.",
The Charting of the Eastern (Japan) Sea and Korean coasts by the Russian Sailors in the Nineteenth Century
Alexei Postnikov (Professor, Institute of the History of Science and Technology, Russia)
In our previous presentation l we showed that the maJ onty of Russian maps which had been published in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries had pelagonyms Koreiskoe more (Korean Sea) or More Vostochnoe (Eastern Sea) on them. The Russian World Atlas for education published by Saints-Petersburg Academy of Sciences in 1737 have put forward such tradition for the first time. It is safe to assume that the majority of these maps reflects a tradition of sea- naming which have developed more or less spontaneous on base of perception of Korea Sea's place relative to the nearby coast and states of Eurasia. The development of sea charting during European round the world expeditions of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries led to the fanning of internationally approved (at least by the European states) understanding of the main sea's geographical limits and their names. To ignore a traditional sea name and to give an arbitrary new one was not unusual for the explorers of that time. The first Russian expedition to sail by this sea and to do its survey in passing (1805) was that of Captain Ivan F. Krusenshtern (1 nO- l846) during round the world voyage on board of Nadejzda (1803- 1806)."The Atlas of the Southern Sea" [Pacific Ocean] and "The Collection of Works to analysis and explaining of the Atlas of the Southern Sea" had been the fundamental scientific results of this expedition which influenced very much all later Russian works on the Pacific Ocean. One side of this influence is of special importance for our topic: these publications have changed the eighteenth centu ry Ru ssian tradition of sea- naming for the Pacific Ocei::1D and its western part, intrcx::lucing mainly La Perouse's views on this matter. Ivan F. Kruzenshtern's authority proved to be stronger than Russian national traditions of sea" naming in East Asia. although few maps showed that old notions were alive. The last Russian official map to show the above notion of sea- naming in the area under di scussion was the Map of the Polar sea and the Eastern Ocean. compiled on base of the
- 63- up- to-date suroeys in the Hydrographical Department c! the Navy Ministry. 1844 . One might think the map's adherence to the name Korean Sea to be outdated and strange for such a sound publication, if there was not so long Russian national cartographic tradition to back it up. After this map Russian Admiralty accepted definitively the European notions of pelagonyms' distribution in the area between Korea and japan with japanese sea being its major feature. It is worthwhile to mention that Ivan F. Kruzenshtern had not been able to survey the Korean coasts in any way, which fact is confinned by the CIrlrt of Discoveries and surveys fulfilled [by Russian offices] on boord of HNadejda H under Captain Kruzenshtem in 1804 and 1805. 2 The beginning of actual charting of Korean these coasts had been postponed for some 40 years more (up to the middle of the nineteenth century), when Russia got herself , involved very much with the South Asian politics, In the 1850th Russian Empire T had made active steps to return Amur regions into the Crone Possessions and I to win for herself a strong footing on the Pacific ocean coast. The Vice-Admiral I E.V. Putyatin Embassy to japan have been one of the first actions to reach t
these ends. During the voyage on board of "Pallada" under Lieutenant-Captain t l S. Unkovskii Russian Navy officers perfonned a roule survey of Korea Eastern • coast. which laid a basis for an later Russian charting of the region. We shan I not dwell on these works, because Professor Evgenii M. Pospelov paid some attention to them in his presentation. In 1855 Russian Navy officers have begun systematic meteorologic observations in the Japan Sea.3 As a result of Captain Grigorii. I. Nevel'skoy's expedition, which had proved the mouth of the ArnUT river to be navigable, Primorsk (Maritime) Region was founded in 1856. Siberian Navy Fleet (group) I has been organized based in Nikolayevsk- on -Amur to facilitate exploration and defence of new Russian possessions and neighboring regions. The Corps of • '>'.' Navy Navigators (Hydrographers) of the Fleet under Lieutenant Colonel Vladimir . ~ M. Babkin had been proclaimed on October 31, 1856, and thi s day became an official date of Russian Pacific Hydrographic Office' s formation. During first '",'il years of its development the Office had been surveying mouth of Arnur and its vicinities, but in 1859-1862 offices of the Navy vessels "Plastun" "Griden", "Vostok" , "Oprichnik" and "Naeznik" perfonned some reconnatssance hydrographic surveys of other Japan Sea coastS.4 With the Treaty of Peking, signed in November, 1860, Korea became Russian immediate neighbor because by the force of the treaty Tumen'-Ula river became Russia's boundary with the Korean Kingdom. Many Russian statesmen and Navy officers especially those ",',' .
