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Patronage and Science: Roger Revelle, the US Navy, And
PATRONAGE AND SCIENCE: ROGER REVELLE, THE NAVY, AND OCEANOGRAPHY AT THE SCRIPPS INSTITUTION RONALD RAINGER Department of History, Texas Tech University,Lubbock, TX 79409-1013, [email protected] Originally published as: Rainger, Ronald. "Patronage and Science: Roger Revelle, the U.S. Navy, and Oceanography at the Scripps Institution." Earth sciences history : journal of the History of the Earth Sciences Society 19(1):58-89, 2000. This article is reprinted courtesy of the History of the Sciences Society from Earth Sciences History, 2000, 19:58-89. ABSTRACT In the years between 1940 and 1955, American oceanography experienced considerable change. Nowhere was that more true than at the Scripps Institution of Oceanography in La Jolla, California. There Roger Revelle (1909-1991) played a major role in transforming a small, seaside laboratory into one of the leading oceanographic centers in the world. This paper explores the impact that World War II had on oceanography and his career. Through an analysis of his activities as a naval officer responsible for promoting oceanography in the navy and wartime civilian laboratories, this article examines his understanding of the relationship between military patronage and scientific research and the impact that this relationship had on disciplinary and institutional developments at Scripps. In 1947 Harald Sverdrup (1888-1957) and Roger Revelle, two of the leading oceanographers in the United States, made plans for Revelle's return to the Scripps 2 Institution of Oceanography (SIO). After six years of coordinating and promoting oceanography within the U.S. Navy, Revelle was returning to the center where he had earned his Ph.D. -
The Development of Military Nuclear Strategy And
The Development of Military Nuclear Strategy and Anglo-American Relations, 1939 – 1958 Submitted by: Geoffrey Charles Mallett Skinner to the University of Exeter as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History, July 2018 This thesis is available for Library use on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. (Signature) ……………………………………………………………………………… 1 Abstract There was no special governmental partnership between Britain and America during the Second World War in atomic affairs. A recalibration is required that updates and amends the existing historiography in this respect. The wartime atomic relations of those countries were cooperative at the level of science and resources, but rarely that of the state. As soon as it became apparent that fission weaponry would be the main basis of future military power, America decided to gain exclusive control over the weapon. Britain could not replicate American resources and no assistance was offered to it by its conventional ally. America then created its own, closed, nuclear system and well before the 1946 Atomic Energy Act, the event which is typically seen by historians as the explanation of the fracturing of wartime atomic relations. Immediately after 1945 there was insufficient systemic force to create change in the consistent American policy of atomic monopoly. As fusion bombs introduced a new magnitude of risk, and as the nuclear world expanded and deepened, the systemic pressures grew. -
WM2015 Conference, March 15 – 19, 2015, Phoenix, Arizona, USA
WM2015 Conference, March 15 – 19, 2015, Phoenix, Arizona, USA Management of Technetium Contaminated Demolition Debris from the Gaseous Diffusion Plants at the East Tennessee Technology Park – 15422 Scott Anderson *, J Lane Butler *, Michael Ferrari *, Annette Primrose *, John Wrapp * *URS|CH2M Oak Ridge LLC ABSTRACT The demolition of the final section of the gaseous diffusion plant (GDP) facility formerly known as K-25 at the East Tennessee Technology Park was completed in December of 2013, with the final shipment of waste completed only six months later in June 2014. While most of the radioactive waste shipments would be considered "routine" by today's standards (lower activity waste was disposed onsite at the Environmental Management Waste Management Facility [EMWMF] and at some offsite commercial disposal facilities with higher activity waste making its way across country to the Nevada National Security Site [NNSS] disposal facility) the final section of K-25, consisting of six cascade "units", presented some unique technical and stakeholder challenges. Portions of this final section of K-25 were presumed to be heavily contaminated with Technetium-99 (Tc-99) based on sampling and analysis activities conducted during facility deactivation. Tc-99 is known to be highly mobile under a variety of environmental conditions, and is suspected to be potentially mobile in unmitigated landfill conditions, resulting in the need to implement additional engineered controls during facility demolition as well as throughout the management of the resultant waste. A variety of controls were implemented to ensure Tc- 99 mobility was controlled and possible consequences mitigated, including isolation and offsite shipment of highest Tc-99 concentration components, as well as construction of a "cell within a cell" at the EMWMF. -
Appendix A-2 Pdf Icon[741 KB (239 Pages)]
