoffi cial political debate of sorts. Other par On the Importance of Discussion ticipants include physicist Andrei Sakba- Among the 'Dissidents' rov, who, like Medvedev, is still inside the Soviet Union, and Aleksandr Soizheni tsyn, who was forcibly expelled from the The first of the reproaches addressed Soviet Union in February 1974. at me was that I am initiating among [The discussion was essentially initiated the "dissidents" a discussion that is sup by the November 1973 release of Med- posedly inadmissible "for moral reasons." vedev's long essay "Problems of Democ "There are too few of us," one of my ratization and Detente."! In this essay, friends wrote to me. "We are all under Medvedev took issue with the views Sa- such strong pressure from the authori kbarov and Soizhenitsyn bad expressed ties that we cannot allow ourselves the in statements issued in the late summer luxury of open discussion." and fall of 1973. I cannot agree with this point of view. [For example, Medvedev disagreed with The democratic movement in the USSR Sakbarov's statements to foreign corre has never been united, and the polemic spondents on the subject of the detente. SOIZHENITSYN within it has been going on for a long In August 1973, Sakbarov bad called time. It is clear that we must all stand on bourgeois governments and politicians together when it comes to speaking out be detained and tormented with impunity to support the struggle for democracy in in defense of civil rights and protesting for four years as General Grigorenko has the USSR and urged foreign powers not against tyranny and violations of legality. been? The storm of world indignation However, the ideas different groups of to engage in detente with the Soviet rulers would have torn the roof off bis prison dissenters have on ways and means unless measures of democratization were long ago." for—and mainly on the goals and the instituted in the USSR. [Medvedev responded: "This position character of—the democratization neces [Medvedev said: "In the final analysis, [of Solzbenitsyn's] is mistaken. In the [the beads of state in the West] are de sary for our country, differ in many re same statement we find no such strong fending the interests of the ruling classes spects. Therefore, discussion on all these words of protest . . . against the odious in their own countries, and it should by questions is inevitable and useful. apartheid system in South Africa. Un "The details of political views are truly no means by assumed that capitalist cir fortunately, no protests have yet torn the cles in the USA, Britain, France, or West immaterial at the present time," says one roofs off the prisons and camps where Germany are particularly interested in a of the letters I received. But, in reality, hundreds of thousands of South African rapid development of socialist democracy what is involved is not details, but prin Blacks are incarcerated. No protests have in the USSR . . . why should they give ciples. A. I. Solzbenitsyn's "Letter to the yet flung open the gates of the concentra up their profits?" Rulers of the Soviet Union," published tion camps in Indonesia, where hundreds [Medvedev also disagreed with some of recently in the West, bears witness to this. of thousands are held without trial for the views Soizhenitsyn expressed in bis This document caused profound disap their left-wing beliefs. No protests have "Peace and Violence" statement of Septem pointment among the majority of people yet halted the bloody terror in Chile. Of ber 1973.2 In it Soizhenitsyn bad chas who sincerely respect Soizhenitsyn for his course, one's own pain always seems tized foreign public opinion, especially artistic talent and courage. And of course, worse than that of others. Nevertheless, left-wing opinion, for not being sufficient personal respect for a man who is openly it is impermissible to fall into a kind of ly concerned with the political repression and uncompromisingly fighting against 'Moscow-Centrism' and fail to see that in the Soviet Union. Soizhenitsyn stated: tyranny and violence cannot and must in many other countries there are politi "Could a Negro militant in South Africa not compel people to be silent when they cal problems just as acute and very often do not agree with the great writer's retro even more acute than those of the USSR." grade views on the history of Russia and 1. For full English text, see New Left [Medvedev has been attacked from perspectives for Russia's development and Review, Jan.