- 64 - grouped around Navy mlnister Grand Prince Kon stantin, insistered that the expansion of Russia's territorial dominion in the Far East had to go beyond the geographical limits of the Arnur river itself. So, Rear Admiral Popov speculated in 1860 that the Russian population of Alaska could be relocated to the sea-coast south of the Arnur estuary from where "it may be presumed, not satisfying ourselves with a pointless battle against the natural hindrances [in the Arnur region] we will move farther south into Korea.',5 This position was vigorously endorsed by many of those exiled Decembrists in Eastern Siberia who had a naval background, such as Baron V,l. Shteingel' and Mikhail Bestuzhev. Shteingel' had noted the need for more southern ports in 1854,6 and Bestuzhev brought the matter up rather irately with Murav' ev himself in 1857 (or so he claimed). "Is it really the case? he demanded in a conversation with the governor- general," that the Amur drew us to the ocean in order that we fold our arms and gaze admiringly from behind the ice floes and sandbars of its mouth at the corrunercial activities of other nations? If you want to take part in this activity and maintain fleets [on the Pacificl. then it is necessary to prepare suitable ports for them. and not glaciers and harbors closed [by ice], which are aU that Russia can boast of [on the Amur]. Yes! it will be a sin if we Russians. out of our customary apathy. do not now take advantage of favorable circumstances and seek out for ourselves an open JXlrt to the south.n7 Anticipating what was to become the preoccupation of Russian far-eastern policy four decades later. voices were raised already at that time calling for the extension of Russian influence into Korea An important but little-remembered incident some years after Murav' ev's conversation with Bestuzhev serves as an indication of the detennination of Konstantin Romanov and his like- minded associates to shape events in the Far East in the line with their perspective. In May 1860, Rear Admiral Ivan Likhachev, an assistant and trusted confidant of Konstantin Nikolaevich submltted a detailed memorandum to the Grand Prince setting forth his own evaluation of the overall situation confronting Russia in the Far East. Conceding that the Treaty of Peking had gained for Ru ssia the advantage of the coastline south of the Amur estuary. Likhachev pointed out that the country's overall naval position in the Far East remained highly problematic nonetheless, for this coastline provided access only into the Sea of Japan, which was itself cut off from the Pacific by the Japanese islands and was thus in its own way an "internal" sea like the Black Sea and the Baltic. This disadvantageous situation would inhibit the future development of
- 65- Russia's naval power on the Pacific in the same way it had inhibited elsewhere.
To overcome this obstacle, Russia had to secure free and unrestricted access In and out of the high seas of the Pacific, and the only way to do this would be to establish a Russian naval base on what called the "main gate" leading out of the Sea of Japan, namely the Japanese island of Tsu Shima. The island was located between Japan and Korea in the middle of the Straits of Korea, about 500 miles south of the southernmost point of Russia's new Pacific boundary. Likhachev's proposal had strong support of Konstantin Romanov, who was able to obtain the consent of the tsar to proceed with a provisional landing on the island. Rear Admiral Likhachev himself was sent to survey the situation in the Far East firsthand, and in April 1861, after inspecting Russia's newly acquired coastline, he wrote back to Konstantin. He now declared unequivocally that Russia's "future main military port on the Pacific should be on Tsu Shima," ordered the landing on the island for that spring, and proceeded to fortify the Russian position there. The project, however, was aborted almost ·1 immediately. The Russian build-up elicited strong objections from the Japanese I I as well as the British - the latter making a demonstrative landing of their own on the island in June - and in St. Petersburg, where the Foreign Ministry had been critical from the outset, support began to waver. By December 1861, Likhachev had been ordered to abandon the island and return to St. Pertersburg. The choice for relocation of Russia's Pacific port away from Nikolaevsk now fell by default to Vladivostok, the new settlement founded by Murav'ev, and although the wisdom of the decision continued to be questioned in naval circles, there it was to stay.8 The crew of Rear-Admiral Likhachev's squadron during its expedition surveyed and made drawings of some Japanese coasts, including Tsu Shima island, and compiled charts of squadron's route from Japan to China coasts.9 On February 25, 1871 the main base and Office of the Siberian Fleet and Pacific Ports have been relocated from Nikolaevsk to Vladivostok. The special hydrographic division was included into the staff of the Ports' Office.lO \ An abortive attempt to get a naval base on Tsu Shima notwithstanding, f Russian Navy Commanders continued to look for convenient spots in the Japan Sea, and especially on the Korean coast, to serve as good harbors for Russian men of war, which search called for more and detail hydrographic and coastal surveys in the region. One of the first of such works had been the reconn31ssance survey of the Russian part of the Japan Sea coast fonn 3t. Vladimir Gulf down to this boundary. It was made under V.M. Babkin's
- 66- ,.,. supervisIOn In 1860-1863. Hydrographic and coast surveys in these regIons up in that time had not gotten a sound geodetic control, so to provide for such a Ie control Konstantin S. Staritskii, specially trained at the Pulkovo observatory,ll in of 1865-1870 performed astronomical observations on 37 points on Japan and IS Okhotsk Sea coasts to find geographical coordinates. The expedition fulfilled the .t following requirements, which had been put forward in its plan:"}) to find by , astronomical measurements the coordinates for some basic points which would give an opportunity to correct available charts and descriptions, and which will serve as starting points for future hydrographic surveys, and as dependable places for checking of chronometers; 2) to fulfill the same tasks, though in smaller scale for those coasts of Japan Sea which do no belong to Russia. which have been surveyed by Russian ships; 3) As a whole, to connect our coasts among themselves and with sea straits. as well as with main points in Japan, including chronometric connections with the like works of foreign hydrographers in Japan and China seas.,,12 For these achievements Russian Geographical Society decorated Staritsii with the Golden Medal named after F.P. Litke.
