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2013 French Cabaret Music: Songs of Aristide Bruant, Erik Satie, and Marguerite Monnot (1881-1958) Sara Chiesa

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COLLEGE OF MUSIC

FRENCH CABARET MUSIC:

SONGS OF ARISTIDE BRUANT, ERIK SATIE, AND MARGUERITE MONNOT

(1881 – 1958)

By

SARA CHIESA

A Treatise submitted to the College of Music in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Music

Degree Awarded: Fall Semester, 2013

Sara Chiesa defended this treatise on October 4, 2013. The members of the supervisory committee were:

Timothy Hoekman Professor Directing Treatise

Matthew Shaftel University Representative

David Okerlund Committee Member

Valerie Trujillo Committee Member

The Graduate School has verified and approved the above-named committee members, and certifies that the treatise has been approved in accordance with university requirements.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Thank you to my supervisory committee for their guidance during this degree. Thank you to Matthew Shaftel for his humor, encouragement, and unyielding dedication to his students. He gives so generously of his time, and his thoughtful edits enriched this document tremendously. Thank you to David Okerlund for his directness and vision throughout this process. Thank you to Valerie Trujillo for helping me to become more resilient and a more in-depth scholar. And finally, thank you to Timothy Hoekman for his time, talent, and knowledge. His edits of this document were all astute and thorough. In the three years I have spent in his studio, I have grown immensely as a pianist, coach, scholar, and overall musician. My completion of this document was only made possible through the encouragement, love, and support from friends and family. It is fitting that I mention Kayleigh Butcher first and foremost. This document only became a final product because of her tireless effort and assistance with the formatting and editing. For a linguist and vocal coach, it is ironic that I have no words to describe accurately the depth of her contributions both to this paper and to my life. In addition, I never would have finished this document without the unconditional love and support from Brian Meldrum. I am grateful that he invited me to sit by him almost 20 years ago and that he has remained by my side since then. An especially heartfelt thank you to Liz Karuich. Even while overseas, she is still the most devoted, generous, and hilarious best friend. To Mary Siciliano, thank you for being one of the first to believe in me and to see my potential when it was so well hidden. You have instilled in me the essential confidence and perseverance required to make it through all three college degree programs. Thank you for your constant encouragement, guidance, and advice. It is important to mention my Tallahassee family. Thank you to Nickolas Sanches for his time spent on the translations. Also, thank you to my dear friend, Adeline Heck, for her expertise in translating song texts from obscure French into

iii understandable English. A big thank you to Mary Hangley for her assistance on the PowerPoint presentation at the cabaret lecture recital. Also, I owe immense gratitude to Raphaella Medina for her willingness and enthusiasm to collaborate with me at the recital—her unmatched dedication to her craft is inspiring to all. Thank you to David Graham for his tremendous friendship, scholarly advice, and unmatched sense of humor and fun. Without the help, support, and 50 emails exchanged with Melissa Loehnig, I never would have gotten through this doctoral degree or this paper—thank you! And to Kathleen Shelton, thank you for not only contributing monumental laughter during my time spent in Tallahassee, but also for your extraordinary love and support. A very heartfelt thank you to my family is in order. Thank you to my Aunt Karen Young who tenaciously and generously supports my musical and scholarly endeavors. Thank you to my sister, Stephanie Young, for reminding me when to take a break and making me laugh. And thank you to my parents, Mike and Bobbi Young. Their love, generosity, and support have helped make me who I am today. Thank you for loving and encouraging me down this sometimes seemingly impossible journey that is graduate school.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Figures ...... vi List of Tables ...... vii Abstract ...... viii

1. INTRODUCTION ...... 1

1.1 Significance of the Project ...... 2

2. BACKGROUND OF CABARET ...... 3

2.1 Rudolphe Salis (1851-1897) ...... 6

2.2 Club des Hydropathes ...... 7

2.3 Le Chat Noir as a Venue ...... 9

2.4 Le Chat Noir as a Journal ...... 11

3. ARISTIDE BRUANT (1851-1925) ...... 15

3.1 Biography and Background ...... 15 3.2 Compositions ...... 17 3.2.1 “Rôdeuse de berges” ...... 19 3.2.2 “Les canuts” ...... 24

4. ERIK SATIE (1866-1925) ...... 29

4.1 Biography and Background ...... 29 4.2 Compositions ...... 31 4.2.1 “Je te veux” ...... 32 4.2.2 “La diva de l’Empire” ...... 38

5. MARGUERITE MONNOT (1903-1961) ...... 43

5.1 Biography and Background ...... 43 5.2 Compositions ...... 43 5.2.1 “Mon légionnaire” ...... 46 5.2.2 “Comme moi” ...... 51

6. CONCLUSION ...... 56

Bibliography ...... 58 Biographical Sketch ...... 60

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LIST OF FIGURES

3.1 Aristide Bruant dans son Cabaret. Henri de Toulouse-Lautrec, 1893 ...... 15

3.2 Plagal cadence. “Rôdeuse de berges,” introduction mm. 1-4 ...... 21

3.3 Specific harmony in m. 17. “Rôdeuse de berges,” mm. 15-19 ...... 22

3.4 One measure of 4/4 time and the movement of the D♭. “Rôdeuse de berges,” mm. 20-40 ...... 23

3.5 Fermata in m. 24 and the refrain. “Les canuts,” mm. 22-28 ...... 26

3.6 Rolled chords that evoke a harpsichord. “Les canuts,” mm. 5-12 ...... 27

4.1 Hemiolas found in “Je te veux” ...... 34

4.2 Crescendo and diminuendo markings as indicators of tempo. “Je te veux,” mm. 30-35 ...... 36

4.3 Decrescendo marking indicating time in m. 44. “Je te veux,” mm. 38-45 ...... 37

4.4 Melodic doubling. “La diva de l’Empire” ...... 40

4.5 Introduction acting as a vamp. “La diva de l’Empire,” mm. 1-8 ...... 42

5.1 Embellishments occur to set up the refrain. “Mon légionnaire,” mm. 15-18 ...... 49

5.2 Triplet rhythm and trumpet call. “Mon légionnaire,” mm. 1-8 ...... 50

5.3 Three octaves doubling the vocal line and the third four-measure refrain. “Comme moi,” mm. 30-38 ...... 53

5.4 Habanera rhythm found in the introduction (m. 1) and the first verse (m. 3). Straight eighth notes in the refrain (m. 14). “Comme moi,” mm. 1-17 ...... 55