-Feb. 1974, pp. 27-40. many sides, including by other Soviet on the democratic institutions of the West. dissidents, not only for his ideas but also And it has long been known that truth 2. For an English translation of the full for the very fact that he criticized the is not born from the reverent memoriza text, see the New York Times, Septem views of Sakbarov and Soizhenitsyn. The tion of the words of a "Great Teacher" ber 15, 1973. essay below is Medvedev's response to (even if he is not persecuting but is being November II, 1974 persecuted). Truth arises only out of a scions economic sabotage by the people military divisions were prepared to shoot clash of ideas and through arguments. that not only explains the economic and these imaginary counterrevolutionaries. Therefore, we who seek truth should not technical difficulties of the USSR, but will These soldiers and officers, upon receiv impose in our mJdst a mechanism where lead, it seems, in the not too distant future ing the order, would have advanced into by we must "copy" one another or prohibit to an "explosion of the system from with the territory of any other country — for ourselves from arguing. in," the "overthrow of the class of party example, into the Near East —in the same "A major discussion among the dissi bureaucrats," and the "collapse of the ide efficient and disciplined manner. This is dents," wrote V. Chalidze in his "Open ology of Marxism-Leninism," which is in because even in such critical situations, Letter," "is no less valuable than the exis principle incompatible with democracy. we have practically no pressure from be tence of dissent itself." I agree with this. "Our government fully arid organically low when there is no crystallized public fits our people," says one of the "Open opinion. In any case, it is not a factor Letters" I received. "Look at the people that the government must pay attention to. On Pressure 'From Below' and around you. The majority of them need For the time being, we have no mass Concessions 'From Above' nothing. They have a television, vodka, movement, either openly or covertly, for a few diversions, and they are totally the democratization of the country, much satisfied. These people do not need any In my article, I wrote about the mount less a mass struggle for a change in the sort of democratization. The present gen economic, social, and political system in ing dissatisfaction and discontent among eration of the Russian nation and intelli the USSR. And it is difficult to anticipate the broad masses of our people with many gentsia only proves the correctness of the aspects of Soviet life. I contended, how how strong pressure "from below" in de saying that every people deserves the gov ever, that given the obvious political pas fense of democratic freedoms will be in ernment it has." sivity of the people, pressure from below the coming years. But what is involved is very, very weakly felt by "the top" and, It goes without saying, I do not pre here is in no way some peculiar feature therefore, cannot lead to rapid changes tend to have a profound knowledge of the of the Russian nation and the Russian in the direction of democratization. thoughts and moods of all layers of our intelligentsia. "You do not know our working class people, a scientific study of which is not Russia, as is well known, rushed and peasantry," argue two Old Bolshe generally conducted here—in any case, through the stage of bourgeois-democratic viks. "Our people are at present exhibit not openly. But I also do not believe revolution in several months. These sever ing a very high level of activity. Look I £un especially ignorant in this respect. al months, in the course of which Russia at what kind of counterplans they are And I do not believe any of the points was — according to Lenin's expression — advancing in the factories and how so of view cited above to be correct. the freest country in the world, was not cialist competition has been developed Of course, everywhere in our country enough time for any sort of stable demo here. Many important initiatives are com there are people who are doing excellent cratic traditions to come into being in the ing from the village The problem is sim work with enthusiasm in their areas, be country or to consolidate in the people's ply that we, the intelligentsia, are not it smelting steel, testing lasers, cultivat consciousness convictions as to the enor yet able to take advantage of this mount ing grain, or raising children. But peo mous value of such democratic freedoms ing activity among the people and can ple who love their work are everywhere. as the freedom of assembly and organi not direct it toward the struggle against This is in no way a sign of political zation. bureaucratism and for the democratiza activism. One must remember, besides, that the tion of society." But just as mistaken is the conception population of the USSR in its majority "Roy Medvedev is an armchair scien of some sort of "smoldering and clan did not yet pass through a period of tist," D. Panin writes in an article pub destine" economic struggle with a delib being saturated with basic material lished in several emigre newspapers. "He erate reduction of labor productivity, wor wealth, after which follows, as a rule, a has spent his life studying books pub sening of the quality of goods, and so clearer awareness of a short supply of lished mainly in the USSR. Hence his on. And although dissatisfaction with spiritual nourishment, civil rights, and total lack of information. The popula many aspects of Soviet reality exists, on freedom as well as the demand to take tion of the USSR has