African Union Law Teaching Material
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Institutionalising Pan-Africanism Transforming African Union Values and Principles Into Policy and Practice Tim Murithi
Institutionalising Pan-Africanism Transforming African Union values and principles into policy and practice Tim Murithi ISS Paper 143 • June 2007 Price: R15.00 Introduction translated into protocols, treaties and institutions. The discussion concludes with policy recommendations. The African Union has emerged as a home-grown initiative by which the African people will be able to Defining Pan-Africanism effectively take the destiny of their continent into their own hands. In this paper the creation of the AU as the The general assumption is that the process of continental institutionalisation of the ideals of Pan-Africanism will integration began with an extraordinary summit of be assessed. The underlying purpose of the creation the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) which was of the AU is to promote solidarity, cooperation and convened in Sirte, Libya, in 1999. But in fact the support among African countries and peoples so as to process began with the Pan-African movement and address the catalogue of problems they face. its demand for greater solidarity among the peoples of Africa. Therefore an understanding of the emergence Some observers and commentators of the AU should start with the evolution question whether the AU is a valid of the Pan-African movement. A review undertaking at this time, or whether it of the objectives and aspirations of Pan- is just another ambitious campaign by An understanding Africanism provides a foundation for self-seeking leaders to distract attention a critical assessment of the creation of from other, more pressing problems of the emergence the AU and its prospects for promoting on the continent. -
THE AFRICAN UNION: Forward March Or About Face-Turn?
THE AFRICAN UNION: Forward March or About Face-Turn? Amadu Sesay Claude Ake Memorial Papers No. 3 Department of Peace and Conflict Research Uppsala University & Nordic Africa Institute Uppsala 1 © 2008 Amadu Sesay, DPCR, NAI ISSN 1654-7489 ISBN 978-91-506-1990-4 Printed in Sweden by Universitetstryckeriet, Uppsala 2008 Distributed by the Department of Peace and Conflict Research (DPCR), Uppsala University & the Nordic Africa Institute (NAI), Uppsala Phone (DPCR) +46 18 471 76 52; (NAI) +46 18 56 22 00 Fax (DPCR) +46 18 69 51 02; (NAI) +46 18 56 22 90 E-mail (DPCR) [email protected]; (NAI) [email protected] www.pcr.uu.se; www.nai.uu.se 2 The Claude Ake Visiting Chair A Claude Ake Visiting Chair was set up in 2003 at the Department of Peace and Conflict Research (DPCR), Uppsala University, in collaboration with the Nordic Africa Institute (NAI), also in Uppsala. Funding was provided from the Swedish Government, through the Swedish Ministry for Foreign Affairs. The Chair was established to honour the memory of Professor Claude Ake, distinguished scholar, philosopher, teacher, activist and human- ist, tragically killed in a plane crash near Lagos, Nigeria, in 1996. The holders of the Claude Ake Visiting Chair give, at the end of their stay in Uppsala, a public lecture, entitled the ‘Claude Ake Memorial Lecture.’ While the title, thematic and content of the lecture is up to the holder, the assumption is that the topic of the lecture shall, in a general sense, relate the work of the holder to the work of Claude Ake, for example in terms of themes or issues covered, or in terms of theoretical or normative points of departure. -
Why Is the African Economic Community Important? Mr
House Committee on Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and International Organizations Hearing on “Will there be an African Economic Community?” January 9, 2014 Amadou Sy, Senior Fellow, Africa Growth Initiative, the Brookings Institution Chairman Smith, Ranking Member Bass, and Members of the Subcommittee, I would like to take this opportunity to thank you for convening this important hearing to discuss Africa’s progress towards establishing an economic community. I appreciate the invitation to share my views on behalf of the Africa Growth Initiative at the Brookings Institution. The Africa Growth Initiative at the Brookings Institution delivers high-quality research on issues of economic growth and development from an African perspective to better inform policy research. I have recently joined AGI from the International Monetary Fund’s where I led or participated in a number of missions to Africa over the past 15 years. Why is the African Economic Community Important? Mr. Chairman, before we start answering the main question, “Will there be an Africa Economic Community?” it is important to look at the reasons why a regionally integrated Africa is beneficial to African nations as well as the United States. In spite of its remarkable economic performance over the past decade, Africa needs to grow faster in order to transform its economy and create the resources needed to reduce poverty. Over the past 10 years, sub-Saharan Africa’s real GDP grew by 5.6 percent per year, a much faster rate than the world economy, which grew by 3.2 percent. At this rate of 5.6 percent, the region should double the size of its economy in about 13 years. -
Protocol on the African Investment Bank