Russia became especially active In her drive into the Japan Sea and i, study of Korean Coasts in late 1860s and 1870s due to some political I· disturbances in Korea which neighbors of the Kingdom tried to use for their w advantages. We would like to remind a general outline of the story. King Kojong was too young to rule when he ascended the throne in 1864, and hi s father, Yi Ha ~ung, known as the Taewon'gun ("Prince of the Great Court") became the de facto ruler. The Taewon' gun set out to restore the powers of the monarchy and pursued a p:>licy of national exclusionism. During his rule, Western men-of-war and merchant vessels came in search of trade and friendship, but the Taewon'gun refused them. Korean soldiers and civilians burned and sank the American merchant ship "General Shennan" at P'yongyang in retaliation for lawless acts committed by the crew. Koreans repulsed two attacks by French warships in 1866. In 1871 an American flotilla came to obtain I, a shipwreck convention but, encountering Korean resistance, left. Such incidents III strengthened the Taewon'gun's resolve to keep the country's doors closed.
II Japan repeatedly made futile attempts to establish diplomatic relations with aI Korea. The Japanese militarists thereupon raised an outcry for a war of conQueSl on Korea. Meanwhile, the Taewon'gun came under widespread criticism for the enormous financial burden he had imJX>sed on the people. He 's relinquished hi s p:>wer in 1873 in favour of Kojong. Queen Min and her relatives
- 67 - '\"
took over the helm of state and initiated policies opposed to those of the Taewon'gun. Japan, which had been watching developments in Korea, dispatched a squadron of warships and pressured Korea to sign a treaty of commerce and friendship. The ports of Pusan, Wonsan. and Inch' on were subsequently opened to Japanese trade. The growing Japanese presence in Korea was disturbing to the rulers of Ch'ing China. When conservative soldiers tried to restore the Taewon'gun, the Ch'ing used it as a pretext for stationing troops in Korea. Thus began a period of aggressive Chinese interference in Korean affairs. China forced Korea to sign a trade agreement that heavily favored Chinese merchants. Korea signed a treaty of commerce and friendship with 'the United States (1882) through the good offices of China. Similar treaties with Great Britain, Germany, Russia, and France followed, and foreign missions were established in Seoul. Once the doors were opened, a modernization movement began. Students and officials were sent to Japan and China; Western-style schools and newspapers were founded. The government, however, could not proceed with a consistent policy of modernization, for the king was feebleminded and the ruling class was divided into radicals and mcxlerates. In 1884 the radicals seized power in a coup d' etat and fannulated a bold blueprint for reform. Chinese troops, however, moved in and overthrew their three-day-old regime. This led in 1885 to the signing of the Li - Ita Convention, designed to guarantee a Sino- Japanese balance of power on the Korean peninsula. Russia used the "open doors" policy opportunity to strengthen her position in Korea and in the Japan sea Basin as a whole. "The knowledge is power", and Russians had intensified their study of Japan Sea and Korean coasts. So, in 1875- 1878 E.V. Maydail sailing on boards of navy and civil ships was studying oceanographic characteristics (waves, winds, tides, currents and so on) of the Japan Sea.J3 In 1878 Lieutenant M.L Onatsevich has published his book "Sobranie nablyudenii, proizvedennykh vo vremya gidrograficheskoi komandirovki v Vostochnyi okean. 1874-1877 gg." [Observations, perfonned during hydrographic expedition in the Eastern Ocean. 1874- 1877J. At the end of 1879 the same M.L. Onashevich protx>sed an idea of creating special scientific expedition to study the Pacific and its coasts. This project had been supported by Navy minister Admiral S.S. Lesovskii, and to perform systematic hydrographic works in the Pacific on January 25, 1880 the special "Independent' ("Otdel'naya") Survey of Eastern (Pacific) ocean had been established Captain A.S. Stenin was appointed