carried on and is the whole the population of the country— part in the making of fundamental deci carrying on year after year a continuous even if only deep down and passively — sions concerning the life of the people smoldering struggle against the hated re supports the principal aspects of the and management of local affairs and pro gime of enslavement using the means foreign and domestic policy of the rul duction. It is not surprising that people available to them very effectively. . . . ing circles. are more indifferent to a shortage of Roy Medvedev's statement about the po Undoubtedly, this is explained to a democratic freedoms than they are to a litical passivity of the workers and peas large degree by the fact that they are shortage of meat and milk. It is natural ants does not correspond to reality. The misinformed. The state of affairs within that people react first of all to a shortage rank-and-file toilers in the grip of terror the country and abroad is presented to the of those goods that they have already be do not appear openly signing, shall we majority of our people in a distorted light. come accustomed to having. say petitions, for example, but apply The most obvious example: August 1968, All this, however, does not give any more effective means. They carry on a when the entry of Soviet troops into the one the moral right to contemptuously clandestine economic struggle." According territory of the Czechoslovak Soviet So condemn the people instead of trying to to Panin's words, it is precisely this con- cialist Republic did not meet any objec bring home to them the indissoluble link tions from the overwhelming majority of between the democratization of the system our people. As a rule, the ordinary peo of government and an improvement of ple in our country believed the version the people's living standard. A lack of When You Move... of events propagated by the Soviet press- understanding of this link and an indif that an invasion of Czechoslovakia was ference to the problems of democratiza Don't count on the post office for being prepared by the GFR [Federal Re tion are explained not by any peculiar warding your Intercontinental Press! public of Germany] or NATO forces, that attributes of the Russian people but by It's against their rules. a counterrevolutionary overturn in a fra the historical route our country has gone Send us your new address. And in ternal socialist country was imminent, and through. That is why the pressure from plenty of time, please. so on. The officers and soldiers sent into below is so insignificant in our country the Czechoslovak SSR from the Soviet and why the demands for a renewal of

Intercontinental Press our ideological and political institutions climate in our country —such an orienta From a purely moral position, one CEUi, and for the establishment of genuine so tion is unrealistic; it virtually closes off of course, not just hold "the elite" ac cialist democracy sound so weak. The the most realistic course for the democra countable for their actions but can also weakness of pressure from below is es tization of our society. reproach the intelligentsia, if only for its pecially striking when compared with the political passivity. However, if we want not only to declare our feelings but also mounting administrative, ideological, and A Few Words political pressure from the top directed to secure real changes, we must proceed toward the suppression of intellectual free on the Infrastructure from the real state of things. In our con dom, an even greater homogeneity of of Present-Day Soviet Society clusions and calculations we thus must thought among the Soviet people, and bear in mind this people, this youth, this the propagation of antiquated ideological Soviet society as it is at the present intelligentsia, this ruling elite, and this dogmas and norms that more often than time is a peculiar and still very-little- regime, which will not be routed by state not have nothing in common with ments and books but which can( although Marxism. this task is extremely difficult) be grad ually transformed to secure the establish The political passivity of the broad ment of socialism "with a human face." masses is a sad but real fact that we For this to happen, of course, we need cannot help but take into account in our a better knowledge of what it is we want discussions and prognoses. But I never to change. believed that democratic freedoms could only be granted to us "from above" and In the democratic countries of the West that it was therefore necessary to fold with their relative freedom of speech and up the democratic movement and wait for press and the large number of different favors from the government. My think organizations, from the extreme right to ing, perhaps poorly expressed, was that the extreme left, the links between society the expansion of the democratic move and the state apparatus are very com ment, which unfortunately until now has plex and indirect. The social infrastruc been primarily the concern of individuals ture there is in many ways