PROTOCOL ON THE AFRICAN INVESTMENT BANK 1 Preamble The Member States of the African Union; Considering that the Constitutive Act of the African Union established the African Investment Bank in its article 19(c); Further considering the Treaty establishing the African Economic Community, adopted in Abuja, Nigeria, in June 1991; Desiring to address collectively the main economic development challenges facing African continent; Recalling Assembly Decision AU/Dec.64(IV) on the location of the Headquarters of African Union institutions in the regions of the Continent, adopted in Abuja, Nigeria, in January 2005; Further recalling Executive Council Decision Ex.CLlDec.329(10) on the establishment of the African Union Financial Institutions adopted in Addis-Ababa, Ethiopia, in January 2007; Considering the General Convention on the privileges and immunities of the Organization of African Unity/African Union; Firmly convinced that the attainment of the objectives of the African Union requires the establishment of the African Investment Bank. HAVE AGREED AS FOLLOWS: Article 1: Definitions In this Protocol unless otherwise specifically stated: “Act” means the Constitutive Act of the Union; “Assembly” means the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Union; “Bank” means the African Investment Bank of the Union; “Commission” means the African Union Commission; 2 “Court” means the African Court of Justice and Human Rights; “Executive Council” means the Executive Council of Ministers of the Union; “General Assembly” means the General Assembly of the Bank; “Member State” means a Member State of the Union; “Protocol” means this Protocol and the Statute annexed to it; “State Parties” means the Member States that have ratified or acceded to this Protocol; “Union” means the African Union established by the Act. -
PSSOS EN.Indd
Social Security for Trade Unions Project Project SSOS Project Management The ILO’s ITC, ILO’s Bureau for Workers’ 2010 - 2012 period Activities ACTRAV-Turin Labour Education Programme With coordination by ILO Regional Offi ce for Latin America and the Caribbean Funding State Secretary for Social Security Spanish Ministry for Employment and Social Security Partners Trade union confederations CCOO General Union of Workers of Spain (UGT) Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA) www.oit.org.pe/ssos Social Security for Trade Union Project The reality The tables below show how in the 2010/2011 period, Latin America has been characterised by strong economic growth (table 1); however, this growth has not been refl ected in a corresponding increase in salaries (table 2), nor in a reduction in informal labour (table 3). Therefore, the opportunities for greater investment in social protection given this economic growth have not been taken advantage of (table 4), there are still low levels of contributions towards the social security seystem (table 5) and regressive fi scal policies continue to be applied (table 6). SSOS Project - 2010-2012 Period Social Security for Trade Union Project Table 3: high rates of “informal labour” both in the “informal and formal economy”, creating defi cits in social security coverage SSOS Project - 2010-2012 Period Table 4: Investment in social protection lower than the opportunities offered by economic growth Social Security for Trade Union Project Table 5: Limited contributions SSOS Project - 2010-2012 Period Table 6: Regressive taxation Social Security for Trade Union Project The need for SSOS Project The Spanish government, through its Secretary of State for Social Security of the Ministry for Labour and Social Security, has funded the Project “Strengthening training on Social Security for Trade Unions in Latin America, especially in relation to the feasibility of Social Protection Systems”, promoting the dissemination and exchange of experience of the Spanish Social Security system among various countries in the Region. -
Kwame Nkrumah and the Proposed African Common Government
African Journal of Political Science and International Relations Vol. 5(4), pp. 218-228, April 2011 Available online at http://www.academicjournals.org/ajpsir ISSN 1996-0832 ©2011 Academic Journals Full Length Research Kwame Nkrumah and the proposed African common government Aremu Johnson Olaosebikan Department of History and International Studies, Faculty of Arts, University of Ado- Ekiti, P. M. B. 5363, ado- Ekiti, Nigeria. Email: [email protected]:+2348032477652. Accepted 17 January, 2011 Between 1957 and 1966, Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana fought vigorously for the creation of a Union of African States with a Common African Government. His optimism for the unity and cohesion of Africa as a lever for continental development was unparalleled. However, his dream never became a reality due to stiff opposition from African leaders, most of whom feared the loss of their sovereignty, and the West, due to selfish interest. This notwithstanding, this paper posits that Nkrumah’s mooted idea of unity government is still the best option if Africa will be able to overcome her precarious socio- economic and political tragedies of intermittent wars and conflicts, poverty and exploitation of her natural resources by the West; even in the face of daunting challenges. The paper concludes that only a union government could enable Africa to compete favourably with other political and economic blocs in this age of globalization and continental integration process going on in various other continents of the world. Key words: Integration, cohesion, Pan-Africanism, unification, development INTRODUCTION A lasting positive legacy left by Kwame Nkrumah of with the Pan- African Congresses held between 1919 and Ghana for African development is his vision for a 1945 (Aremu, 2007: 13). -