- 68- ,. as its supervisor.J4 [n 1882, "The Chart of the Eastern Coast of the Korean Peninsular, compiled on base of surveys perfonned by officers on board of frigate "Pallada", and complemented by Russian surveys of 1861 - 1880" had been printed by the Hydrographic Department of the Russian Navy, and this chart became a basis for later Russian works in the region (Fig. 1)15. In 1880s and 1800s Russian navy officers surveyed the Korean coast in ,. the most active and precise way. So. in 1885-1886 officers of the clipper "Kreyser" - 69 - -~-... out that its lands were nearly wholly cultivated, but those few groves which had been left were being strictly protected by Koreans and guarded against felling. Captain Ostolopov has reached a strong conviction that the island, its inlets, and straits provided an ideal facilities for future Russian navy base there. , In hi s report he pointed out that the surveys and descriptions of the regions had being fini shed at the time when the Russian Black Sea Fleet was reestablished. So, officers of the clipper decided to commemorate this historical event in geographical names for harbors and other features, which had been explored and surveyed by them. So the strait between Goncharov Island and mainland was named after the family name of that time's Superintendent of the Russian Navy Ministry as Port Shestakov. T he bays in the Goncharov Island were named after such heroes of the Krimian war as Kornilov, Nakhimov, Istomin, and Butakov. Smail points and isles in the strait have gotten names after other persons of the same heroic and unhappy for Russian period.. The main results of Captain OstoloJX)v's surveys of the Goncharov Island and its vicinities had been reflected on the special "Plan of the Shestakov Port compiled on base of surveys by ... "Kreiser" 1886 ... ," which was updated many times later on (Fig. 2)17. The general achievements of the expedition were shown on "The Chart of the part of the Eastern Coast of the Korean Peninsula from Boltin Point down to the Shestakov Port by surveys of dipper "Kreyser" in 1886, published by Chief Hydrographic Administration of the Navy Ministry in 1898.,,18 (Fig.3). In 1887 the crew of cannoneer boat "Sivuch" made hydrographic survey of the coast between Boltin Point and Tyurnen' -ula river. Some new harbors have been cli scovered, Kornilov Bay and "Sivuch" harbor being two of them.19 "Sivuch" was led by Russian Navy officer of Finno-Swedish Origin Captain of the Second Rank Oskar V. Stark 0846- 1928). who later on (in 1902) became a Full Admiral and the Commander of the Russian Pacific FJeeLa:l The results of Captain Stark was used for compiling "The Plan of the North- Eastern coast of Korea from river Tyumen'-Ula down to Rosset Point, with Gashkevich Bay and Egennan Harbor, on base of surveys on board of cannoneer boat "Sivuch" in 1887 and with use of English Plan # 1186, published by the Chief Hydrographic Administration of the Navy Ministry in 1894.,,21 (Fig. 4) , and on "The Plan of the North- Eastern coast of Korea from Point Fontin down to Point Linden with Kornilov Bay and harbors Egennan and Anna, on base of surveys on board of cannoneer boat "Sivuch" in 1887 and added with data obtained by free skipper Gek in 1886. and from English Chart # 1271.""(Fig. 5). - 70- In 1887- 1888 officers of the famous corvette "Vityaz'" (under Captain of the first Rank S.D. Makarov) perfonned hydrographic surveys in Petr Velikii Bay and oceanographic explorations and meteorologic observations in the west and north- west parts of the Pacific. They surveyed harbors of St. Trinity and ",. Vityaz' as well as coasts between them and Dajalet Island. "Vityaz" perfonned ad detail surveys of Dajalet (Matsu- sima, or UI'-nyn'-do) Island. The results of II. these hydrographic surveys was reflected on the "Plans of Vensan Harbor (in in Port Lazarev) and Dajelet Island publi shed by the Chief Hydrographic od Administration of the Navy Ministry in 1889."~ (Fig. 6), lIS In 1891-1892 skipper of whaler ship "Nadezhda" Frido!,f (Fabian) K. Gek ;p! 0836-1904) performed detailed surveys in Japan Sea and found five unknown for Russians harbors on the eastern Korean coast, inducting Dydymov Harbor, II, named after the sailor who perished there in 1892. Born in Finland experienced sailor Fridol' f Gek had been the first to organize Ru ssian whaling in Maritime Province,24 and although he was a civil sailor, his surveys being of very fine quality, were highly esteemed by the Russian Hydrographic Service. On base of Gek's works "The Plan of the Part of the Korea Peninsular between Point Tikhmenev and Point Konsul by surveys of skipper of whaler ship "Nadezhda" Fridol'f Gek in 1891" was published in 1893Zi (Fig. 7) with some additions from works perfonned in 1893 on board of "Bobr" under Captain of the Second Rank Adol'f I. Enkvist.l6 The letter year ( 893) had been pointed out as by further success in exploration of the Korean coasts by the Russian Navy, so by the prominent di saster which struck these Navy, when famous expedition ship "Bityaz'" (thi s time under Captain of the First Rank Zarin) crushed on the rocks in Port Lazarev (near Zavalishin isle), while perfonning new surveys of coasts of and islands in the Port. "Bobr" had been the first (on May 1, 1893) to reach ~ Vityaz '" which crew under brave command of Captain Zarin was trying hard to save the ship. The disaster notwithstanding land party from "Vityaz" had