independent of or small groups of intellectuals, will in the state. In addition, private ownership crease the chances for definite concessions of a large part of the means of produc from above; and this in turn will multiply tion, the firms in the service industries, the forms of the democratic movement and the mass media is not just a means and facilitate its activity. of exploiting people; it does not just pro However, some of my opponents do duce anarchy and disregard of the pub not want to hear about this interrelation lic interest. By meeting certain social ship between pressure from below and needs, private production creates to a cer CHALIDZE: Called for discussion among concessions from above. "If it must come tain extent a self-regulating economic sys the dissidents. from above, then I don't need such democ tem. This not only relieves the state or ratization," one of them declared not long gans of many responsibilities but weak ago. But here one must say frankly that studied phenomenon. The fundamental ens their influence on public affairs. On if we do not intend to call for revolu features and mechanisms for the function the other hand, privately owned com tionary means or dream about some sort ing of our political and social organism panies, while making good use of the of coup d'etat, we can count only on are not sufficiently clear even to those state, remain in many respects indepen pressure from below and—as a result who are at the top of the "pyramid." dent of it. Thus, for example, while of it—on concessions from above. Hence, apparently, the shortcomings in fully controlling the official activities of Of course, that which is given from their reactions to the most negligible their employees, making their material above is comparatively easily taken back. manifestations of dissent and the pettiness well-being dependent upon their loyalty to The "liberalization" of the beginning of the that so often surprises foreign observers. the interests of the firm, these firms and 1960s and the reinstitution of a harsher The undemocratic nature of the present monopolies are more or less indifferent to course at the end of the 1960s was clear political structure in the USSR is obvious the nationality and the religious and politi enough evidence of this. Only the presence and it is not difficult to outline the demo cal persuasions of their employees; at any of stable democratic traditions within the cratic reforms desired for our country. rate, they have the option of being in society can guarantee against such turns. The implementation of such reforms, har different. But these traditions do not arise by them- moniously combining socialism and de Soviet society does not have such a seives. They are built and consolidated mocracy, would undoubtedly enrich our complex infrastructure at the present time. only in the course of a mass political people both materially and spiritually and Of course, in the USSR, too, there are movement that cannot be simply a spon would make socialism incomparably different social layers and groups with taneous movement. Such a movement de more attractive to the peoples of all the diverse interests that often do not coin mands the establishment of organizations, world. But how, in the conditions we have, cide with one another, and there are peo the advancement of leaders, the elabora do we pave the way for such reforms? ple with different views. However, all these tion of different political conceptions, the Academician A D. Sakharov considers differences are hardly manifested at all in struggle of opinions, and so forth. But his positions and demands as "purely the system of social relations. Given the all this can only emerge given the presence moral." It is of considerable importance one-party system; the absence of genuine of a certain openness to express views to declare moral demands, and this is self-government in enterprises and munici and a certain minimum of democratic natural for a learned physicist. But for pal organs; and the absence of indepen freedoms that do not exist now and which people devoting themselves professionally dent newspapers, journais, and publish the democratic movement must secure. To to the political and social sciences moral ers, almost the entire economic and so assert that concessions from above are indignation alone is not enough. While cial life of our huge country is run from impossible in principle, to repudiate even studying Soviet society, they must seek a single center. All social organizations, the very minimal reforms that offer a realistic possibilities and realistic routes including even some sort of society for potential for improving the political for its democratic development. cactus, canary, or dog fanciers, are not November I I, 1974 Independent but work under the control party leaders and ideologues at the exerted also on the positions of the politi of corresponding organizations of the thought of a possible democratization has cal leaders of these countries — our part CPSU. The work of aii the organs of the by no means been