vi

LIST OF TABLES

2.1 Excerpted text from “L’expulsion” by Maurice Mac-Nab ...... 5

2.2 Text of “La ballade du Chat Noir” by Aristide Bruant ...... 13

3.1 Excerpted text from “A Montpernesse” by Aristide Bruant ...... 18

3.2 Text of “Rôdeuse de berges,” with music and text by Aristide Bruant...... 19

3.3 Text of “Les canuts” with music and text by Aristide Bruant ...... 24

4.1 Text of “Je te veux” with music by Erik Satie and text by Henry Pacory ...... 32

4.2 Excerpted text from “Je te veux,” mm. 45-69 ...... 36

4.3 Text of “La diva de l’Empire” with music by Erik Satie and text by Dominique Bonnaud and Numa Blès ...... 38

5.1 Text of “Mon légionnaire” with music by Marguerite Monnot and text by Richard Asso ...... 46

5.2 Text of “Comme moi” with music by Marguerite Monnot and text by C. Delecluse and M. Senlis ...... 51

5.3 Excerpted text from “Comme moi” ...... 54

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ABSTRACT

Because very little research has been done on the cabaret music composed in Paris at the turn of the 20th century and continuing into the mid-century, this document discusses some of the important composers of the time and their music. This document will serve as an introduction for further study on a history of French cabaret music as well as discuss crucial names and places associated with the genre. After a brief introduction, the document highlights the history of French cabaret music. The author delivers information on Rudolphe Salis and specifically his cabaret, Le Chat Noir, which was one of the main venues in which cabaret music thrived. Some background is given on the Club des Hydropathes, and then the author gives further information on Le Chat Noir both as a venue and as a journal. Chapters Three, Four, and Five each discuss the background and compositions of one specific, prolific, and influential French cabaret composer. Chapter Three is dedicated to Aristide Bruant and two of his compositions, “Rôdeuse de berges” and “Les canuts.” Chapter Four is about Erik Satie and his two compositions, “Je te veux” and “La diva de l’Empire.” The last composer discussed is Marguerite Monnot, and the author delves into two of her compositions, “Mon légionnaire” and “Comme moi.” The author concludes with a brief summation of the innovation, characteristics, and importance of French cabaret music.

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CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

Many vocal genres at the turn of and continuing well into the twentieth century have been well-researched, explored, written about, and reviewed. These musical discussions span many countries and continents, yet what is talked about with less frequency is the mainstream, popular music that was so prevalent between the 1880s and the 1950s. Without access to magazines like The Rolling Stone, Pitchfork, and The Believer, the popular music throughout the world at that time was and still is vastly neglected, and this is especially true of French cabaret music. In fact, music in cabarets has only been thoroughly investigated by a few scholars. The research on cabaret music is almost exclusively in reference to its influence on and reflection of the Bohemian culture that existed in Paris beginning around the 1880s. Very little is said about the music itself from that period of time. In the rare occurrence that the popular music of the early 1900s is discussed, only well-known composers such as Erik Satie are represented, although there were dozens of other composers who contributed prolifically to the birth of cabaret music, including Jules Jouy, Louis Maurel, Paul Delmet, Vincent Hyspa, Maurice Mac-Nab, Emile Goudeau, Armand Masson, Victor Meusy, Maurice Rollinat, René Ponsard, Léon Xanrof, and Aristide Bruant. In the latter half of the twentieth century, a new group of composers overlapped the aforementioned and began to emerge on their own, including Jean Lenoir, Michel Emer, Leo Ferre, Eddy Marnay, Hubert Giraud, M. Philippe-Gerard, Jean Villard, Norbert Glanzbert, Georges Moustaki, Charles Dumont, Henri Crolla, Francis Lai, and Marguerite Monnot. This document begins with background information on how cabaret came to exist as both a musical venue and a musical genre, with further information on Le Chat Noir, the first cabaret venue. The following chapters discuss the biography and compositional style of each of the following three composers: Aristide Bruant (1851- 1925), Erik Satie (1866-1925), and Marguerite Monnot (1903-1961). Each composer was

1 chosen for her or his pioneering contributions to the genre. Aristide Bruant helped to originate French cabaret music, and he opened his own cabaret that showcased only his songs. Erik Satie is included because his work in the genre so greatly influenced his contemporaries in cabaret and those who came after him, while contributing to the overall popularity of the genre; musically, he paved a path that was innovative and advanced for his time. Marguerite Monnot had a successful career as a pianist and composer. She was well-known in a time (and in a profession) that greatly favored men over women.

1.1 Significance of the Project

The focus of this document is French cabaret music from 1881 to 1958 discussed through the songs of Aristide Bruant, Erik Satie, and Marguerite Monnot. The purpose is to delve into this consequential and often overlooked music and to discuss specific stylistic characteristics of the cabaret composers. The author gives an explanation of which musical elements define the music of French cabaret as a genre and highlights compositional choices that exemplify a composer’s individual style as well as characteristics that are consistent among the composers.

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CHAPTER TWO

BACKGROUND OF CABARET

Closely following the end of the Romantic era of music, which was so vibrant in France and most of Europe during the nineteenth century, French cabaret music began around 1881 in the Montmartre district of Paris, France. Cabaret music was born out of a social revolution that impacted all art forms; the art and music of the time reflected the social and political happenings. Cabaret began with, and was encouraged by, the general public’s emotional and political outlet, which was found in satire and sarcasm, in honesty and humor. During World War I, the cabaret venues became a means to vent about social and political injustices and grievances. The lines between social classes were blurred through the exchange of opinions regarding current events. Without modern-day social media, the cabarets acted as a medium of public communication and served as a reporting vehicle for current events. Beginning in the nineteenth century, three types of venues for theatrical performances emerged: the café-concert, the music hall, and the cabaret artistique. It was in the 1830s that the café-concert materialized, and at the turn of the century there were an estimated 264 café-concerts in Paris.1 The café-concert, affectionately known as “caf’conc’,” hosted entertainment acts consisting of several individual performers, each taking his turn in some kind of theatrical presentation—mainly reading a poem or singing a song. The caf’conc’ began as an outdoor venue where singers would lay planks across tables to form makeshift stages. These venues were known as the “theaters of the poor,”2 and at first, the singers’ only compensation was an attentive audience; however, beginning in the 1840s, there was a minimum fee charged to the audience members for the entertainment. Also, audience members were encouraged to refill their drinks often or they were asked to leave. These venues were immensely

1. Rearick, Charles. Pleasures of the Belle Époque: Entertainment and Festivity in Turn-of-the-Century France. (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1985), 83. 2. Ibid.