continued survey of the coasts, and then it was taken aboard "'Bobr" To commemorate Captain larin heroism during critical days of Vityaz's calamity, when all members of the crew had been saved, the bay where the catastrophe took place (Kham Khyn Vin' bay), was named Zarin Harbor. Next years Russian Navy Command continued to send men ~ of-war into Korean waters in increasing numbers. Port Lazarev had been found to be the most perspective place for future Russian Navy base, and so it was lx!ing systematically s urveYL-x! from 1893 through l~. This development could be understood in light of unstable situation in Korea, and many European countries - 71 - ; " , I{ r·" H including Russia tried to use this situation to their advantage and to get a Ii" strong footing in the country and on her coasts. During this period in Korea the .f government expenditures greatly increased, largely because of appropriations for machinery imJX)rts and government reorganization, and the difficult financial , situation was aggravated by obligations to pay reparations to Japan. Heavier tax levies were imposed on peasants, who provided the bulk of government revenue. i The imJXlrt of such necessities as cotton textiles upset the IraditionaJ I self-sufficiency of the farming community. Furthermore, usurious loans by Japanese rice dealers contributed to reducing the peasantry to abject poverty. rI. Angry peasants turned increasingly to the Korean apocalyptic antiforeign religion Tonghak (Ch'ondogyo). Despite ruthless government persecution, Tonghak took deep root in the peasantry. Its followers staged large-scale demonstrations calling for an end to injustice. A negative official resJX)nse precipitated the Tonghak Uprising (1894), in which the Tonghak followers and the peasantry formed a united front to demand reform. Government troops armed with Western weapons suffered ignominious defeats in the southern provinces, weakening the government's military grip on the country. Foreign intervention seemed the last resort open to the rulers, and Chinese troops soon moved in at the request of the government. Simultaneously, japan, without invitation, dispatched a large military contingent, and the two foreign JX)wers were III ,. sharp and sudden confrontation. The rebels laid down their anns voluntarily to defuse the threat, but the Sino- japanese War broke out in july 1894. japan emerged victorious, and the two billigerents signed the Treaty of Shimonoseki in April 1895, which recognized japanese hegemony in Korea. r, japan's supremacy in Korea and its subsequent acquisition of the Liaotung Peninsula in Manchuria were more than Russia, with its long-cherished dream of southward expansion in East Asia, could tolerate. With Gennan and French support, Russia pressured japan to return the peninsula to China. At the same time. encouraged by Russia, the Korean government began to take an anti- j apanese course. T he japanese thereupon engineered the assassination of Queen Min (October 1895), the suspected mastennind behind the anti-japanese stance. Fearing for his own life, King Kojong took refuge in the Russian legation, where he granted such concessions as mining and lumbering franchises to Russia and other JX)wers. A popular movement for the restoration of Korean sovereignty arose under the leadership of such figures as So Chae-p'il (Philip Jaisohn). Returning from many years of exile, So organized. in 1896 a political organization called - 72- , !I. a the Independence Club (Tongnip Hyophoe). He also publi shed a daily newspaper ~the named Tongnip sinmun ("The [ndependent") as a medium for awakening the ;-for populace to the importance of sovereignty and civil tights. On the urging of the ItiaI Tongnip Hyophoe, the king returned to his paJace and declared himself emperor lax and his kingdom the Great Korean (Tae Han) Empire. Iiue. All these turmoils found some reflection in the records of the Russian IJIlaI Hydrographic surveys of the timer which were being performed nearly yearly. by The first step in this direction had been initiated by the following letter ny. from the Supervisor of the Office of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs lion Nikolay P. Shishkin to the Supervisor the Navy Ministry Admiral Nikolay M. iIIOk Chikhachev: ImS "May 12, 1893, # 125. Confidential -the Our envoy in Peking has made Foreign Ivlini stry to understand, that OIly although the present situation in Korea does not call for urgent anxiety, on the vith other hand, it can not be viewed as a thoroughly placid, and that on base of Rs, some information obtained by him. Chinese Government In case of any 60n complications on the Peninsular would not hesitate and send its military forces ii at there. 