Examining the State and Market Forces Behind Information Control in China
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Reporters Without Borders TV5 Monde Prize 2015 Nominees
Reporters Without Borders TV5 Monde Prize 2015 Nominees Journalist Category Mahmoud Abou Zeid, aka Shawkan (Egypt) “I am a photojournalist, not a criminal,” Shawkan wrote from Tora prison in February. “My indefinite detention is psychologically unbearable. Not even animals would survive in these conditions." Shawkan is an Egyptian freelance photojournalist who has been in pretrial detention for more than 760 days. He was arrested on 14 August 2013 while providing the US photojournalism agency Demotix and the US digital media company Corbis with coverage of the violence used to disperse demonstrations by deposed President Mohamed Morsi’s supporters in Rabiaa AlAwadiya Square. Three journalists were killed that day in connection with their work Aged 28, Shawkan covered developments in Egypt closely from Mubarak’s fall to Morsi’s overthrow and on several occasions obtained striking shots of the popular unrest. His detention became illegal in August of this year because, under Egyptian law, pretrial detention may surpass two years only in exceptional cases. Few people in Egypt have ever been held pending trial as long as him. A date has finally been set for the start of his trial, 12 December 2015, when he will be prosecuted before a Cairo criminal court along with more than 700 other defendants including members of the Muslim Brotherhood, which was declared a terrorist organization in December 2013. Many charges have been brought against him without any evidence, according to his lawyer, Karim Abdelrady. The most serious include joining a banned organization [the Muslim Brotherhood], murder, attacking the security forces and possession of weapons. -
An Examination of the Impact of Astroturfing on Nationalism: A
social sciences $€ £ ¥ Article An Examination of the Impact of Astroturfing on Nationalism: A Persuasion Knowledge Perspective Kenneth M. Henrie 1,* and Christian Gilde 2 1 Stiller School of Business, Champlain College, Burlington, VT 05401, USA 2 Department of Business and Technology, University of Montana Western, Dillon, MT 59725, USA; [email protected] * Correspondence: [email protected]; Tel.: +1-802-865-8446 Received: 7 December 2018; Accepted: 23 January 2019; Published: 28 January 2019 Abstract: One communication approach that lately has become more common is astroturfing, which has been more prominent since the proliferation of social media platforms. In this context, astroturfing is a fake grass-roots political campaign that aims to manipulate a certain audience. This exploratory research examined how effective astroturfing is in mitigating citizens’ natural defenses against politically persuasive messages. An experimental method was used to examine the persuasiveness of social media messages related to coal energy in their ability to persuade citizens’, and increase their level of nationalism. The results suggest that citizens are more likely to be persuaded by an astroturfed message than people who are exposed to a non-astroturfed message, regardless of their political leanings. However, the messages were not successful in altering an individual’s nationalistic views at the moment of exposure. The authors discuss these findings and propose how in a long-term context, astroturfing is a dangerous addition to persuasive communication. Keywords: astroturfing; persuasion knowledge; nationalism; coal energy; social media 1. Introduction Astroturfing is the simulation of a political campaign which is intended to manipulate the target audience. Often, the purpose of such a campaign is not clearly recognizable because a political effort is disguised as a grassroots operation. -
Pacer Emerging Markets Cash Cows 100 ETF Schedule of Investments July 31, 2020 (Unaudited) Shares Value
Page 1 of 5 Pacer Emerging Markets Cash Cows 100 ETF Schedule of Investments July 31, 2020 (Unaudited) Shares Value COMMON STOCKS - 91.4% Bermuda - 0.9% Nine Dragons Paper Holdings Ltd. 8,922 $ 9,336 Brazil - 11.1% Ambev SA - ADR 7,396 19,821 BRF SA - ADR (a) 2,000 7,960 CCR SA 2,652 7,651 Cosan SA 386 6,660 CPFL Energia SA 1,795 10,787 Engie Brasil Energia SA 740 6,527 JBS SA 4,938 20,513 Petrobras Distribuidora SA 1,561 6,823 TIM Participacoes SA - ADR 510 7,619 Vale SA - ADR 1,878 21,860 116,221 Cayman Islands - 3.4% SINA Corp./China (a) 222 8,958 Tongcheng-Elong Holdings Ltd. (a) 1,612 2,957 Xiaomi Corp. - Class B (a)(b) 12,393 23,698 35,613 Chile - 0.7% Cencosud SA 4,410 7,683 China - 12.8% Air China Ltd. - Class H 29,824 18,509 Anhui Conch Cement Co. Ltd. - Class H 2,910 21,984 Beijing Capital International Airport Co Ltd. - Class H 5,986 3,947 China Communications Services Corp Ltd. - Class H 8,207 5,316 China Eastern Airlines Corp. Ltd. - Class H 52,387 18,588 China Shenhua Energy Co Ltd. - Class H 12,317 20,533 China Telecom Corp. Ltd. - Class H 65,857 19,629 Great Wall Motor Co. Ltd. - Class H 20,076 19,609 Sinopec Shanghai Petrochemical Co. Ltd. 26,213 5,851 133,966 Colombia - 1.8% Ecopetrol SA - ADR 1,602 18,647 Greece - 0.9% Hellenic Telecommunications Organization SA 483 7,112 OPAP SA 283 2,544 9,656 Hong Kong - 8.5% China Medical System Holdings Ltd. -
Baker Institute Policy Report Published by the James A