Appendix A-2 Residual Radioactivity Evaluations for Individual Facilities FACILITY NAME: AC Spark Plug Flint, Michigan TIME PERIOD: 1946-1947; Residual Radiation 1948-July 2006 FACILITY DESCRIPTION: DOE Office of Health, Safety and Security Website: AC Spark Plug performed beryllium work for the AEC. Records indicate that approximately 10 men worked with beryllium at this location in 1947. Information about AC Spark Plug is found in health hazard surveys, shipping reports and in a MED history. The company continued to receive hundreds of pounds of beryllium for use under government contract into the 1960's. It is possible that some or all of this beryllium was being used for other, non-AEC projects. There was also a small amount of thorium procurement related to AC Spark Plug in the 1946-1947 timeframe. DISCUSSION: A memo from March 11, 1947, states that AC Sparkplug received 30 pounds of ThO3 and 960 grams of U3O8. Additionally, specific activities conducted with this material, final accountability or disposition and/or decontamination efforts are not contained within the reviewed documentation. Based on a lack of documentation it can only be assumed that residual contamination exists outside the listed period. INFORMATIONAL SOURCES: Sources of information reviewed during this evaluation included: DOE Office of Health, Safety and Security Website Memo from March 11, 1947, Shipments to AC Sparkplug EVALUATION FINDINGS: Documentation reviewed indicates that there is a potential for significant residual contamination outside of the period in which weapons-related production occurred. PERIOD OF POTENTIAL RESIDUAL CONTAMINATION 1948 - present. Page 1 of 239 Appendix A-2 Residual Radioactivity Evaluations for Individual Facilities FACILITY NAME: Aeroprojects, Inc. -
Alfred O. C. Nier
CHEMICAL HERITAGE FOUNDATION ALFRED O. C. NIER Transcript of Interviews Conducted by Michael A. Grayson and Thomas Krick at University of Minnesota Minneapolis, Minnesota on 7, 8, 9, and 10 April 1989 (With Subsequent Corrections and Additions) ACKNOWLEDGMENT This oral history is one in a series initiated by the Chemical Heritage Foundation on behalf of the American Society for Mass Spectrometry. The series documents the personal perspectives of individuals related to the advancement of mass spectrometric instrumentation, and records the human dimensions of the growth of mass spectrometry in academic, industrial, and governmental laboratories during the twentieth century. This project is made possible through the generous support of the American Society for Mass Spectrometry Upon Alfred O.C. Nier’s death in 1994, this oral history was designated Free Access. Please note: Users citing this interview for purposes of publication are obliged under the terms of the Chemical Heritage Foundation Oral History Program to credit CHF using the format below: Alfred O.C. Nier, interview by Michael A. Grayson and Thomas Krick at the University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minnesota, 7-10 April 1989 (Philadelphia: Chemical Heritage Foundation, Oral History Transcript # 0112). Chemical Heritage Foundation Oral History Program 315 Chestnut Street Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19106 The Chemical Heritage Foundation (CHF) serves the community of the chemical and molecular sciences, and the wider public, by treasuring the past, educating the present, and inspiring the future. CHF maintains a world-class collection of materials that document the history and heritage of the chemical and molecular sciences, technologies, and industries; encourages research in CHF collections; and carries out a program of outreach and interpretation in order to advance an understanding of the role of the chemical and molecular sciences, technologies, and industries in shaping society. -
Seeking Signals in The
$: t j ! Ij ~ ,l IOJ I ~ , I I I! 1I I 1 " Edited by Elizabeth N. Shor Layout by jo p. griffith June 1997 Published by: Marine Physical Laboratory ofthe Scripps Institution of Oceanography University of California, San Diego We gratefully acknowledge the following for use of their photographs in this publication: Christine Baldwin W. Robert Cherry Defense Nuclear Agency Fritz Goro William S. Hodgkiss Alan C. Jones MPL Photo Archives SIO Archives (UCSD) Eric T. Slater SIO Reference Series 97-5 ii Contents Introduction: How MPL Came To Be Betty Shor 1 Carl Eckart and the Marine Physical Laboratory Leonard Liebermann 6 Close Encounter of the Worst Kind Fred Fisher and Christine Baldwin 9 Early Days of Seismic and Magnetic Programs at MPL Arthur D. Raft 10 Recollections of Work at the Marine Physical Laboratory: A Non-Academic Point of View Dan Gibson 23 Capricorn Expedition, 1952 Alan C. Jones 39 Que Sera Sera R. J. Smith 42 A Beginning in Undersea Research Fred Noel Spiess ....... 46 The Value of MPL to the Navy Charles B. Bishop 51 The Outhouse Fred Fisher ....... 54 Exploring the Gulf of Alaska and Beyond George G. Shor, Jr 55 Chinook Expedition, 1956 Alan C. Jones 59 Operation HARDTACK I W. Robert Cherry 62 DELTIC and DIMUS, Two Siblings Victor C. Anderson 65 MPL and ARTEMIS Victor C. Anderson 71 Early Days of MPL Christine Baldwin 78 There's Always a Way Around the Rules George G. Shor, Jr 82 iii A Saga from Graduate Student to FLIP Fred Fisher 85 Anchoring FLIP in Deep Water Earl Bronson 95 Then There was SLIP Fred Fisher ...... -
Historic Barriers to Anglo-American Nuclear Cooperation