3 popular among the general public, primarily because of the easy attainability of cigarettes and alcohol for all patrons. The Folies-Bergère, the first well-known music hall venue, opened in 1869. It far surpassed all other venues of its kind in both revenue and number of clients. General admission seating was available for the cost of two francs, which was similar to the fee for the caf’conc’, but the Folies-Bergère also offered more comfortable seating “ranging from the fifteen-franc front-stage boxes to the fifty-centime perches at the back of the fourth balcony.”3 The music hall venues provided a grander form of entertainment with several performers on stage, simultaneously engaging in a variety of art forms, from circus attractions to ballet numbers. Because of the additional stage space, there were often animals and swimming pools involved, the former for circus tricks and the latter for aquatic ballets. “With specific regard to the chanson, there was little difference between the café-concert and the music hall. The music hall employed the same artists who sang the same repertoire they had sung at the café concert.”4 “For centuries, the word cabaret had designated a simple tavern or corner bistro.”5 The name was qualified as cabaret artistique in the early 1880s and began to evolve into something much more elaborate. The cabaret artistique attracted intelligent members from young, aspiring artists to self-proclaimed bohemians. They provided a more intimate, up-close performance setting than the music hall venues. It was also a chance for artists to try out their new ideas and projects, particularly with poetry. The poets were able to experiment, trying out their words on a live audience. Not only did artists become acquainted with other artists, but they also used cabarets as an opportunity to inform the public about political issues of the day in a relaxed, informal setting with no possibility of repercussions from authorities. The songs that were performed here provided a medium through which people could record their daily history and publicly voice their opinions and reactions to current events.

3. Ibid., 84. 4. Whiting, Steven Moore. Satie the Bohemian: From Cabaret to Concert Hall. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 28. 5. Ibid., 34.

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Politics were interwoven into the cabaret music. In 1882 Rudolphe Salis tried to use his popular cabaret as the base of his political platform to separate Montmartre from the state. He declared to the patrons, “What is Montmartre? Nothing. What should it be? Everything.”6 His attempt to secede did not succeed. Another example of using the cabaret as a political platform comes from Aristide Bruant, who ran as a radical candidate for the Belleville Saint-Fargeau district. He lost by a small margin of 502 votes despite his enormous popularity as a chansonnier, or a composer and performer of French song.7 An example of a song with a political text is found below in “L’expulsion,” a song with music and text by cabaret composer and performer Maurice Mac-Nab (1856-1899) in which “the singer ironically takes on the voice of an anarchist in order to express a protest against the possible return of royalty to take over the hard- won Republic.”8

Table 2.1: Excerpted text from “L’expulsion” by Maurice Mac-Nab (Translation by Lisa Appignanesi)

L’expulsion The Expulsion

Moi j’vas vous dir’ la vérité: As for me, I’m going to tell you the truth. Les princ’ il est capitalisse, The princes are capitalists, Et l’traivailleur est exploité, and the workers are exploited. C’est ça la mort du socialisse. It’s the death of socialism. Ah! si l’on écoutait Basly, Ah, if you had just listened to Basly, On confisquerait leur galette, we’d have confiscated their dough, Avec quoi qu’ l’anarchisse aussi and with it the anarchist, too, Il pourrait s’flanquer des noc’ chouettes! would be able to live it up with the swells!

6. Appignanesi, Lisa. The Cabaret. (New York: Universe Books, 1976), 16. 7. Segel, Harold B. Turn-of-the-Century Cabaret: Paris, Barcelona, Berlin, Munich, Vienna, Cracow, Moscow, St. Petersburg, Zurich. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1987), 53. 8. Appignanesi, 2.

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Table 2.1: Continued

Les princ’ c’est pas tout: Plus d’curés, It’s all over with the princes. No more priests, Plus d’gendarmes, plus d’mélétaires, no more gendarmes, no more soldiers, Plus d’richards à lambris dorés no more moneybags with their palatial homes, Qui boit la sueur du prolétaire. No more drinking the blood of the proletariat. Qu’on expulse aussi Léon Say, Let’s also get rid of Leon Say, Pour que l’mineur il s’affranchisse. so that the miners can be emancipated. Enfin, qu’ tout l’mond’ soye expulsé: And finally, let everybody be expelled: Il rest’ra plus qu’ les anarchisses! That way, just anarchists will remain!

2.1 Rudolphe Salis (1851-1897)

Despite his parents’ insistence that he pursue the family distillery business, Rudolphe Salis firmly resolved to pursue art as a career. In 1872 he came to Paris, where the art scene was thriving much more than in his small town of Châtellerault. In the late 1880s, the Montmartre district began to evolve into the cultural center of Paris. The struggling painter Salis founded the first cabaret venue, Le Chat Noir, on November 18, 1881. In order to crown himself “officially” the king of Montmartre, he orchestrated a mock coronation where he boasted, “God made the world, Napoleon instituted the Legion of Honor, and I created Montmartre.”9 Salis was extremely parsimonious, and he became known for this. It made him extremely difficult to work for, and many musicians sought employment elsewhere because of it. At first, Salis tried to pay the artists with alcohol, but when they eventually complained and threatened to leave or did leave, he was forced to revamp his business tactics and compensate them with actual money. At the cabaret, Salis always acted as impresario and conférencier, or emcee, greeting his customers with sarcastic salutations such as “Your Excellency” or “Your Esteemed Electoral Highness.” He might say to a man, “You’re finally out of prison I see!” Or if a man was obviously with his wife, Salis might ask, “What did you do with your ‘chick’ from yesterday?”10

9. Gillmor, Alan M. Erik Satie. (New York: W.W. Norton & Co, 1988), 53. 10. Segel, 15.

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At the cabaret, Salis sought to combine art with alcoholic beverages for the patrons. Luckily for him and the longevity of his club, he had the innovative notion to have a piano moved into the tavern before it was a popular thing to do. After neighbors realized how much noise a piano caused, they complained, and pianos were banned in many newer establishments, but Salis was already grandfathered in under the law. This gave Salis a significant advantage over his competitors in the beginning days of Le Chat Noir.