1>0, Due to this, and also, because Chinese. Japanese. and American navy ~ - in ships are now staying in Chemul' po, and an English cruiser has visited the ~ to place recently, (Russian Foreign Minister] Gofmeister Count Kassini would pan think to be the proper action, if our navy ship visit Chemul'po."Zl Un Navy Ministry promptly responded to Foreign Minister's anxiety by sending cannoneer boat "Sivuch" to Chernul'po for keeping eye on development -the of Korean affairs and foreign ships in the harbor. "Sivuch" had not performed -its any serious surveys in Korean waters, but for Ru ssians, especially after lith "Vityaz'" shipwreck, added to heightening geopolitical tension in the region, t to hydrographic explorations were becoming increasingly important. Answering to Jan thi s significance, in 1895 the crew of the armored vessel "Nikolas I" under ·1IIe Rear-Admiral S.o. Makarov surveyed coasts of the Japan Sea between the America Bay and Bay of St. Vladimir. Cruiser "Dmitrii Donskoi" led by Captain lhe of the First Rank ViJ'gel' m K. Vitgeft 0847- 19(4) (later on - Rear Admiral and lng Commander of the Russian Pacific Fleet), performed in 1896 a most thorough surveys in Korean waters, and especiaJty in Port Lazarev. The surveys had been commenced from the Seoul River, where Captain Vitgeft sent up the stream a small steam boat towing Korean rowing boat for compass survey of the river and finding of watercourse for ships. T he steamboat could reach - 73 - Ma-Riou (near Seoul). but the chief navigator found that in the middle • course of the river the was a sand bar with depths of only 3 feet (the full water's depth not deeper than 6- 7 feet. 28 The chief navigator Lieutenant • Semenov performed reconnaissance survey and compiled a pilot chart of the « river up to Riong Sang.29 Being in Chemul 'JX> harbor Russian officers and engineers from "Dmitrii Donskoi" by request of Korean King, helped King Palace's servants with repair of the Palace's electricity system, which had been I damaged during an assault on the place, besides Russians checked and repaired a boiler of the King's cartridge factory.JO On October 24, 1896 "Dmitrii Donskoi" has begun precise survey of Port Lazarev and its coasts. Captain of the First Rank Vil'gel'm K. Vitgeft himself together with all nine officers aplX>inted to the survey perlormed the whole day Ii reconnaissance on board of steam boat with landings on the places were -1. triangulation pyramids should be constructed, and on the spot for sea level ~•t measurements planed to be equipped with cabin for two observers. During ~ month of the hard work (October 24. - November 23, 1896) without any rest, in C, which nearly whole crew of the cruiser were being preoccupied on board of all, but one, ship's boats and steam boats, the construction of triangulation points (28), measurements of angles and of the basis line on land (length 445 sazhens 3,9 inches), and soundings on 134 basic and 1300 additional poles on the water were completed. On land surveys of the expedition performed 132,5 versls of plane-table survey. On water hydrographers made some 12000 soundings on the distance of 195 miles.J1 Koreans showed very friendly di sposition towards Russian hydrographers and surveyors. Soundings were being performed on straight courses with 100 or 200 sazhen's (840- 1680 meters) distances between them. Coastal survey showed the length of the coastal line to be much longer that on all available charts. Vil'gel 'm K Vitgeft on board of the steam boat sailed to the place of "Vityas"s shipwreck and found cruiser's wreckages very well seen on the depth of 18 - 20 feeL Ru ssian Captain detected on the beach neat the place some Japanese busy with taking apart parts of the shipwrecked "Vityas". They had pushed out of the water all seven boilers and the whole stem part of the ship. and, by their own words they did not begin to rise the front part of "Vityas" which was laying deeper.32 On November 17, geologist Lavrent'ev with two officers, interpreter, and sailor sailed up the river to make its survey and, by agreement with Koreans, to get aCQuainted golden mines situated some 25 miles up the stream. Two days later (on November 19) the .. '1 special land expedition under Lieutenant Gil' debrandt commenced its two days 11 -74 - explorations. The same day a Secretary of the regional Korean Governor paid a visit to the Russian ship and presented captain with one live pig, two dozens of chickens and 300 eggs. He was very well received and left the cruiser with dozen bottles of wine for the Governor and sugar head for himself. On November 22 all surveys and soundings were fini shed. The last ten days hydrographers and surveyors had to work in a very bad weather, when temperature reached - 8 degrees, and northern winds prevailed all the time. Coextensive with "Nikolas I" and "Dmitrii Donskoi" clipper "Bobr" under Captains of the Second Rank Alexandrovskii and Molas was surveying some Korean islands and inlets in 1895-1897. Original materials of these works are interesting as sources for the history of Russian hydrographic surveys, so as genuine historical evidences on situation in Korea in the culminating period of Tonghak Uprising. In November. 