3 HISTORIC BARRIERS TO ANGLO- AMERICAN NUCLEAR COOPERATION ANDREW BROWN Despite being the closest of allies, with shared values and language, at- tempts by the United Kingdom and the United States to reach accords on nuclear matters generated distrust and resentment but no durable arrangements until the Mutual Defense Agreement of 1958. There were times when the perceived national interests of the two countries were unsynchronized or at odds; periods when political leaders did not see eye to eye or made secret agreements that remained just that; and when espionage, propaganda, and public opinion caused addi- tional tensions. STATUS IMBALANCE The Magna Carta of the nuclear age is the two-part Frisch-Peierls mem- orandum. It was produced by two European émigrés, Otto Frisch and Rudolf Peierls, at Birmingham University in the spring of 1940. Un- like Einstein’s famous letter to President Franklin D. Roosevelt, with its vague warning that a powerful new bomb might be constructed from uranium, the Frisch-Peierls memorandum set out detailed technical arguments leading to the conclusion that “a moderate amount of U-235 [highly enriched uranium] would indeed constitute an extremely effi- cient explosive.” Like Einstein, Frisch and Peierls were worried that the Germans might already be working toward an atomic bomb against which there would be no defense. By suggesting “a counter-threat with a similar bomb,” they first enunciated the concept of mutual deterrence and recommended “start[ing] production as soon as possible, even if 36 Historic Barriers to Anglo-American Nuclear Cooperation 37 it is not intended to use the bomb as a means of attack.”1 Professor Mark Oliphant from Birmingham convinced the UK authorities that “the whole thing must be taken rather seriously,”2 and a small group of senior scientists came together as the Maud Committee. -
Introducing the 1966 Alfred Korzybski Memorial Lecturer
INTRODUCING THE 1966 ALFRED KORZYBSKI MEMORIAL LECTURER Eugene P. Wigner Thomas D. Jones Professor of Mathematical Physics, Princeton University, 1963 Nobel Laureate for Physics It is a very great pleasure to be called upon to say a few words about Alvin Weinberg . I have known him now for almost 25 years, but such is his modesty and inclination toward self-effacement that I know very little about him through himself . He was born in the windy city of Chicago in 1915, went to school there, both lower ones and the University, married there, and had his first job there . He is a physicist and had, among others, the great Carl Eckart as his teacher . He was just about 22 when he published his first paper, in collaboration with Eckart, on a subject of theoretical physics, then in the foreground of interest . He taught physics for a year, then became interested in biophysics . For a few years he was Research Assistant at Rashevsky's Institute at the University of Chicago and published about ten papers centered around the sub- ject of nerve conduction . Nevertheless, when the war broke out and physicists were urgently needed for the uranium project at the University of Chicago, it was natural to call on Dr . Weinberg for help, and he readily followed the call . This was an important turn in Dr . Weinberg's life . He had an opportunity to work in virgin territory, and his abilities and gifts unfolded rapidly . It was at this time that I met him . We were both members of the 8 theoretical team in charge of establishing a theory of the nuclear chain reaction as well as designing a large reactor, capable of producing large amounts of the nuclear fuel and explosive, plutonium . -
Clinton Engineer Work – Central Facilities
v DOOK I - G~ERAL VOLUME ].2.. - CLINTCE mo IN~ /uRKS KAHHATTAK DISTRICT HISTORT '' BOCK I - GENERAL VQUIKS 1 2 - CLIKX0N HKClINBftR WORKS, CENTRAL FACILITIES CLASSIFICATION CANCELLED g f e e » « F ! ' 0 .. .............................. BY AUTHORITY PE DOE/OPC 00 So-/c?.>3 THIS DCCUMEM N£ ISTS OF 3 5 * PAGES N O ... 3 _OF_" f SERIES ./ * _____ ( N o . © * C o p y c-o>'*-e.c.'VeJk wo •fcordawt w,ewto G. H, +o KR.C. *-V J.o(y \,C)4r'j'^ V 1 3 7 5 2 FOREWORD This volume of the Uanh«tt*n L’i»trio t 8ifiW | hi.8 b««rj. prepared to dsfctrlta tt*e purpose, design, construction, development, cost, and func tions of the Central Facilities of the Gllnton Engineer Works, Oak Ridge, Tennessee, Although the Central Facilities are described at length and in de tail In this volume, they may be identified briefly as eabradng the non- industrial features of the Clinton Engineer Works, existing only to pro vide the facilities and service;* mere or less common to American urban life. As the Central Facilities exist separately and apart from the in dustrial plants, they cannot be described logically in connection with the Manufacturing plants. The Central Facilities are highly important auxiliaries to the manufacturing plants, for without the services and facilities supplied, the resident population necessary for manning the plants could not be maintained. The text of the history of the Central Facilities Is divided into three major parts* A - General Introduction, B - T o m of Oak Ridge, and C - Area Facilities. -
Physics, Physicists and the Bomb