"Four Instruments to Strengthen Financial Integration in Sub
Conférence / Conference REUSSIR L’INTEGRATION FINANCIERE EN AFRIQUE PROMOTING FINANCIAL INTEGRATION IN AFRICA Mardi 27 mai 2014 / Tuesday, May 27 2014 Four Instruments to Strengthen Financial Integration in Sub-Saharan Africa Amadou Sy Senior Fellow, Initiative pour la croissance en Afrique Senior Fellow, Africa Growth Initiative Brookings Institution Four Instruments to Strengthen Financial Integration in Sub-Saharan Africa Amadou Sy Senior Fellow, Africa Growth Initiative, Brookings Institution May 2014 1. Introduction and Political Commitment to Integration Over the past 10 years, sub-Saharan Africa grew 5 percent per year and, at this rate, the region’s economy should double in size before 2030. Economic growth is projected to rise by at least 6 percent in 2014 and 7 of the world’s fastest 10 economies in 2011-2015 will be from the region. This “Africa rising” narrative should not mask the remaining challenges facing the continent. Indeed, rapid economic growth has not resulted in sufficient gains in terms of job creation and reduced inequality. Moreover, average continental growth rates mask an uneven progress among countries. Without a doubt, financial integration can play an important role in helping achieve sustainable and inclusive growth in sub-Saharan Africa. Hoping for their countries to benefit from regional integration, 51 heads of state and government signed the Abuja Treaty in 1991. The treaty, which entered in force in 1994, establishes a roadmap toward an African Economic Community to be completed by 2028. The roadmap included six stages starting with the creation of regional blocs (regional economic communities or RECs, see Figure 1) and the strengthening of intra-regional integration and the harmonization between the blocs. -
Monetary Aspects of the African Continental Free Trade Area *
Robert Triffin International Monetary Aspects of the African Continental Free Trade Area ELENA FLOR The long road to African unity has perhaps taken a major step forward with the decision – adopted on 21 March 2018 and entered into force on 30 May 2019 – by 49 countries to create the AfCFTA, African Continental Free Trade Area, along with the Free Movement Protocol, signed by 32 countries. The AfCFTA is one of the flagship projects of the African Union’s Agenda 2063 that also provides for the introduction of a common passport and a single currency. Established in 1963 as the Organization of African Unity and renamed The African Union in 2002, this organization includes all the countries on the continent and is headquartered in Addis Ababa. So far, the security sector has been its main scope of action with the creation of its “blue helmets”, which have intervened on a number of occasions to help stabilize a number of countries troubled by inextricable tribal crises. The new AfCFTA agreement can provide the same impetus to Africa as the creation of the Common Market did in 1957 to the European unification process. Reflecting on the African unity issue, the most significant experiences to consider are probably China and India. China has been able to build on a unification that took place over two thousand years ago, in particular with the concentration of the Seven Kingdoms, and on the creation, under the emperor, of a high-level administrative structure (the mandarins), of which the Chinese Communist Party is, in a way, a continuation. -
The African Union in Light of the Arab Revolts an Appraisal of the Foreign Policy and Security Objectives of South Africa, Ethiopia and Algeria
discussion paper 76 The fall of authoritarian regimes in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya has changed political dynamics on the African continent. One immediate concern has been the implications of these developments for the African Union (AU) and its member states. Would overall political dynamics in the AU be changed? Would the most powerful member states use the altered circumstances to enhance their influence on AU policies and frameworks? What would the impact be for the AU’s overall authority? In this Discussion Paper series, three edited papers are presented that tackle AU political and institutional dynamics in light of the Arab revolts. A particular puzzle addressed is the current postures of South Africa, Ethiopia and Algeria within the AU. A separate analysis of Nigeria’s role was published earlier in the NAI-FOI Lecture Series on African Security. The work in this discussion series reflects the longstanding collaboration between the Swedish Defence Research Agency’s Project Studies in African Security and the Nordic Africa Institute to build Africa-related research capacity on peace and security. MIKAEL ERIKSSON currently works at the Swedish Defence Research Agency, where he undertakes research on global security issues as a team-member of the Project on Studies in African Security. His book, co-edited with Roland Kosti´c, Mediation and Liberal Peacebuilding: Peace from the Ashes of War? was published in Routledge’s Intervention and Statebuilding series in 2013. LINNÉA GELOT is a researcher with the Nordic Africa Institute and a senior lecturer at the School of Global The African union Studies, University of Gothenburg. -
International Judo Federation