2.2 Club des Hydropathes

Salis originally intended Le Chat Noir to be used as a place for the Club des Hydropathes to host weekly meetings. The Club des Hydropathes, formed in 1878, consisted of a private group of French citizens. They met to discuss and exchange artistic ideas and to support local artists. The group was formed by Émile Goudeau (1872-1943), and shortly after the inception of the group, he nominated himself as its first president. The impetus for the collective was “to bring together poets declaiming their verse, around musicians performing their songs, a numerous group of free auditors.”11 When a group of school boys demolished the harpsichord found in the café where the group congregated, the Club des Hydropathes demanded to rent out the place for themselves alone. Because there were only five members, the owner refused—he would have lost out on many sales from other customers. As explained by Goudeau in a retrospective article in the paper Le Matin on December 13, 1899, the news quickly spread through word-of-mouth, and “the next day, there were sixty young people and the day after, one hundred and fifty!”12 The group then set up an office, and Goudeau became president. When it came time to choose a name, the group voted and almost unanimously chose “Club des Hydropathes.” Goudeau went on to explain in the article,

11. Ibid., 6. 12. Ibid.

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And now, if you would like to know what “hydropathe” means, here is the answer. In the ministry where I was attached—badly attached at that—I had acquired the nickname “hydropathe,” because of the fact that for several days, as loudly as possible, I had asked the meaning of the German word Hydropathen which was the title of a waltz by maestro Joseph Gung’l, Hydropathen Waltz, which was played often in those days. When I succeeded in giving this name to our association, I pretended to believe that it was the name of some legendary animal that is supposed to have had crystal paws: pathen = paws; hydro = of crystallized water. It was just whimsy, and I had fun with it.13

Other friends in the club claimed that the name actually came from an ironic reading of Goudeau’s name: gôut d'eau, meaning “taste for water.” The club included poets, painters, musicians, monologists, and déclamateurs. The majority of them have long since been forgotten, despite being among the most highly regarded and popular writers and chansonniers of their time. There was a varied output from the Club des Hydropathes, but the characteristics that united the members included being “young men [with the exception of only one woman], libertarian or egalitarian, antibourgeois, unconventional, contemptuous of the Establishment (but willing to accept employment in its institutions and offices for the sake of income), and very much a part of the spirit and style of the late nineteenth-century Latin Quarter.”14 The Latin Quarter was the central subject of many of their literary works and chansons, just as they (and others) would go on to write of Montmartre when they switched to Le Chat Noir as a permanent meeting place. Other common subject matters included the disparagement of religions and the banality of daily life. For example, Jean Richepin (1849-1926), one of the poets in Club des Hydropathes, indignantly wrote a poem entitled “Diagnostic,” which speaks of the lack of social justice in Paris, stating: There is no God, there is no life after death, organized religion and especially Christianity are a mockery, the world itself is but chaos, life a dreary monotony meaning nothing, leading nowhere, governed only by chance. Man’s only response to the world around him should be laughter.15

13. Ibid., 8 14. Ibid., 8. 15. Quoted in Segel, 17.

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This outlook, and a rather unflinching approach to difficult subjects, directly and strongly influenced the cabaret music that was to come.

2.3 Le Chat Noir as a Venue

Part One. The name of the venue originates with the story of Salis pondering what to call his new establishment. He happened to see a black cat perched atop a street lamp, et voilà, Le Chat Noir was born. Salis sought to pay homage to the Wagnerian concept of Gesamtkunstwerk—the total work of art—“which sought a breakdown of traditional barriers between the arts for the sake of their mutual enrichment and the creation of the ‘new’ art that would combine the verbal, visual, musical, and choreographical.”16 Le Chat Noir provided a means of breaking free from the norm of each type of art existing as a separate unit and began to combine them into one collective art. Although it provided a supportive environment for painters, sculptors, poets, musicians, and composers to debut new ideas, as Segel mentions, “There is no doubt that performances at the cabaret were dominated, above all, by its chansonniers.” This comes as no surprise since the emergence of cabaret in the early 1880s coincided with the revival of the chanson, whose history dates back to the Middle Ages.17 At its place of inception, Le Chat Noir consisted of two rooms—the main room for the general public and the back or “inner room” for the cabaret’s regulars or habitués. “Salis decorated the room in medieval style, with stained-glass windows, wall-panels made of armoire doors, pewter mugs, massive chestnut furniture, and wrought-iron lamps hanging from the ceiling. Above the wall-panels Salis displayed paintings and prints by the artists in his clientele.”18

16. Segel, 20. 17. Ibid., 35. 18. Whiting, 39.

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Due to a surge in attendance, Salis hunted for more spacious venues to relocate his cabaret in June 1885. In addition to the overflowing venue, several assaults had been made on Le Chat Noir because it attracted a well-clad clientele, and the rougher Montmartre residents rebelled against the upper class. When an assault would occur, Salis tenaciously tried to incorporate the interruption as a “surprise” into whatever act was on stage at the time, and for awhile, this added to Le Chat Noir’s attraction. But after one of Salis’s waiters was stabbed and he himself was badly mauled, it was crucial for him to change locations.19 Part Two. The first cabaret was located at 84 boulevard de Rochechouart, and Salis set up his new cabaret near the first location at 12 rue de Laval (today, it is rue Victor Massé).20 When the shift of location occurred, Salis held a funeral procession, “a theatrical spectacle in which all of Paris participated.”21 Each person carried a piece of memorabilia from the old Le Chat Noir while singing, dancing, and marching the length of the boulevard de Rochechouart. “Drums, fifes, and violins accompanied the procession, headed by two Swiss guards in full regalia.”22 Salis followed the guards in his signature costume. To him, it was only when “all of Montmartre had joined in the joyous Marseillaise, or Marseille, of Le Chat Noir that the move was considered complete.”23 At the new venue, there were two rooms separated only by a counter and a heavy curtain. “The second floor contained a series of meeting rooms with pompous names—the State Room, the Lord’s Room, the Guard Room, the Oratory—while the third floor, called the Salle des Fêtes, was the site of the enormously successful shadow plays.”24 Alan M. Gillmor gives a detailed account of the ambience: The main room of the tavern was decorated with elaborate walnut panels in the style of Louis XIII, complete with a gigantic ornamented fireplace, massive

19. Ibid., 16. 20. Oberthür, Mariel. Cafes and Cabarets of Montmartre. (Salt Lake City: Peregrine Smith Books, 1984), 58. 21. Appignanesi, 16. 22. Ibid. 23. Ibid. 24. Gillmore, 58.

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oak chairs and tables, and…stained-glass windows by Willette, hanging lanterns by Eugène Grasset decorated with cat motifs in the form of snarling gargoyles, murals, masks of poets, woodcuts, imitation tapestries, copper and pewter utensils, a motley collection of arms and armor, and swarms of cat imagery completed the strange décor.25

There was one corner of the cabaret that was so dark and narrow that no one wished to sit there, and so Salis decided to turn this into an advantage by making it seem elite; he called this corner “The Institute,” and he had waiters there who were dressed in academicians’ robes suggesting “that only those who lived by the intellect could penetrate this elite sanctuary.”26 “The Institute” became one of the trademarks for Le Chat Noir. Le Chat Noir held not only the distinction of being the first cabaret, but it enjoyed the greatest longevity of any cabaret venue up until that point, remaining in business for sixteen years before it closed in 1897, the year of Salis’s death.