editorial Physics, physicists and the bomb Scientists involved in nuclear research before and after the end of the Second World War continue to be the subjects of historical and cultural fascination. Almost 70 years since Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the military, historical and moral implications of the nuclear bomb remain firmly lodged in the public’s consciousness. Images of mushroom clouds serve as powerful reminders of the destructive capability that countries armed with nuclear weapons have access to — a capability that continues to play a primary role in shaping the present geopolitical landscape of the world. For physicists, the development of the nuclear bomb generally brings up conflicting feelings. On the one hand, physicists played a central role in helping to create it; on the SCIENCE SOURCE/SCIENCE PHOTO LIBRARY PHOTO SOURCE/SCIENCE SCIENCE other, they were also among the first to realize © its terrifying power. This contradiction is most Manhattan Project physicists at Los Alamos. From left to right: Kenneth Bainbridge, Joseph Hoffman, famously epitomized by Robert Oppenheimer, Robert Oppenheimer, Louis Hempelmann, Robert Bacher, Victor Weisskopf and Richard Dodson. the scientific director of the Manhattan Project, who, on witnessing the first test of the atomic bomb, the Trinity test, in July 1945, in this context that the public can truly come race following the Second World War, there was reminded of a quote from the Hindu to feel the growing sense of disillusionment is no question that Churchill was an early scripture Bhagavad Gita: “Now, I am become of those scientists as they realized their goal; and influential champion for government- Death, the destroyer of worlds.” a sense of lost innocence, that knowledge that sponsored science and technology in Britain. -
Early Planning for Construction of Y-12
Early planning for construction of Y-12 Last week we examined the interactions and influences leading to a full scale electromagnetic separation production plant in East Tennessee. We noted that James B. Conant, President of Harvard University and a strong member of the S1 Committee, was a key factor in getting the electromagnetic separation technology selected as one of the three main approaches to getting enough uranium 235 or plutonium 239 for atomic weapons. One story I heard just this last week from a local Oak Ridger, Harold McCurty, who shared some historical documents with me and who is a member of the ’43 Club, fit right in line with the research I have been doing on how the decision to construct Y-12 was made. He said he recalled hearing the story that Ernest O. Lawrence had become discouraged because he could not seem to get the right people to understand the electromagnetic separation process well enough to support it over the other methods to separate uranium. McCurty’s recollection of the story has Conant taking Lawrence for a walk where they agreed to try one more time to convince the decision makers that Lawrence’s calutrons would do the job. Both of them were convinced that Lawrence’s calutrons likely could separate enough uranium 235 for a bomb well ahead of gaseous diffusion or any other separation method. When he returned to the meeting, Conant made a strong defense of Lawrence’s research and first agreed to a smaller facility than Lawrence wanted built. However, this got their foot in the door with the calutrons and later the Y-12 construction effort was expanded several times, finally installing 1152 calutrons in nine major buildings! Earlier in 1942, the experimentation at Berkeley by Lawrence and his staff had been expanded to include the giant 184-inch magnet - the largest magnet in existence at the time. -
A History of the National Bureau of Standards
WORLD WAR Ii RESEARCH (1941-45) CHAPTER 'TI! ThE EVENT OF WAR" The second worldwide war was foreshadowed in the Japanese in of Ethiopia in 1935, and Hitler's march into the Rhineland in 1936. Isolated and safeguarded by successive Neutrality Acts passed in 1935, 1936, and 1937, which barred the sale of arms or munitions to any warring nation, America watched the piecemeal fall of small nations, Austria and Czechoslovakia to Hitler, Albania to Musso- lini. With the German attack on Poland in September 1939, Britain and France declared war against the dictators and World War II began. The first amendments to the Neutrality Acts were enacted. By temperament strongly neutral and still in the grip of depression, the Nation had willed belief in Chamberlain's "peace in our time" until shaken by the occupation of Czechoslovakia in the spring of 1939. But cer- tain of war and of America's inevitable involvement was the small band of foreign-born scientists, their spokesman Niels Bohr, who had recently arrived in this country. Shepherding atomic research here, Bohn at once urged restriction in all Allied countries of the publication of further data on the possibility of nuclear fission. Many individual scientists refrained, but control of publication in American scientific journals did not become effec. five until almost a year later, following Hitler's invasion of Denmark and Norway. The National Bureau of Standards, convinced by the physicists on its Advisory Committee on Uranium of the certainty of a general war, began to put its affairs in order. On September 1, 1939, the day Germany marched into Poland, and one week before the President declared a state of limited national emergency, Dr.