ISSN 1941-6466 BAKER INSTITUTE POLICY REPORT PUBLISHED BY THE JAMES A. BAKER III INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY OF RICE UNIVERSITY NUMBER 57 JANUARY 2014 BUILDING A TRANSPARENT WEB: TRANSNATIONAL SOCIAL MEDIA, CYBERSECURITY, AND SINO –U.S. TRADE Overview practices. In 2007, when the United States leveraged its initial WTO complaint against China, the Social media sites, while currently treated as an terms of the debate were substantially different “audiovisual product”1 by the Chinese government than they are now. Seven years ago, audiovisual under the World Trade Organization’s (WTO) materials were much more easily decoupled from trade policy, have outgrown this construct and their digital distribution sites.5 However, in the instead have become the “ports”2 of the twenty- current environment, delivery portals are so first century. Taking into consideration the global deeply entwined with the dispersal of content trade significance of social media as a locus of that it has become nearly impossible to make international trade in advertising, information, cogent international policy based on distinctions and increasingly other types of commercial goods, between digital “audiovisual products” and it is essential that the United States continues to digital distribution sites.6,7 Indeed, because these pursue WTO action to encourage China to open sites have become so central to the experience trade in social media infrastructure. This, in turn, of media consumption, as well as a host of other would ensure long-term global competitiveness in activities ranging from commerce to social life, it the information communication and technology is essential to take into account these complexities sector. -
Internet Freedom in China: U.S. Government Activity, Private Sector Initiatives, and Issues of Congressional Interest
Internet Freedom in China: U.S. Government Activity, Private Sector Initiatives, and Issues of Congressional Interest Patricia Moloney Figliola Specialist in Internet and Telecommunications Policy May 18, 2018 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R45200 Internet Freedom in China: U.S. Government and Private Sector Activity Summary By the end of 2017, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) had the world’s largest number of internet users, estimated at over 750 million people. At the same time, the country has one of the most sophisticated and aggressive internet censorship and control regimes in the world. PRC officials have argued that internet controls are necessary for social stability, and intended to protect and strengthen Chinese culture. However, in its 2017 Annual Report, Reporters Without Borders (Reporters Sans Frontières, RSF) called China the “world’s biggest prison for journalists” and warned that the country “continues to improve its arsenal of measures for persecuting journalists and bloggers.” China ranks 176th out of 180 countries in RSF’s 2017 World Press Freedom Index, surpassed only by Turkmenistan, Eritrea, and North Korea in the lack of press freedom. At the end of 2017, RSF asserted that China was holding 52 journalists and bloggers in prison. The PRC government employs a variety of methods to control online content and expression, including website blocking and keyword filtering; regulating and monitoring internet service providers; censoring social media; and arresting “cyber dissidents” and bloggers who broach sensitive social or political issues. The government also monitors the popular mobile app WeChat. WeChat began as a secure messaging app, similar to WhatsApp, but it is now used for much more than just messaging and calling, such as mobile payments, and all the data shared through the app is also shared with the Chinese government. -
The Limits of Commercialized Censorship in China
The Limits of Commercialized Censorship in China Blake Miller∗ September 27, 2018 Abstract Despite massive investment in China's censorship program, internet platforms in China are rife with criticisms of the government and content that seeks to organize opposition to the ruling Communist Party. Past works have attributed this \open- ness" to deliberate government strategy or lack of capacity. Most, however, do not consider the role of private social media companies, to whom the state delegates information controls. I suggest that the apparent incompleteness of censorship is largely a result of principal-agent problems that arise due to misaligned incentives of government principals and private media company agents. Using a custom dataset of annotated leaked documents from a social media company, Sina Weibo, I find that 16% of directives from the government are disobeyed by Sina Weibo and that disobedience is driven by Sina's concerns about censoring more strictly than com- petitor Tencent. I also find that the fragmentation inherent in the Chinese political system exacerbates this principal agent problem. I demonstrate this by retrieving actual censored content from large databases of hundreds of millions of Sina Weibo posts and measuring the performance of Sina Weibo's censorship employees across a range of events. This paper contributes to our understanding of media control in China by uncovering how market competition can lead media companies to push back against state directives and increase space for counterhegemonic discourse. ∗Postdoctoral Fellow, Program in Quantitative Social Science, Dartmouth College, Silsby Hall, Hanover, NH 03755 (E-mail: [email protected]). 1 Introduction Why do scathing criticisms, allegations of government corruption, and content about collective action make it past the censors in China? Past works have theorized that regime strategies or state-society conflicts are the reason for incomplete censorship. -