2.4 Le Chat Noir as a Journal

Inspired by a journal within the Club des Hydropathes, the artists of Le Chat Noir decided to publish a journal of the same name that generally appeared on a weekly basis between 1882 and 1894. Aristide Bruant founded the journal, and he contributed many articles as well. The journal made it possible to record and relay the debauchery and scandal that was occurring every night in the cabaret to a larger audience, thereby enticing and generating new business. Similarly to the venue, the journal of Le Chat Noir held the greatest longevity of any cabaret journal or magazine, publishing for almost fourteen years.27 As stated by Harold B. Segel, “For a turn-of-the-century cabaret to remain in continuous operation for sixteen years was unusual; for a cabaret journal to continue publication over a thirteen-year period, extraordinary.”28 The journal’s

25. Ibid., 57. 26. Appignanesi, 13. 27. Segel, 27 28. Ibid.

11 popularity can be measured by the surge of copies printed; in 1882, 12,000 copies of Le Chat Noir were printed compared to the 20,000 copies by 1889. Undoubtedly, the journal’s success was facilitated by the success of the cabaret. The format largely remained the same throughout the journal’s publication. Each issue contained six drawings and six poems. Writers associated with the cabaret were thrilled to have a new literary outlet. Their front page included regular features such as:  an editorial column  a chronicle of Montmartre happenings (“Echoes Montmartrais”)  news items about the cabaret itself (“Echoes du Chat Noir”)  a bibliography featuring short reviews of poetry and prose fiction  theatrical announcements (“Théâtres”)  news about the railroads (“Chemin de fer d’Orléans,” “Chemin de fer du Nord,” etc.)  financial information (“Fantaisies financières”)  sports pieces, primarily for bicycling enthusiasts (“Chronique Vélocipédique,” “Bulletins Cyclists”)29

The second page was solely the domain of poets and other literary figures associated with Le Chat Noir, whereas the third and fourth pages were handled by all the remaining artists. They included a more in-depth account of the music and performances occurring in the cabaret. The testaments were often accompanied by drawings as well, one of the most famous examples appearing in the October 30, 1886, issue; this included the text from Aristide Bruant’s song “La ballade du Chat Noir” accompanied by Henri Rivière’s well-known drawing of Salis in action as the master of ceremonies in 1886.30 Less than a year before Le Chat Noir changed venues and the relationship between Bruant and Salis became tumultuous, Bruant wrote and dedicated the anthem of Le Chat Noir to Rudolphe Salis in 1884. “Le ballade du Chat Noir” or “The Ballad of Le Chat Noir” was frequently performed as the closing number of the evening. The song

29. Ibid., 28. 30. Ibid., 30 [Note: The text of “La Ballade du Chat Noir” first appeared in the journal of Le Chat Noir separate from the drawing on August 9, 1884.]

12 contains three verses, and it was expected that the crowd would join in and sing the chorus together between each verse and again at the end. The text is as follows:

Table 2.2: Text of “La ballade du Chat Noir” by Aristide Bruant (Translation by Nickolas Sanches and Sara Chiesa)

La ballade du Chat Noir The Ballad of Le Chat Noir

La lune était sereine The moon was clear Quand sur le boulevard, when on the boulevard Je vis poindre Sosthène I saw Sosthene appear Qui me dit: Cher Oscar! who says to me, dear Oscar! D’ou viens-tu, vieille branche? Where are you coming from, old bean? Moi, je lui répondis: And I answer him: C’est aujourd’hui dimanche, Today it’s Sunday, Et c’est demain lundi... and tomorrow it’s Monday...

Chorus: Chorus: Je cherche fortune, I search for fortune, Autour du Chat Noir, around Le Chat Noir, Au clair de la lune, in the light of the moon, A Montmartre! at Montmartre! Je cherche fortune, I search for fortune, Autour du Chat Noir, around Le Chat Noir, Au clair de la lune, in the light of the moon, A Montmartre, le soir. At Montmartre, at night.

La lune était moins claire, The moon was less bright, Lorsque je rencontrai when I encountered Mademoiselle Claire Mademoiselle Claire A qui je murmurai: to whom I whispered: Comment vas-tu, la belle? How are you doing, beautiful? - Et Vous? - Très bien, merci. - And you? – Very well, thank you. - A propos, me dit-elle, -By the way, she said to me, Que cherchez-vous, ici? What are you looking for here?

La lune était plus sombre, The moon was darker, En haut les chats braillaient, high above, the cats howled, Quand j’aperçus, dans l’ombre, when I noticed, in the shade, Deux grands yeux qui brillaient. two big eyes that were sparkling. Une voix de rogomme A raspy voice Me cria: Nom d’un chien! cried out to me: A glass of brandy! Je vous y prends, jeune homme, I’ll take you there, young man, Que faites-vous? – Moi… Rien. What are you doing? - Me…Nothing.

13

Table 2.2: Continued

La lune était obscure, The moon was dark, Quand on me transborda when someone crossed me Dans une préfecture, in a prefecture, Où l’on me demanda: where someone asked me: Etes-vous journaliste, Are you a journalist? Peintre, sculpteur, rentier, Painter? Sculptor? Annuitant? Poète ou pianiste? … Poet or pianist? … Quel est votre métier? What is your profession?

14

CHAPTER THREE

ARISTIDE BRUANT (1851-1925)

3.1 Biography and Background

Figure 3.1: Aristide Bruant dans son Cabaret. Henri de Toulouse-Lautrec, 1892

Born to landowning parents, Bruant grew up 200 kilometers southeast of Paris in the village of Courtenay, Loiret. Later, when he was a teenager, his parents moved to the slum district boulevard Mazas, which today is known as the boulevard Diderot.31 Bruant frequently visited the nearby Mazas prison, which later became the subject matter of his song entitled “A Mazas.” He had a lifelong fascination with criminals; he wanted to know a great deal about their mindset, attitude, and way of life. He