produced by a con ners in negotiations. In the end, any talks press and aii publishing houses is con cern for the preservation of Marxism and in our time are inconceivable without trolled particularly closely. socialism. If one realistically assesses mutual pressure and also without mutual The party and state organs are respon what exists, it is not difficult to demon concessions. These talks reflect not only sible for the work of the largest enter strate that the realization of even the most the serious conflicts between the different prises and the smallest repair shops, the maximum demands of today's democratic countries but the presence of some kind of huge restaurants and the tiniest snackbar. movement (for example, on the creation minimal good will. Therefore, the mutual They look after the construction of new of social and political organizations and demands from the parties involved must cities and after the work on elevators organs of the press independent of the originate from the real relationship of and waterpipes in each individual home. CPSU) would lead neither to the collapse forces and must not take on the character The party organizations, like a nervous of Marxism nor to the renunciation of the of an ultimatum. And here it is appro system, penetrate into every cell of our leading role of the CPSU, as our ideo priate to say a few words again on Sen social organism, while the state organs logues so fear and as the opponents of ator Jackson's celebrated amendment. make up what could be considered its Marxism so fervently hope. On the con bone and muscle system. The entire sys trary, it would make possible the cleans Democratization and Detente tem for maintaining the life of the Soviet ing and purification of the party and its people is dependent upon the activity of ideology; a rejuvenation of its leadership; The refusal of the USA to trade with party and state officials, and they time the lessening of bureaucratism in its ap Cuba expresses very clearly the United and again make every citizen in the USSR paratus; and, in the end, the development States' disapproval of the Cuban regime concretely aware of this. and enrichment of Marxism to make it and creates serious difficulties for the lat Such a cumbersome and unyielding conform to the conditions existing at the ter. However, a position like this on the structure of rule, devoid of any sort of end of the twentieth century. A much great part of the USA is not, strictly speaking, democratic counterweight, undoubtedly er danger for the USSR and for socialism interference in the internal Eiffairs of Cuba serves as an obstacle to the economic, as a whole emanates from retaining and Every country decides for itself with whom intellectual, and moral development of so deepening the violations of democracy it will maintain economic and political ciety. The tendency toward bureaucratiza- that we have observed in our country in relations and to what extent. The USSR tion in the party and state organs is be recent years. does not extend credits to either Greece coming almost insurmountable. Poor or Portugal, but this also is not inter work by any institution of leadership has On Pressure From Outside ference in the internal affairs of those an extremely unhealthy effect on the entire countries. social organism. In addition, the strug gles— independent of social control — flar While not too much concerned with the From this point of view, one can under ing up from time to time between different public opinion that is only just coming stand the feelings of those U.S. congress departments and individual leaders (aris into being within the country, the Soviet men who speak out against granting the ing more often than not around admini leadership is much more sensitive to crit USSR American credits and most-favored- strative interests or simply personal flaws icism from outside. For many reasons nation status. These people are accus rather than motives of principle) inflict the political leaders of the USSR are in tomed to viewing the USSR as an ideo tremendous material and moral damage terested today in good relations not only logical and political opponent of the USA, upon the society. with the governments of the Western coun and they fear a growth of our economic Such a system can turn out to be ex tries but with the social circles of these potential resulting from our access to tremely vulnerable given the emergence countries that exert influence on the poli Western credits and technology. More of some type of internal crisis, as we cies of their governments. Therefore, crit over, the grievances of American legis have seen to one degree or another in the ical statements from Western society lators over the absence of freedom of examples of Hungary, Poland, and Czech against violations of civil rights in the emigration from the USSR are totally oslovakia Nevertheless, this inflexible, USSR have great importance; in some valid. and in a certain sense even fragile, struc instances they exert a pressure that the However, the number of such griev