Political Astroturfing Across the World
Political astroturfing across the world Franziska B. Keller∗ David Schochy Sebastian Stierz JungHwan Yang§ Paper prepared for the Harvard Disinformation Workshop Update 1 Introduction At the very latest since the Russian Internet Research Agency’s (IRA) intervention in the U.S. presidential election, scholars and the broader public have become wary of coordi- nated disinformation campaigns. These hidden activities aim to deteriorate the public’s trust in electoral institutions or the government’s legitimacy, and can exacerbate political polarization. But unfortunately, academic and public debates on the topic are haunted by conceptual ambiguities, and rely on few memorable examples, epitomized by the often cited “social bots” who are accused of having tried to influence public opinion in various contemporary political events. In this paper, we examine “political astroturfing,” a particular form of centrally co- ordinated disinformation campaigns in which participants pretend to be ordinary citizens acting independently (Kovic, Rauchfleisch, Sele, & Caspar, 2018). While the accounts as- sociated with a disinformation campaign may not necessarily spread incorrect information, they deceive the audience about the identity and motivation of the person manning the ac- count. And even though social bots have been in the focus of most academic research (Fer- rara, Varol, Davis, Menczer, & Flammini, 2016; Stella, Ferrara, & De Domenico, 2018), seemingly automated accounts make up only a small part – if any – of most astroturf- ing campaigns. For instigators of astroturfing, relying exclusively on social bots is not a promising strategy, as humans are good at detecting low-quality information (Pennycook & Rand, 2019). On the other hand, many bots detected by state-of-the-art social bot de- tection methods are not part of an astroturfing campaign, but unrelated non-political spam ∗Hong Kong University of Science and Technology yThe University of Manchester zGESIS – Leibniz Institute for the Social Sciences §University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign 1 bots. -
Effective Censorship: Maintaining Control in China
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons CUREJ - College Undergraduate Research Electronic Journal College of Arts and Sciences 2010 Effective Censorship: Maintaining Control In China Michelle (Qian) Yang University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/curej Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Yang, Michelle (Qian), "Effective Censorship: Maintaining Control In China" 01 January 2010. CUREJ: College Undergraduate Research Electronic Journal, University of Pennsylvania, https://repository.upenn.edu/curej/118. This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/curej/118 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Effective Censorship: Maintaining Control In China Keywords censorship, china, incentives, Social Sciences, Political Science, Devesh Kapur, Kapur, Devesh Disciplines Political Science This article is available at ScholarlyCommons: https://repository.upenn.edu/curej/118 Effective Censorship: Maintaining Control in China Michelle Yang April 09, 2010 Acknowledgments My initial interest in this thesis topic was generated during the summer of 2009 when I was interning in Beijing. There, I had found myself unable to access a large portion of the websites I’ve grown so accustomed to in my everyday life. I knew from then that I wanted to write about censorship in China. Since that summer, the scope of the topic has changed greatly under the careful guidance of Professor Devesh Kapur. I am incredibly grateful for all the support he has given me during this entire process. This final thesis wouldn’t be what it is today without his guidance. Professor Kapur, thank you for believing in me and for pushing me to complete this thesis! I would also like to extend my gratitude to both Professor Doherty-Sil and Professor Goldstein for taking time out of their busy schedules to meet with me and for providing me with indispensible advice. -
Setting the Record Straighter on Shadow Banning
Setting the Record Straighter on Shadow Banning Erwan Le Merrer, Benoˆıt Morgan, Gilles Tredan,´ Univ Rennes, Inria, CNRS, Irisa IRIT/ENSHEEIT LAAS/CNRS [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] Abstract—Shadow banning consists for an online social net- happens on the OSN side, collecting information about po- work in limiting the visibility of some of its users, without them tential issues is difficult. In this paper, we explore scientific being aware of it. Twitter declares that it does not use such approaches to shed light on Twitter’s alleged shadow banning a practice, sometimes arguing about the occurrence of “bugs” to justify restrictions on some users. This paper is the first to practice. Focusing on this OSN is crucial because of its central address the plausibility of shadow banning on a major online use as a public communication medium, and because potential platform, by adopting both a statistical and a graph topological shadow banning practices were recently commented. approach. Shadow banning and moderation techniques. shadow banning We first conduct an extensive data collection and analysis (SB or banning for short, also known as stealth banning [6]) campaign, gathering occurrences of visibility limitations on user profiles (we crawl more than 2:5 millions of them). In such is an online moderation technique used to ostracise undesired a black-box observation setup, we highlight the salient user user behaviors. In modern OSNs, shadow banning would refer profile features that may explain a banning practice (using to a wide range of techniques that artificially limit the visibility machine learning predictors). -