31. Segel, 48.

15 familiarized himself with the criminals close to home by visiting them and keenly observing their behaviors. Later in life, he frequented the prison of La Roquette, notorious for its guillotine located front and center at the prison. These prison images became the subjects of many of the songs written in his adult life. Before settling into the career of a chansonnier, he worked unsuccessfully for a variety of employers, including a lawyer’s office, a jewelry shop, the railway company, and the army. In 1880 his singing career began to take off after his second brief stint in the army, which lasted only 28 days. He performed his own compositions as a singer and pianist in popular venues across Paris, and a growing number of fans began to appreciate his music, his onstage persona, and his overall presentation. When he premiered at the Scala Café in Paris, he wore a costume consisting of a black corduroy jacket with matching black pants, a red flannel shirt, black leather boots, a black sombrero-like hat, a scarlet scarf around his neck, and a flowing black cape draped around his shoulders; this was to become his trademark and was later immortalized in the famous poster Toulouse-Lautrec painted of him in 189332 (see Figure 3.1). Aristide Bruant walked into Le Chat Noir for the first time in January 1884 with his pal and famed composer of the time, Jules Jouy, who then introduced him to Salis. The two men hit it off, and subsequently, Bruant performed there often. When Rudolphe Salis moved the business in 1885, Bruant raised enough money to open his own cabaret in its place. He called it Le Mirliton, and it became Le Chat Noir’s biggest competitor. He elicited the help of a third-party member when purchasing the cabaret in order to avoid a direct confrontation with Salis. Bruant decorated the place sparsely with a few pictures, posters, carvings, and swords. The furniture in the cabaret consisted only of a piano, counter, and benches. Occasionally Bruant played and sang, but mostly he sang while being accompanied by friends at the piano. Bruant insisted on approving of each customer upon arrival before he or she was granted entry, as did Salis. Customers were berated with insults when they walked in,

32. Ibid., 49.

16 and Bruant mocked everyone’s appearance. After recovering from the initial shock of the brash welcome, customers relaxed and participated in the fun; they would greet newcomers in the same way Bruant had greeted them. While Le Chat Noir offered a variety of talents, Le Mirliton showcased only the songs of Aristide Bruant. Also, beer was the only alcoholic beverage served there, whereas Le Chat Noir served a vast array of alcohol. Nevertheless, it became a must-see for travelers visiting Paris.33 Bruant left Le Mirliton in 1895, mainly due to increasing requests for guest appearances throughout France. He sold the cabaret to Marius Hervochon, his pianist at the time. As a tribute, Hervochon renamed it Cabaret Aristide Bruant, and the cabaret outlived the great artist for whom it was named by forty years, unlike Le Chat Noir, which closed in the same year in which its founder died.

3.2 Compositions

Bruant was one of the leading cabaret chansonniers of his time. Harold Segel notes, “Song, idiom, and personal style fused to produce memorable if disturbing performances and justifiably created around Bruant the mystique of France’s greatest turn-of-the-century cabaret chansonnier, indeed the very embodiment of the genre in the peak period of its development.”34 Spontaneity was one of the most essential elements in Bruant’s compositional style. This could be a contributing factor to the simplistic nature of his melodies. Given the standards of cabaret at the time, he probably wrote with the intention that performers would elaborate on the notes on the page. Bruant published his first song book, Dans la rue, at the height of his fame in 1889. In 1896 Bruant published the first volume of a three-volume collection entitled Chansons et monologues. The latter two volumes were published in 1897.35 Sur la route, his final volume of songs, came out in 1899. These songs reflect his time spent in the

33. Ibid., 51. 34. Segel, 66. 35. Ibid., 54.

17 country after retirement, and for the first time, the character of the “vagabond” or wanderer appears in his songs. Most importantly, it was Bruant’s obsession with criminals that separated him from his fellow chansonniers. He had an expansive knowledge of their way of life, speech, and habits. As Segel states:

What he brought to his chansons that was different from those of his fellow chansonniers was an intimate knowledge of the mores and speech of petty criminals with whom so many of his songs deal, an even more striking realism of setting, character, and idiom, a somewhat greater feeling for the macabre, a distinct, indeed memorable, voice that was at once cutting and metallic, and a physical presence and personal style that lent still greater authenticity to his songs and played no small part in the aura that grew up around him.36

Rather than singing about the criminal, Bruant’s songs tell the story directly from a criminal’s perspective. The narrator in each song assumes the personae of the whores, pimps, murderers, unemployed laborers, and other social outcasts found in Parisian society. Because criminals were a central focus of Bruant’s songs, the prison and the guillotine are common subject matters. The song “A Montpernesse” centers on the marriage between a whore and her pimp. She is gluttonous and drinks alcohol increasingly as she ages, even sneaking off behind her husband’s back to have a drink. The husband reaches his breaking point and decides to kill her:

Table 3.1: Excerpted text from “A Montpernesse” by Aristide Bruant (Translated by Nickolas Sanches and Sara Chiesa)

A Montpernesse At Montpernesse

C’est pour ça qu’ j’y cardais la peau That’s why I skinned her hide, Et que j’y ai crevé la paillasse, and split the old bag open, A Montpernesse. at Montpernesse.

The pimp ends the chanson in prison awaiting the guillotine, free from the burden of any remorse.

36. Ibid., 51.

18

Bruant blatantly defied societal rules of the time by discussing violence and crime unapologetically in his songs. It was through his carefully chosen words that he illustrated such dark settings. For example, Bruant utilized the colloquial French of the time in order to increase the accessibility of the text. In the song “Crâneuse” (The braggart), there appear several elisions commonly found in colloquial French: j'viens (= je viens), c’qu’a (= ce qu’a), nom de d’la (= nom de dela), un’ marmit’ (= une marmite), faut-i’ qu’nous (= faut-il que nous), qu’a m’f’ra (= qu’a me fera), and en v’la’ (= en voila). In addition, there are several colloquial expressions taken from the lowest tiers of society in Paris. Bruant cleverly chose many words with double meanings. Some examples are gonzesse (“dessert tart” or a “floozy”), marmite (“pot found in the kitchen” or “whore”), and febosse (“a bag” or “an old hag”). Bruant often wrote about specific places in Paris, particularly the rougher districts of the city, and this is reflected in many of his song titles. Some examples are “A la place Maubert,” “A la villette,” “A Montpernesse,” “Belleville-Ménilmontant,” “A Saint-Ouen,” “A la roquette,” “Rue Saint-Vincent,” and “Le Chat Noir.”

3.2.1 “Rôdeuse de berges”

Table 3.2: Text of “Rôdeuse de berges,” with music and text by Aristide Bruant (Translation by Adeline Heck and Sara Chiesa)

Rôdeuse de Berges Prowler of Riverbanks

(Verse 1) A Paris les p’tit’s gigolettes In Paris, the little harlots Gagn’nt de l’argent bien facil’ment, earn money so easily, Ell’s ont du linge et des toilettes, they’ve got clothes and toiletries, Et même un p’tit appartement. and even a little apartment. Eh! Ben moi j’ai jamais eu d’veine, Eh! Well I’ve never had any luck, Je n’turbin’pas dans les grands prix, I don’t ask for a lot of money, Et j’carapat’le long d’la Seine and I hurry along the Seine Entre Billancourt et Paris. between Billancourt and Paris

19

Table 3.2: Continued

(Refrain) Rôdeus’ de berg’ au bord de l’eau Prowler of riverbanks along the river, Je trottin’comme un’petit’grue I trot like a little tart, Et sous les ponts, si j’fais l’poireau and under the bridges, if I cool my heels Je n’me ballad’pas dans la rue! I don’t walk the street!