ture is extremely powerful. The social in internal democratic movement is as yet ances can be very large, and if they are frastructure that has taken shape in our incapable of exercising. set forth in the form of obligatory prelimi country gives the leadership of the party 1 wrote about this in my article, em nary terms, no real progress toward im and state a degree of power and oppor phasizing that the support of left-wing, proving international relations wUl be tunities for manipulation and control here progressive circles of Western society is possible. This was shown by the recent tofore unparalleled in any society. This especially valuable for us. This does not amendment of Senator Buckley demand is precisely why it is difficult to expect at all mean that the leadership of the ing that neither credits nor most-favored- any rapid and radical changes in our USSR is not sensitive to criticism from nation status be extended to the USSR country. other influential social forces of East and until our country stops jamming the What then remains? The course of slow West. Nevertheless, for the participants broadcasts of Radio Liberty. and gradual evolutionary change re in the struggle for civU rights in the USSR, Moreover, it is fully possible to lodge mains the most realistic. Despite the grow it is most natural to appeal for support similar grievances against many Western ing pressure from above, the democratic to representatives of those social forces countries, including the USA, where prob opposition of all shades must secure the that in their own countries act in defense lems of civil and economic rights are be extension of freedom of speech and or of civil rights. It is difficult to believe ing handled in ways that are far from ganization and the development of social in the sincerity of support for Soviet "dis always satisfactory, as one can see from control, i.e., the establishment of the dem sidents" from the Chinese or Spanish press the speeches of many American congress ocratic counterweights indispensable for or from the extreme right-wing circles of men. Even in a country that takes pride society. Any initiative in this direction the West which serve as obstacles to the in its centuries-old democratic traditions, deserves attention. It is impermissible to expansion of social, economic, and civil like Switzerland, women did not have the let even the smallest chance slip by. rights in their own countries. right to vote until very recently and were It is necessary to see clearly that the, Many different types of influences from not represented either in unions or in fear experienced by a majority of the the public in the Western countries are the cantonal parliaments. Until the

Intercontinental Press present time, however, this has not inter der the pressure of the progress taking independent course of state and civiliza fered with Switzerland's foreign trade. place in this country, will in time be elimi tion," as Solzhenitsyn proposes. In the It is necessary to take into account other nated by the American people themselves. contemporary world it is impossible to important considerations as well. Not Meanwhile, a confrontation of the great save oneself alone. long ago the oil crisis clearly showed how powers, fraught with the danger of the de A little more than a year ago the GDR vulnerable the West European countries struction of ali humanity, has in the last [German Democratic Republic] was not and Japan are to economic pressure. The ten years entered into a critical phase. invited to the United Nations' world con position of the USSR in this respect is The arms race will do colossal economic ference on the protection of the environ far more stable. Trade with the USA and damage to people of all countries, no less ment convened in Stockholm. This coun American credits very much interest the than has been the case in the recent past. try had not yet joined any of the United leadership in the USSR. However, this To save ourselves from or even mini Nations' specialized organizations. This interest is not so great that the govern mize the damage is possible only through was an example of how immediate and ment of the Soviet Union would move joint efforts. There is no other way. insignificant political aims of a few states toward a change in domestic legislation The tremendous importance of the task have prevailed over the long-term inter or toward any essential alteration of its of preserving the earth's biosphere also ests of humanity. Unfortunately, the reac internal policy. This is especially true cannot be decided within the boundaries tion of the USSR was just as mistaken: since other Western countries and Japan, of individual countries or continents. It not limiting itself to a resolute protest, whose economic situations are not so can only be resolved by joint efforts. the Soviet Union altogether refused to stable as that of the USA, have been mani Therefore, the course proposed by Sol- take part in the Stockholm conference. festing in recent years an ever-growing zhenitsyn for Russian