1895 "Bobr" surveyed some Korean islands, and especially Island Chin-do. [n this work Captain Alexandrovskii had been actively supported by Korean officials. So, when he showed to the Island's Jfl Governor a reconnaissance plan of the main harbor of the island. which had been compiled on base of "Bobr''' s crew surveys, the governor presented him with a good Korean map of the whole Island and of the islands in the DS Chin -do's vicinities.33 The next year "Bohr" under Captain of the Second Rank Molas had been sent to Genzan, and there he made the following notes; "AU is Quiet and calm in Genzan; insurgents have left for mountains. Japanese troop of 130 is staying [in the town]. By the road, which is leading into the interior regions, there permanent sentries in two places. and on the hill, which is controlling the road in the spot where it is descending into a valley, the small earthen fortress has been constructed [by Japanese] armed with two mountain guns. On March 15/27 representative of Shevelev & Ko enterprise Nikolai N. Grey have sent his Korean interpreter with some errand to Seoul. The Korean met Captain Sokovnin 's Expedition which had left for Seoul on March 14126. in village Kol ' mak some 190 Ii from Genzen. T he natives of the village recommended them [members of Sokownin ' s expedi tion] not to continue their travel. because there were many insurgents in the town. When the rebels' chief had found that the expedition was Russian, he came wi th 50 armed persons, had a long conversation with Sokovnin and provided him with a pass, and they proceeded with their travel unmolested. The same interpreter on his way back from Seoul was a witness of how Koreans killed a Japanese rS messenger who had been sent by the Japanese Minister (Ambassador) in Seoul - 75- to their consul in Genzan with some letters which were glued by Korean malcontents on the walls of houses ... The interpreter said that all Koreans are feeling a great sympathy for Russians, and they are waiting for coming and help for the Russian troops.//::>4 In july 1896 "Bobr" surveyed Shestakov harbor in Kornilov's Bay, and collected data on population and its pursuits, as on the coasts the harbor , so on Goncharov Island. He found that Koreans in that places lived relatively wealthy mainly due to their hard labor. Besides detail survey of the Shestakov harbor, Captain of the Second Rank Molas fulfilled preclse soundings between Kuprianov and Nikol' ski islands and compiled a thorough description of all islands, which had been visited by "Bobr" The surveys were finished on April 28, 1897.35 The main results of intensive Russian surveys of Korean eastern coasts were reflected on the following two charts, printed by the Russian Hydrographic Office in the beginning of the twenty's century: 1) "Chart of the part of the Eastern Coast of Korean Peninsular from Shestakov Port down to Port Lazarev ... ,,36 (Fig. 8), and 2) "Plan of Port Lazarev and Vensa (Genzan) Harbor on base of Russian surveys in 1854 and from 1893 through 1897, and by japanese survey of 1878, published by Chief Hydrographic Administration of Navy Ministry in 1898.//37 (Fig. 9). On january 15, 1898 Independent Survey of the Eastern Ocean had been renamed for Expedition of the Eastern Ocean. Lieutenant-Colonel M.E. Zhdanko was appointed as a supervisor of the Expedition. To that time the attention of the Russian Navy Command than switched to the Chinese coasts, because the Boxer Rebellion in China (l9CX)) led to a Russian invasion of Manchuria and to the Russia-japan War 0904-05). The Korean government at first declared neutrality, but under japanese pressure it signed an agreement allowing japan to use much of its territory for military operations against the Russians. japan was the victor, and the resulting Treaty of Portsmouth (September 1905), signed through the mediation of the United States, recognized japan's undisputed supremacy in Korea. The charting of Korean coasts then became a sole preoccupation of japanese hydrographers who achieved a lot in this pursuit. For few years the traces of the Russian surveys of the nineteenth century could be seen on some foreign charts, such as, for instance this British Admiralty chart 38 "Bays and Anchorages on the East Coast of Korea// , authors of which acknowledged as Russian achievements in surveying of the region, so kept intact the majority of the geographical names for harbors bays and islands designated by the Russian hydrographers during their