The Endurance of Arab Authoritarian Regimes: a Study of Jordan and Algeria

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The Endurance of Arab Authoritarian Regimes: a Study of Jordan and Algeria Union College Union | Digital Works Honors Theses Student Work 6-2013 The ndurE ance of Arab Authoritarian Regimes: A Study of Jordan and Algeria Stacey Berger Union College - Schenectady, NY Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalworks.union.edu/theses Part of the Comparative Politics Commons, Near and Middle Eastern Studies Commons, and the Public Affairs, Public Policy and Public Administration Commons Recommended Citation Berger, Stacey, "The ndurE ance of Arab Authoritarian Regimes: A Study of Jordan and Algeria" (2013). Honors Theses. 633. https://digitalworks.union.edu/theses/633 This Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Work at Union | Digital Works. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of Union | Digital Works. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Berger 1 The Endurance of Arab Authoritarian Regimes: A Study of Jordan and Algeria By Stacey L. Berger Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for Honors in the Departments of Political Science Union College June 2013 Berger 2 Introduction The endurance of Arab authoritarian regimes has been quite daunting, especially with the rise of the Arab Spring. Some Arab regimes have ruled with domination and repression since the nineteenth century. These regimes stand out globally with respect to the number of democratic countries. Even with the recent rebellions, the rise of the Arab Spring, starting in 2011, a number of Arab regimes still continue to thrive and remain in tact under authoritarian rule. This includes quite a number of Arab states that have faced uprisings during the Arab Spring, but have not implemented a new democratic system or elected a new leader, such as Syria. With this fascinating reality of Arab authoritarian regimes, I set out to find the reason for the endurance of Arab authoritarian regimes, noting that this was not a simple coincidence. My goal was to find out what exactly allowed Arab authoritarian regimes to remain stable, whether it was political strategies or economic resources, even in the face of the Arab Spring. Overall, I was determined to obtain a grip on one solid and plausible reason as to why Arab authoritarian leaders have endured for so long, or at least a brief number of reasons. Arab authoritarianism has allowed the regimes to endure since the nineteenth century and continue to do so with protests and grievances amongst citizens. I decided to choose the topic of Arab authoritarian endurance because I understood the importance in exposing the backbone of the regimes. I truly believe that learning about the reasons for Arab authoritarian endurance empowers people of all backgrounds with the knowledge of strategies that dictates the lives of people in Arab states. Not only does this topic allow people to understand the power of Arab regimes in being able to rule with a strong fist, but also enables people to comprehend how most Berger 3 Arab authoritarian regimes are able to continue to real with a stable regime even with the recent Arab uprisings. The endurance of Arab authoritarianism is most important in being able to analyze and compare Arab regimes that have fallen to the Arab Spring and the ones that continue to maintain durability. In order to complete this research task, I embarked on extensive research and used various methodologies. My thesis is split into four sections, with two main chapters. My first section is the literature review. I completed this portion by researching a broad range of arguments by a number of different scholars, such as the politicized education system, the condition of the coercive forces, hydrocarbon exports, and so on for the endurance of Arab authoritarian regimes. These arguments included reasons prior to the Arab Spring. The arguments used in my literature review all fall under political, economic, cultural, security, or educational reasons. My two main chapters consist of Jordan and Algeria. I chose these two regimes as my core chapters to create a balanced argument, as Jordan is a constitutional monarchy and Algeria is a semi-presidential republic. My methodologies for these chapters included conducting extensive research on each country with concern to the recent protests, government responses, and theories amongst scholars as to why these regimes continue to endure even after the Arab Spring. I also learned about the structure of each regime, such as its components, government supporters, government opponents, and security forces. I provided the structure of each regime in the beginning of each core chapter. Each of these countries have unique factors specific to their endurance, which helped me produce a compelling thesis. Berger 4 The last section of my thesis includes a conclusion. My conclusion wraps up my entire thesis. I provided similarities and differences between Jordan and Algeria for the protests, government responses, and theories for the endurance of each country. In regards to the protests, I explained similarities and differences between Jordan and Algeria for the grievances, general ideals, organization, location, injuries, and the amount of security. As for the government responses, I provided similarities and differences for the economic and political responses. In regards to the theories, I included overlapping political theories for the endurance of each regime. I also focused on overlapping political, security, and economic reasons between the theories in the literature review and the theories for my core cases. I also provided results specific to each country for all of these areas. Finally, I discussed how adequate the literature review theories matched up to Jordan and Algeria, as well as arguments that should be added to the literature review theories. Lastly, I touched upon approaches from the literature review that were not widely argued by theorists for Jordan and Algeria. My findings did not end up including one solid and plausible reason as to why Arab authoritarian leaders have endured for so long, but rather a number of reasons for the lasting regimes. I argued that the main reasons for the endurance of Arab authoritarian regimes fall under political means, which were overlapping arguments for the core cases of Jordan and Algeria. These arguments include the creation of reforms and promises, the threat of chaos, and societal cleavages. My findings also included theories that fit with the literature. These arguments fall under political, security, and economic reasons. These arguments include legitimacy, multi-party system, Berger 5 patrimonialism, resource wealth, international support, internal disagreements, and coercive security forces. The arguments reveal that each Arab authoritarian regime is able to endure due to distinct reasons, as each regime is different. However the theories of legitimacy, multi- party system, patrimonialism, resource wealth, international support, internal disagreements, and coercive security forces stand out as the main arguments, as the reasons are common amongst almost all Arab authoritarian regimes. Overall, I argue that there is not one specific reason for the endurance of Arab authoritarian regimes, but rather different reasons under various categories that fit the majority of the Arab states. Berger 6 Literature Review Various theorists have argued about the reasons for this endurance of Arab authoritarian regimes. Some scholars have overlapping arguments, while many reasons clash. Overall most fall under political, economic, cultural, security, or educational reasons. Among various arguments, political issues seem to be the most popular reasons among theorists for the endurance of Arab regimes. For instance, a number of scholars specifically point to the use of the multi-party system. Posusney claims that the oppositional groups have nowhere to move under this system because they are restricted under almost every area (Authoritarianism, 95). This includes the media, campaign activities, simple formation and registration as a political party. Incomplete parliamentarization, liberalized autocracies, the abundance of independent candidates, and financial fragility further restrict opposition groups. With respect to the media, the regime has complete control. The media is extremely restricted, especially for opposition parties. For example, radio stations need their programs approved by the secret police and one newspaper editor claimed “we can barely bring ourselves to express our opinions to our wives in our bedrooms and even then we are afraid” when responding to a question with regards to obeying the secret police about his cartoon section (The Media Relations 195). One Jordanian columnist even claimed, “I feel like I am two people…on the one hand I am addressing the readers, but part of me is addressing all the security services watching me” (The Media Relations 197). When it comes to the regime, the government controls the media, using it to its own advantage and “creat[ing] the impression of Berger 7 popular mandate for the leader” (Authoritarianism 95). Essentially the media is caged and opposition parties are unable to use it to their benefit. When it comes to campaign activities and voting, opposition parties face many restraints. During the election, voters are often coerced if they support the challenger (Authoritarianism 91). Macfarquhar uses Qudah, a Jordanian poet, as an example. Qudah was jailed by the secret police after simply reciting a poem regarding Jordan’s political system (The
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