Big Data for Improved Health Outcomes — Second Edition — Arjun Panesar Machine Learning and AI for Healthcare Big Data for Improved Health Outcomes Second Edition
Machine Learning and AI for Healthcare Big Data for Improved Health Outcomes — Second Edition — Arjun Panesar Machine Learning and AI for Healthcare Big Data for Improved Health Outcomes Second Edition Arjun Panesar Machine Learning and AI for Healthcare Arjun Panesar Coventry, UK ISBN-13 (pbk): 978-1-4842-6536-9 ISBN-13 (electronic): 978-1-4842-6537-6 https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4842-6537-6 Copyright © 2021 by Arjun Panesar This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. Trademarked names, logos, and images may appear in this book. Rather than use a trademark symbol with every occurrence of a trademarked name, logo, or image we use the names, logos, and images only in an editorial fashion and to the benefit of the trademark owner, with no intention of infringement of the trademark. The use in this publication of trade names, trademarks, service marks, and similar terms, even if they are not identified as such, is not to be taken as an expression of opinion as to whether or not they are subject to proprietary rights. While the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication, neither the authors nor the editors nor the publisher can accept any legal responsibility for any errors or omissions that may be made. -
How the Chinese Government Fabricates Social Media Posts
American Political Science Review (2017) 111, 3, 484–501 doi:10.1017/S0003055417000144 c American Political Science Association 2017 How the Chinese Government Fabricates Social Media Posts for Strategic Distraction, Not Engaged Argument GARY KING Harvard University JENNIFER PAN Stanford University MARGARET E. ROBERTS University of California, San Diego he Chinese government has long been suspected of hiring as many as 2 million people to surrep- titiously insert huge numbers of pseudonymous and other deceptive writings into the stream of T real social media posts, as if they were the genuine opinions of ordinary people. Many academics, and most journalists and activists, claim that these so-called 50c party posts vociferously argue for the government’s side in political and policy debates. As we show, this is also true of most posts openly accused on social media of being 50c. Yet almost no systematic empirical evidence exists for this claim https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055417000144 . or, more importantly, for the Chinese regime’s strategic objective in pursuing this activity. In the first large-scale empirical analysis of this operation, we show how to identify the secretive authors of these posts, the posts written by them, and their content. We estimate that the government fabricates and posts about 448 million social media comments a year. In contrast to prior claims, we show that the Chinese regime’s strategy is to avoid arguing with skeptics of the party and the government, and to not even discuss controversial issues. We show that the goal of this massive secretive operation is instead to distract the public and change the subject, as most of these posts involve cheerleading for China, the revolutionary history of the Communist Party, or other symbols of the regime. -
Information Systems in Great Power Competition with China
STRATEGIC STUDIES QUARTERLY - PERSPECTIVE Decide, Disrupt, Destroy: Information Systems in Great Power Competition with China AINIKKI RIIKONEN Abstract Technologies for creating and distributing knowledge have impacted international politics and conflict for centuries, and today the infrastructure for communicating knowledge has expanded. These technologies, along with attempts to exploit their vulnerabilities, will shape twenty-first- century great power competition between the US and China. Likewise, great power competition will shape the way China develops and uses these technologies across the whole spectrum of competition to make decisions, disrupt the operational environment, and destroy adversary capabilities. ***** he 2018 US National Defense Strategy (NDS) cites Russia and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) as “revisionist powers” that “want to shape a world consistent with their authoritarian model— gaining veto authority over other nations’ economic, diplomatic, and secu- T 1 rity decisions.” It describes these countries as competitors seeking to use “other areas of competition short of open warfare to achieve their [au- thoritarian] ends” and to “optimize their targeting of our battle networks and operational concepts.”2 The NDS assesses that competition will occur along the entire spectrum of statecraft from peace to open conflict and that Russia and the PRC will align their foreign policies with their models of governance. If this assessment is correct, and if technology plays a sig- nificant role in international politics, then technology will affect the whole spectrum of great power competition and conflict. Information architec- ture—the structures of technology that collect and relay information worldwide—is innately connected to power projection. The PRC has been innovating in this area, and its expanded information capabilities—and risks to US capabilities—will shape competition in the twenty- first cen- tury.