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What Is Clear from These Statistics Is That Even Within South Africa's

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What Is Clear from These Statistics Is That Even Within South Africa's What is clear from these statistics is that even within South Africa's borders conscripts are being called on to kill and give their lives in order to carry out the government's aims. Conscripts have no choice in this matter. They do not even have the option of refusing to enter the black townships or of being non-combatants ( unless they are accepted by the Board for Beligious Objection as religious pacifists). The ECC believes this situation cannot be defended on religious or moral grounds. We believe that no-one should be forced to kill or die for a cause they do not believe in. We therefore believe that, as interim measures, the definition of objectors should be extended to those who are unwilling to do military service on moral, political or non-pacifist religious grounds, and that conscripts should be given the right not to enter the black townships. i\f 'The psychological effects of military service and of militarisation have caused the deaths and scores of conscripts and have left permanent mental scars with many others. The ECC believes that militarisation and compulsory conscription have raised the level of violence in society as a whole. In 1981 a number of behavioral psychologists showed how "violence, drunk­ enness and sexual frustration in returning national servicemen are inevit­ able consequences of a border war which is growing in intensity" (these conclusions were drawn on the basis of research conducted at four universities, Weekend Argus, 28/3/81). A clinical psychologist at Potchefstroom University pointed out in a court case that soldiers "who cannot handle stress are potential murderers" (Dr Dap Louw, quoted in Weekend Argus, 28/3/81). Numerous incidents of national servicemen and former national servicemen being arrested and tried for a wide range of violent crimes have appered in the press recently. Many of these arrests have involved seemingly random attacks on innocent black people (see appendixes). According to the Human Awareness Programme some of the effects of the war in the townships and on the Namibian border are moodiness, aggression and withdrawal, redirection of trained aggression into violent crime, guilt, sleeplessness, nightmares, an extension of "us-against-them" attitude to the civilian situation and an inability to re-adapt to civilian 1 i f e. The frequent allegations of assault, torture and rape committed by nation­ al servicemen while on duty on the Namibian border and in the townships are, we believe, closely linked to the dehumanising effect military service is having on young conscripts. The alarming numbers of suicides and suicide attempts of national service­ men is also, we believe, an indication of the negative psychological effects of military service. The Minister of Defence said that between September 1983 and March this year a total of 74 people serving in the SADF committed suicide( Weekly Mail, 14/3/86). Between July and December 1984 ten nation­ al servicemen committed suicide and a further 67 attempted suicide, according to Mai an. (Rand Daily Mail March 6, 1985). In the first two weeks of the 1985 call-up there were 60 attempted suicides (Human Awareness Programme, March 1986). The growing militarisation of "civilian" life also contributes to a milit­ aristic ethos in our society and effects the level of violence in every day life. Sales of guns to whites have rocketed, businesses specialising in security systems are flourishing, everything from children's toys and picture stories to television and radio programmes have taken on a militaristic flavour and an increasing number of products are marketed specially for the growing section of the white population who are in the SADF. The result, we believe, is often a survival mentality which is not condusive to peaceful persuits. In the course of ECC's work a considerable number of ex-national servicemen have described the psychological pressure they were subjected to in the SADF and their difficulty in coping with life in civilian society subsequently. The ECC believes that while the primary victims of conscription are the black people? who are killed, injured or detained by SADF personel, the national servicemen who suffer emotional or physical scars as a result of their experiences are also victims of an unjust system. The role of the SADF outside South Africa In 1971 the International Court of Justice declared South Africa's occup­ ation of Namibia illegal. Yet 14 years later the SADF maintains its pres­ ence in that country, against the will of its people. Three endorsers of the ECC Declaration have clearly stated positions on South Africa's occupation of Namibia - the Southern African Catholic Biship's Conference, the Anglican bishoDS and the South African Council of Churches have all called for the withdrawal of South African troops, the speedy implementation of United Nations Resolution 435, and the hold­ ing of free and fair elections so that the people of Namibia can determine their own future. South Africa's occupation of Namibia has caused enormous suffering on the part of the Namibian people. Wei 1-documented allegations of attrocities by the South African troops point to the callous disregard the colonising force has for the lives and well-being of the colonised people. As Pastor Kameeta of the Namibian Council of Churches put it: "The people speak about the SADF as "terrorists" while they refer to SWAPO guerillas as "our boys"". (See appendixes). It is estimated that between 1966 and 1984 over 10 000 Namibians died in the war (nearly 1 percent of the population). But it costs about R 1 million to kill one SWAPO guerilla, according to the South African Broadcasting Corporation (Human Awareness Programme, 1986), so the cost of the was has been astronomical for South Africa as well as for Namibia. In 1980 PW Botha announced that R 3 billion had been spent on the "infra­ structure and defence" of Namibia. Today the war costs South Africa over R 2 million every day. The cost in lives on the South African side has also been high. Between 1961 and 1985 1399 South African soldiers lost their lives "in the exec­ ution of their military duties (Citizen 12/8/85), and a total of 123 members of the SADF were killed in military or training operations during 1984 according to the Minister of Defence (Star 27/2/85). It is not known how many of these were killed in the course of the Namibian war. SWAPO said its forces killed 120 South African soldiers in 1985 (Weekly Mail, March 7). The Minister of Defence said that the SADF killed 916 "terrorists" in the operational area during 1984. He said that in 1985 104 members of the SADF were killed in operations and training (Citizen 14/3/86). These are official figures. Real totals may well be far higher and no official figures are available on the number of injured and crippled. South African conscripts are being forced to occupy a country against the wish of its people and to fight a war which cannot be won against a guerilla army which clearly has overwhelming support among the people of Namibia. In the second World War there was no conscription and South African troops had the right to refuse to serve outside South Africa's borders. Today South African troops have no such option. In the course of its work the ECC has given backing to the demands for the unconditional implementation of resolution 435. We believe the continued presence of South African troops is the major obstacle to peace in Namibia. P W Botha favours the implementation of Resolution 435 only "provided a firm and satisfactory agreement can be reached ... on the withdrawal of the Cubans" (The Namibian, 7/3/86). The ECC rejects this condition. We believe it to be a "red Herring" to delay the independence of Namibia and to try and force the Angolan govern­ ment into a istuation where it removes one of its main defences against South African/Unita aggression. We believe the "linkage" may be a means to the end of installing a friendly government in Luanda. South Africa's policy to its neighbours is aimed at destabilising these countries in order to install friendly governments, or, where that is not possible, to wrech their.'economies alnd to undermine the political stability of their governments. As The Economist put it: "The new South Africa refuses to apologise for anything, let alone apartheid. It spurns the "coctail diplomacy" of past and present foreign ministers, It is built on the reality of South Africa's economic and military power" (The Economist 16/9/83). The goal of this policy appears not only to be to ensure that the govern­ ments of these countries are in no position allow the ANC to have bases or even offices in their territories, but also to ensure that these countries remain economically dependent on South Africa. The policy of destabilisation began in earnest in the mid-1970s, after Angola and Mozambique became independent. Its methods vary from covert support for dissident forces, through "pre-emptive strikes" and other commando operations to full-scale invasions.. In 1975 South Africa invaded Angola in an attempt to set up a puppet government before the present MPLA government took power. Although driven out by the combined MPLA and Cuban forces, the SADF inflicted great damage on Angola's economy. South Africa has often invaded Angola on the pretext of "hot persuit" raids against SWAPO, but it is clear that for several years they have occupied much of the territory of southern Angola. Despite South Africa's promises to withdraw it has continued to maintain a significant presence in the territory.
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