national self-isola If solving other problems concerning all readiness for economic collaboration with tion and the "policy of isolated salvation humanity becomes dependent upon nar the USSR. amid the general confusion" can end up row poiitical problems of the moment, being no less destructive than the policy very bad times await our planet. In his article already referred to above, of mutual confrontation and competition. D. Panin, who not long ago left the USSR, One exrunple alone will suffice: The con The development of affairs in our world tries to demonstrate that the material tamination of the upper layers of the at creates, nevertheless, the objective neces situation of the Soviet people is steadily mosphere by certain harmful wastes can sity for collaboration and compromise, deteriorating. Therefore, Panin calls on by the twenty-first century destroy the first of all, among the great powers. Such the West to stop granting economic aid present structure of the troposphere and collaboration does not exclude either ideo and credits to Moscow because this sup stratosphere, which will lead to a sharp logical struggle or different forms of ideo posedly postpones "the internal explosion increase in ultraviolet radiation and logical pressure. However, in utilizing this and liberation of peoples." But this is destruction of all the vegetation on our pressure, it is always necessary to stay obviously erroneous. In the Soviet Union planet, including that in Siberia — in the within inteiligent limits which if exceeded a noticeable expansion of the production development of which Solzhenitsyn sees couid again give rise to an uncontrolled of consumer goods rmd services is tak Russia's salvation. and destructive escalation of distrust and ing place. One of the main factors moti Competition of the great powers in the competition. This is why Brandt's logic vating the majority of Soviet people to delivery of arms to the countries of Africa seems to us, all things considered, pref day is the desire to improve their living and Latin America cannot be tolerated. erable to Strauss's logic; and why Kis standard, and this can be achieved fun But it is just as intolerable for industrial singer's logic is preferabie to the logic damentally only by increasing production ly developed countries "to leave South of Senators J ackson and Buckley. emd the productivity of labor. America to its own devices" or "to let Roy Medvedev The absence of credits and economic Africa find out for itself how to begin an April 15, 1974 aid from the West will not halt economic progress in our country and improve ments in our people's well-being; these pro cesses would in this case only be slowed down. The real hope for the democrati zation of Soviet society can only be linked with scientific-technological and econom ic progress, the interests of which come in to conflict with our unwieldy bureaucratic administrative structure. Uierefore, the slogan "The worse it is, the better" that Panin and his cothinkers have advanced is absoluteiy inadmissible Intercontinental Press for those who actually want the best for the Soviet people and for all their neigh Intercontinental Press bors on the planet. The process of changing internai re P. O. Box 11 6 gimes, especially in the greatest countries Village Statiori of the world, unfortunately proceeds at New York, N.Y. 10014 a slow and often very agonizing pace. The expansion of international trade and [] S7.50 for six montlis. international division of labor based on [] il 5 for one year. mutual concessions can hasten this pro cess somewhat. But it is impossible to hasten it by ultimatums or by refusing to make compromises. Even a real threat of atomic annihilation will not force the USA to abcmdon today its exceedingly outmoded domestic institutions, which, un

November II, 1974 determination? It is no secret for any GRS View of Left Unity in Martinique one that this principle doesn't have By Edouard Delepine the same content, or even the same form, for the PCM,' the PPM, or the PS. Three years ago the signers of [The following article appeared in to the defeat. the so-called Morne-Rouge Conven the August-September issue of Libera From this point of view, the reform tion were claiming to have upheld tion Antilles-Guyane, the newspaper ist organizations have drawn the les this principle so as to avoid bogging published in France by the emigre son of the legislative . elections of down the future of the Overseas De section of the Groupe Revolution So- March 1973. The workers would not partments in an overly rigid, legal cialiste (GRS), Antilles section of the easily have forgiven their returning istic framework of autonomy. Some Fourth International. The author is to those unprincipled quarrels that for of them —"the left of Le Morne-Rouge," one of the leaders of the GRS. more than a year filled the newspapers the PPM, and the REM, among [ The three-party "agreement" referred of the Martinique left. others—even boasted of having to is a sequel to a bloc originally But in Martinique it is easier today