International Judo Federation IJF STATUTES (SWISS ASSOCIATION) (Translated from the French original) IJF CONGRESS AUGUST 25, 2017 BUDAPEST APPLICABLE IMMEDIATELY AS SOON AS ADOPTED INDEX Preamble 1. Definition 2. Aims 3. Structure 4. Membership 5. Participation in Competitions and Medical Codes 6. Official Languages 7. IJF Governing Bodies 8. Ordinary Congress 9. Extraordinary Congress 10. Provisions common to discussions and decisions at Ordinary and Extraordinary Congresses 11. Executive Committee 12. Bureau 13. President 14. Vice Presidents 15. General Secretary 16. General Treasurer 17. Technical Directors 18. Place of performance of IJF Tasks 19. Events organized and recognized by the IJF 20. The spirit of Judo 21. Accounting period 22. Income and Expenses 23. Audit of Accounts 24. Grades and “Dan” Ranks 25. IJF Honors and Awards 26. Amendments to the Statutes 27. Specific Regulations 28. Expulsion ‐Resignation ‐Suspension 29. IJF Arbitral Tribunal 30. Disciplinary Commission of the first instance 31. Disciplinary Appeal Commission 32. Ethics 33. Rights related to the IJF events 34. Dissolution International Judo Federation STATUTES Preamble: The International Judo Federation is composed of National Judo Federations and Continental Unions. Each National Federation must be recognized as the sole federation authorized to represent its country in international sporting bodies by its Olympic Committee, which itself is duly recognized by the International Olympic Committee. The major development of judo worldwide made it necessary to create Continental Unions. These Unions are in charge of implementing the policy of the International Judo Federation and the International Olympic Committee. Judo was created in 1882 by Professor Jigoro Kano. As an educational method derived from the martial arts, judo became an official Olympic sport in 1964 (after being named as a demonstration sport at the 1940 Tokyo Olympic Games which were cancelled due to international conflict). -
Towards a Union Government for Africa
TOWARDS A UNION GOVERNMENT FOR AFRICA CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES EDITED BY TIMOTHY MURITHI ISS MONOGRAPH SERIES • No 140, JANUARY 2008 CONTENTS PreFACE v Kenneth Mpyisi, Institute for Security Studies, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia ACKnoWLEDgemenTS vii ABOUT The AUThors viii ABBreViaTions anD ACronYms x ChapTer 1 1 Introduction: Contextualising the debate on a Union Government for Africa Dr Tim Murithi, Institute for Security Studies, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia PART ONE 11 A CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK FOR A UNION GOVERNMENT FOR AFRICA ChapTer 2 13 Portrayal of a possible path to a single government for Africa Dr Admore Kambudzi, African Union Commission, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia ChapTer 3 29 The challenges of accelerating economic and political integration in the formation of a Union Government The late Professor Kinfe Abraham, Ethiopian International Institute for Peace and Development, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia PART TWO 43 ENGAGING WITH THE ACCRA DECLARATION ChapTer 4 45 Reflections on the 2007 Accra Grand Debate on a Union Government for Africa Delphine Lecoutre, Independent Consultant, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia ii Towards a Union Government for Africa: Challenges and Opportunities ChapTer 5 61 The relationship between states and an African Union Government Professor Ismail Fall, University of Dakar, Senegal ChapTer 6 69 Rationalising regional economic communities and implementing the treaty establishing the African Economic Community: The role of parliaments Marilyn Aniwa, Parliamentary Centre, Accra, Ghana ChapTer 7 79 Identifying the domains of competence -
18. Transnational Democracy in Africa and the African Union's Agenda 2063
TRANSNATIONAL DEMOCRACY IN AFRICA AND THE AFRICAN UNION’S AGENDA 2063: BEYOND NKRUMAH’S HAPTER PAN-AFRICANIST PUSHBACKS C 18 Chairman Okoloise Abstract Some six decades ago, Ghana’s Kwame Nkrumah led the struggle for the ‘total liberation of the African continent’ and echoed the idea of a United States of Africa. He formed the Union of African States in 1958 until the establishment of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) in 1963 – one apparatus through which Nkrumah hoped to bring his Pan-African dream alive. However, his idea of a continental state mainly focused on Africa’s political liberation; he did not anticipate the magnitude of the unique dynamics that would prevent the continent from attaining that noble objective more than fifty years after. This fallout led to the establishment of the Africa Union (AU), a successor to the OAU in 2000, to surpass the pushbacks of the OAU’s mandate. The AU’s mandate is to fast-track Africa’s political and economic integration. To this end, the AU has developed a fifty year plan – Agenda 2063 – through which it aspires to attain its Pan-African vision of a transnational democratic state by 2063. This chapter therefore analyses the viability of a transnational democratic state in Africa by 2063 and how to avoid the same resentment that befell Nkrumah’s Pan-African agenda. It conceptualises transnational democracy in Africa within the context of Agenda 2063, African instruments (on democracy, elections, governance, human rights, peace and security), and the contemporary challenges confronting African statehood. Finally, it articulates a practicable marshalling and more realistic paradigm for attaining the AU’s lofty aspirations of a transnational democracy by 2063.