(Verse 2) Si j’frayais dans les quartiers riches If I were hangin’ out in the rich neighborhoods J’pourrais m’payer des kimonos; I’d be able to treat myself to some kimonos; Au lieu d’bâcher dans les péniches instead of sleepin’ in the barges J’irais pieuter dans des garnos, I would go hit the hay in furnished apartments, Mais j’ai pas l’rond… Souvent, J’suis meule, but I don’t have a cent… I’m broke often J’bouff’ pas tous les jours I don’t stuff my face every day à ma faim… to my heart’s content… Et j’vas d’vant moi, comm’ça tout’seule I walk around by myself, just like that, all alone En chantant pour gagner mon pain. singin’ to earn my bread.

(Refrain…)

(Verse 3) L’matin, quand le soleil s’apprête In the morning, when the sun A rayonner sur les coteaux, gets ready to shine upon the hills, Quand la nature’se met en fête, when nature starts celebratin’, J’écout’chanter les p’tits oiseaux, I listen to the little birds singin’, Mais l’soir, si tôt qu’la lun’se lève but at night, as soon as the moon rises Je r’commence à marcher d’vant moi I begin again to walk around Et j’viens poireauter sur la grève and I come hang out on the shore En attendant Je n’sais pas quoi… waitin’ for I don’t know what…

(Refrain…)

Bruant wrote both the lyrics and music in his song “Rôdeuse de berges” (“The prowler of riverbanks”). The text speaks of the little harlots, or p’tit’s gigolettes, who earn enough money on the streets to be able to afford an apartment complete with clothes and toiletries. The narrator in the song more nobly “sings to earn his bread” rather than walking the streets. He is saying that although his line of work does not provide an exorbitant lifestyle, there is more integrity in singing for a living than in prostituting. Both the introduction and the postlude end with a plagal cadence, which is widely associated with church hymns; Bruant is humorously showing the dichotomy

20 between the lewd subject matter of the text and the religious, pious association that the music evokes (see Figure 3.2).

Figure 3.2: Plagal cadence. “Rôdeuse de berges,” introduction mm. 1-4

As was typical in cabaret music of the time, there is a 16-bar refrain. Most times, the audience would sing along with the refrain since that was the most familiar part of the tune, and in this piece, they get the opportunity to do so three times. In order to draw attention to the start of the refrain, Bruant inserts one bar of 4/4 time in the preceding measure (measure 20) in a piece that is otherwise written in 3/4 (save for the introduction and postlude which are in 2/4). This gives the audience a warning that the familiar part of the tune is about to start once again. It is evident from the 3/4 time that this piece is a waltz, which is another commentary on high style. In choosing to employ a waltz feel and accompaniment, Bruant started a trend that would remain prevalent in cabaret music. The natural lilt in the song helped to encourage dancing participation within the audience. Harmonically, the only chords represented are variations of I, IV, V, and viio7. Several times throughout the piece, Bruant employs the secondary dominants including V7/V and V7/vi. The more interesting harmonies are created through the chromatic passing tones that pervade the piece. For example, in m.17, Bruant uses a chord of the added 6th on the third beat (see Figure 3.3).

21

Figure 3.3: Specific harmony in m. 17. “Rôdeuse de berges” mm. 15-19

In the accompaniment, Bruant maneuvers between harmonies by means of the chromatic passing tones of D# and D♭. In the verses, Bruant uses D# in measures 10 and 19, which leads to E, or the mediant of the dominant key (see Figure 3.3 for m. 19).

Then in contrast, he uses a D♭ in the first measure of the refrain (measure 21), which leads to C, or the dominant of the home key of F Major. In addition, the D♭ to C complements the half-step movement of B♭ to A that immediately precedes it in both the vocal line and the melody of the accompaniment. Several examples are shown below in the refrain:

22

Figure 3.4: One measure of 4/4 time and the movement of the D♭. “Rôdeuse de berges,” mm. 20-40

Approximately half of the time, the piano accompaniment doubles the vocal melody with added embellishments. For example, in m. 15, the piano plays thirds in the right hand with the vocal melody being played in the top line (see Figure 3.3). Also, the left hand of the piano accompaniment echoes the melody of the first four measures

23 of the refrain (four notes at a time), but at a tenth lower and with an eighth rest separating the melody from the echo (see Figure 3.4). In the measures where the accompaniment does not double the vocal melody, the piano is in duet with the voice, usually in the interval of a third or a sixth. It also fills in notes where the voice has rests; examples of this are in the treble clef of measure 16 (see Figure 3.3) and measure 24 (see Figure 3.4).

3.2.2 “Les canuts”

Table 3.3: Text of “Les canuts” with music and text by Aristide Bruant (Translation by Adeline Heck and Sara Chiesa)

Les Canuts The Silk Workers

(Verse 1) Pour chanter veni creator To sing “veni creator,” Il faut une chasuble d’or one needs a golden chasuble,* Pour chanter veni creator to sing “veni creator,” Il faut une chasuble d’or one needs a golden chasuble. Nous en tissons pour vous We weave them for you, Grands de l’église, great men of the church, Et nous pauvres canuts, and we poor silk workers N’avons pas de chemise. don’t have any shirts.

(Refrain) C’est nous les canuts! We’re the silk workers! Nous sommes tout nus! We are stark naked!

(Verse 2) Pour gouverner il faut avoir To govern, one must have Manteaux ou rubans en sautoir coats or ribbons around the neck. Pour gouverner il faut avoir To govern, one must have Manteaux ou rubans en sautoir. coats or ribbons around the neck.

Nous en tissons pour vous, We weave them for you, Grands de la terre, great men of the earth, Et nous pauvres canuts and we poor silk workers, Sans drap on nous enterre. they bury us without a sheet.

(Refrain…) *chasuble : the type of vestment worn by the priest when saying mass

24

Table 3.3: Continued

(Verse 3) Mais notre règn’arrivera But our reign will come quand votre règne finira once your reign ends, Mais notre règn’arrivera But our reign will come Quand votre règne finira. once your reign ends. Nous tisserons We will weave le linceul du vieux monde, the shroud of the old world, Car on entend déjà because one already hears la tempête qui gronde. the storm brewing.