sought thereby to leave the door open formed around the candidacy of Fran- to agree on the Common Program of to aU the anticolonialist currents, in Qois Mitterrand, the candidate of the the French left than on a possible cluding the independentist currents. Union of the Left in the French presi plan for the Martinique left, or even Today it is doubtless a question of dential election last spring. Mitterand on what has taken its place for some not closing the door to those "sincere lost by a narrow margin to Giscard time— the autonomist mini-program of anticolonialists" who are advocates of d'Estaing in the second round of vot Morne-Rouge. remaining within the French union ing, held May 19. Citizens of the colo Unity presupposes agreement on but who want to participate in the nies, or "overseas departments and something essential. The essential inevitable adaptations of French law territories," are permitted to vote for thing up to now for the Martinique to the local reality. They will have the French presidency and legislature. left, as for the left in pretty well all taken care to exclude only those who [The GRS campaigned in support the Overseas Departments, has been give the principle of self-determination of Alain Krivine, the candidate of the the question of their status. "Not the the only meaning it can have: the Front Communiste R^volutionnaire, grant of a new status, or a simple right to independence, that is, to the French Trotskyist organization. rearrangement of the present status, separation. (See "Campaign Posed Issue of Self- but a real change." That is what the There have been many political Determination," Intercontinental Press, left claimed to want. That was what agreements within the Antilles left since May 27, p. 657.) distinguished it from the old assimi- 1960: the Conference of Guadeloupe; [The translation is by Interconti lationist right wing, which was itself the motion of 1961; the 1963 Mani nental Press.] more or less won to the idea of neces festo of the Round Table of residents sary reforms . . . but within the of Guadeloupe, Martinique, and Re French union. union; the Guadeloupe Front for It was difficult for aU but the most Autonomy; the 1966 Accord for the We know that the sole fact of unity seasoned veterans to present "the bloc Tricontinental Conference of OLAS satisfies the workers, but it is a mis of May 19" — that jumble of more or (Organization of Latin American Soli take to think that this immediate re less convinced autonomists, shame darity); the Morne-Rouge accord of sult is not too dearly paid for. faced independentists, reforming re- 1971; and the Paris Accord of 1972. — Marx gionalists, camouflaged assimUation- On each occasion, the reformist left ists and integrationists, and even of was always careful to define its choices The Martinique left—the PCM, the authentic revolutionists—as a coming concretely. This is the first time that PPM, and the PS*—has finally together of the Martinique left. To en it has agreed on a negative definition reached agreement. At least that is sure Mitterrand an honorable electoral of its plans, and that it has shown -what Justice and Le Progressiste have score, it was necessary to empty this so obviously its scorn for whatever announced with the kind of sigh that left of its essential project—a change could be considered "national" in its comes when one has avoided the worst in status — and to swear on a stack intentions. It is a step forward toward without saving the essential. of bibles that the vote for the single the indispensable political clarification The worst was to once again per candidate of the French left had noth this country needs. But it is an impor mit the thousands of votes for Fran- ing to do with the question of status. tant retreat for the Martinique left. □ Qois Mitterrand in May to be scattered, They didn't even hesitate to sell off or to risk discouraging those voters the famous chapter 6 of the Common by the distressing spectacle of election Program of the French left, which ap Citroen Registers Big Losses post mortems in which everyone picks peared to give a concrete content to The Citroen automobile company, the on his neighbor for having contributed the principle of self-determination—on third-largest car manufacturer in France, the pretext that this concretization pre announced that it lost nearly $90 million in the first six months of 1974. Citroen judged the choice of the peoples of *PCM—Parti Communiste Martiniquais expects its total losses for 1974 to amount the Overseas Departments! As if the (Martinique Communist party). PPM — to $200 million. The company made $12 Martiniquais had, in effect, chosen in Parti Progressiste Martiniquais (Mar million in profits in 1973. Citroen is cur tinique Progressive party, led by Aime tegration "democratically." rently negotiating a merger with Peugeot. Cesaire). PS—Parti Socialiste (Socialist What, then, has the Martinique left Both companies are expected to reach a party). agreed on? On the principle of self- decision in November.

Interconfinenfal Press