surveys (Fig. 10). These surveys had become a history, which we tried to remind you here. - 76- Korean "are References • and Ipostnikov Alexei V., Pospe]ov Evgenii M. "The History of Russian iarbor Names for Sears, with the Special Reference on the Development of the Korean .. the (japan) Sea Presentation on Maps (Seventeenth through nineteenth centuries)." a: that The International Seminar on the Geogrrzphiroi Name -77- the Hydrographic Service of the Russian Navy], Volume 3: chronika vazhneyshikh sobytii, (St. Petersburg, 1996): 47. On these works se also: Morskoi Sbornik, # 5 - Pribavlenie k ofitsial'nomu otdelu, (l886): 8-9; Morskoi Sbornik, # 7 - Pribavlenie k ofitsial'nomu otdelu, (1886): 1 - 6; M orskoi Sbornik. # 10 - Pribavlenie k ofitsial'nomu otdelu , (1886): 7- 12; 14Istoriya Gidrograficheskoy s/uzhby Rossiyskogo FIola [A History of the Hydrographic Service of the Ru ssian Navy], Volume 3: dlronika uazhneyshikh sobytii, (St. Petersburg, 1996): 372-373. 15RGAVMF, Fond 1331, opis' 7, # 1547. 16"Izvlechenie iz raJX)rta Komandira klipera "Kreyser" 0 plavanii i gidrograficheskikh pabotakh u Koreyskogo berega v 188.5 godu." [Parts of clipper "Kreyser" Commander' s ReJX)rt on sailing and hydrographic works near Korean Coast in 1885). Zapi ski po gidrografii... Vupusk Pervyi (1). (St.Petersburg, 1888): 1. I7RGA VMF, Fond 1331, opis' 7, 1554. I'RGA VMF, Fond 1331, opis' 7, 1555. 19"Izvlechenie iz raJX)rta komandira lodki "Sivuch" Kapitana 2-go ranga Starka ot 23 maya 1887 g. po opisi vostochnogo berega KoreL" [Parts of ,. Captain of the Second Rank , Commander of the boat "Sivuch" Stark's Report 25RGA VMF. Fond 1331, opis' 7, # 1548. ;--: a} Kapitan 2 ranga Enkvist. Morekhodnaya kanonerskaya lodka " "Bobr"Morskoi Sbornik. # 6 - Pribavlenie k ofitsiaJ'nomu otdelu, (893): 18-29; Morskoi Sbomik, # 12 - Pribavlenie k ofi t~iarnomu otdelu, - 78- irika 2'1RGAVMF, Fond 417, opis· 1, # 1079: 0 plavanii kanonerskoy lodki risa: "Siuuch" 1 maya 1893- 25 noyabrya 1895. [On sail of cannoneer boat "Sivuch, ~oi May I. 1893 - November 25, 1895]: Sheets 5-6. iwi ~RG AVMF, Fond 417, opis' 1. # 1433: a plavanii kreysera "Dmitri; Donskoi jz Kronshtadta va Vladivostok i v sostave eskadry Tikhogo okeana u , of beregou Yaponii i Korei, 6 iyulya 1895 - 26 noyabrya 1899. [On sail of cruiser 1 iika "Drnitrii Donskoi from Kronshtaddt to Vladivostok and with other ships of the I' i Pacific Fleet near coasts of Japan and Korea, June 6, 1895 - November 26, : 1899]: Sheets 98 backside - 99. ~ ' . J 1 "RGAVMF, Fond 417, opis' I, # 1433: 0 plavanii kreysera "Dmitrii Donskoi iz Kronshtadta vo Vladivostok i v sostave eskadry Tikhogo okeana u beregov Yaponii i Korei, 6 iyulya 1895 - 26 noy abrya 1899. [On sail of cruiser 88): "Dmitrii Donskoi from Kronshtadt to Vladivostok and with other ships of the Pacific Fleet near coasts of Japan and Korea, June 6, 1895 - November 26, . , 1899]: Sheet 101 backside . ~RGAVMF , Fond 417, opis' 1, # 1433: 0 plavanii kreysera "Dmitrii nga Donskoi ;2 Kronshtadta vo Vladivostok i v sostave esJrodry Tikhogo okeana u .'.of beregov Yaponii i K orei, 6 iyulya 1895 - 26 nayabrya 1899. [On sail of cruiser JOrt ''Dmitrii Donskoi from Kronshtadt to Vladivostok and with other ships of the :1 po Pacific Fleet near coasts of Japan and Korea. June 6, 1895 - November 26. r :, 1899]: Sheet 104 backside. 31RGA VMF, Fond 417, opis' 1, # 1433: 0 plavanii kreysera "Dmitrii , nee Donskoi 12 Kronshtadta vo Vladivostok i v SQstave eskadry Tikhogo okeana u !leS beregov Yaponii i Korei, 6 iyulya 1895 - 26 noyabrya 1899. [On sail of cruiser "Dmitrii Donskoi from Kronshtadt to Vladivostok and with other ships of the Pacific Fleet near coasts of Japan and Korea, June 6. 1895 - November 26, ,I 1899]: Sheet 104 backside, 157 backside. ,\~ 32RGAVMF, Fond 417, opis' I, I: 1433: 0 piauani; kreysera "Dmitri; , Donskoi ;2 Kronshtadca vo Vladivostok i v sostave eskadry Tikhogo okeana u nee beregov Yaponii i Korei, 6 iyulya 1895 - 26 noyabrya 1899. [On sail of cruiser ~ "Dmitrii Donskoi from Kronshtadl to Vladivostok and with other ships of the Pacific Fleet near coasts of Japan and Korea, June 6, 1895 - November 26, 1899]: Sheet 140. i - 79- - " RGAVMF, Fond 417, opis' 1, # 1272: 0 plauan ii kiipero "Bobr" u Yaponskom, Zheltom i Vostocivw-Kitayskom more. 4 iyulya 1894- 15 dekabrya 1897. [On sai l of clipper "Bobr" in Japan, Yellow , eastern Chinese seas; July 4, 1894- December 15, 1897]: Sheet 142. "'RGA VMF, Fond 417, opis' 1, # 1272: 0 plauanii klipero "Bobr" u Yaponskom, Zheltom i Vostochno-Kitayskom more. " iyulya 1894- 15 dekahrya 1897. [On sail of clipper "Bohr" in Japan, Yellow , eastern Chinese seas; July 4, 1894- December 15, 1897]: Sheets 219- 220. " RGA VMF, Fond 1331, opis' 7, # 1552. 31RGAVMF, Fond 1331, opis' 7, # 1550. " RGA VMF, Fond 1331, opis' 7, # 1556. - 80 -