(Refrain…)

The canuts were silk workers in the commune of Lyon (located between Paris and Marseille) in the 19th century. They were subjected to harsh working conditions with very little pay. Because of this, there were many disgruntled workers, resulting in what became known as the Canut Revolts. The first revolt in 1831 is one of the first documented worker revolts of the Industrial Revolution in Europe. Once again, Bruant employs a sense of irony through the dissonance between the text and the style of the music. The sarcastic text speaks of the harsh conditions that the canuts endured—and for what? They worked thankless jobs for a meager wage in order to make the clothes for the clergy of the church and for the rich politicians who forgot about the canuts when it came time for legislation. At the end of each verse, the text states “Nous sommes tout nus!” which colloquially translates to “We are stark naked!” How ironic that the workers making the clothing for the upper class must go without clothing themselves. There is a double meaning in “Nous sommes tout nus!” Bruant could be referring to the purity of one’s heart in addition to literal nudity. “Nous sommes tout nus!” can also mean that the canuts are honest, hard-working people; it is as if they are saying “We have nothing to hide!” Regardless, they are literally buried without a sheet as nameless naked bodies in a grave, just as the text states: “Sans drap on nous enterre.” Through his text, Bruant is speaking out against the great disparities between the upper class and the working class.

25

Figure 3.5: Fermata in m. 24 and the refrain. “Les canuts,” mm. 22-28

The form is identical to “Rôdeuse de berges” containing three verses, each followed by a refrain. However, it is unique that “Les canuts” has a refrain of only four bars. Each time it contains the text of “C’est nous les canuts, Nous sommes tout nus!” This four-bar refrain directly mimics the responsorial psalm found in the Catholic Mass37 and other Jewish and Christian services where a church cantor (soloist) or choir leads the congregation by singing the verses and the congregation joins in for the short response after each verse. Bruant directly quotes Latin text found in the opening line of the hymn “Veni creator spiritus” when he says “Pour chanter veni creator,” or “To sing ‘come creator’!’” To set up and to draw attention to the refrain in “Les canuts,” Bruant uses a fermata over the last syllable of each of the three verses (for measure 24, see

37. Before the Second Vatican Council in 1962-1965, this part of the mass was referred to as the gradual rather than the responsorial psalm.

26

Figure 3.5) rather than adding a measure of 4/4 time like he did in “Rôdeuse de berges.”

In this song, Bruant evokes modality with the Phrygian motion from E♭ to D. He also recalls the music of the 17th and 18th centuries through the use of the rolled chords in the accompaniment, which are reminiscent of a harpsichord; these chords begin the moment that the voice enters. This reminds us of the music found in courts in the 1700s, which is Bruant’s way of further mocking the upper class in addition to the church.

Figure 3.6: Rolled chords that evoke a harpsichord. “Les canuts,” mm. 5-12

In the accompaniment, Bruant constantly doubles the vocal melody in the right hand, with the first measure of each verse being the only exception (see Figure 3.6). “Les canuts” has a quicker harmonic rhythm than “Rôdeuse de berges,” with the

27 harmony changing twice per measure in 2/4 time rather than once per measure in 3/4 time. Bruant’s obsession with criminals gives his music a unique flavor. He unashamedly discusses crime and mocks the church and upper class. He is able to express himself more clearly having written both the music and words. He begins each song with a verse and ends on the familiar tune of the refrain while doubling the vocal melody in the accompaniment. This combined with the directness of his text and his use of colloquial French expressions made his music instantly accessible to the masses at both Le Chat Noir and Le Mirliton. While it was exclusively Bruant's music that was played at the latter during the composer’s lifetime, the fact that it continued to dominate the repertoire at Le Mirliton for an additional 40 years after his death shows the depth of influence left by his musical legacy.

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CHAPTER FOUR

ERIK SATIE (1866-1925)

4.1 Biography and Background

Born at Honfleur in Normandy, Erik Alfred Leslie Satie was surrounded by music from the day he was born. His French father, Jules Alfred Satie, married his Scottish mother, Jane Leslie Anton, in 1865. When Erik was 4 years old, Jules and Jane moved the family to Paris. Tragically, Jane died in 1872 at only 29 years of age. Erik and his two younger siblings were sent back to Honfleur to live with their paternal grandparents. This was a defining moment in young Erik’s life because this is where he received his first formal music lessons with Vinot, pupil of Niedermeyer and organist at the church of Saint-Léonard. When his grandmother passed away in 1878, he and his brother moved to Paris to rejoin their father, who shortly thereafter married a piano teacher named Eugénie Barnetche. At this time, Satie’s father began to publish his own compositions in Paris as well as those of both his son and Barnetche.38 Erik Satie entered the Conservatoire de Paris in the preparatory class of Émile Descombes in 1879, and he struggled throughout his tenure there. His teachers thought him lazy, and this is reflected on his piano examination comments. He received remarks such as “Gifted but indolent” in 1880 and “Laziest student in the Conservatoire” in 1881, both written by Descombes.39 Satie was dismissed from the Conservatoire in 1882. Through his tenacity and sheer force of will, he audited a few classes, reauditioned, and was then reaccepted. On his second time around, he received similar examination feedback, such as “Worthless. Three months just to learn the piece. Cannot sight-read properly.” He chose to leave the Conservatoire de Paris in early November of 1886 to pursue military service. Like Bruant, Satie quit after a short stint in the army.

38. Gillmor, xix. 39. Ibid.

29

Following a quarrel with his father about a liaison amoureuse Erik allegedly had had with the family maid, Erik Satie left his family’s middle-class home in 1887 to pursue a career in Montmartre.40 “He was thrilled to be rid finally of the shackles of his [Roman Catholic] conservative upbringing, and he rebelled with a vengeance; he enthusiastically embraced the reckless bohemian lifestyle.”41 Satie, then 21 years old, lived in an apartment that was extremely close to Le Chat Noir. There, he chose to make his grand entrance as a viable, aspiring artist, participant in, and proponent of the new art form of cabaret. He visited Le Chat Noir for the first time during the lavish performance of a shadow play entitled Temptation of Saint Anthony. A friend introduced him that night to Rudolphe Salis as “Erik Satie, gymnopédiste!” This was before he had composed his three Gymnopédies in 1888. It is unknown whether he was trying to market himself as a composer of gymnopédies, or if his name was in reference to the gymnopaedia of ancient Sparta—“a festival in which nude (or simply unarmed) men and boys danced about deities’ statues to musical accompaniment.”42 It is possible that he was simply trying to be a memorable, audacious personality. Regardless, he later had the three Gymnopédies to thank for his employment, for it was because of the innovation and popularity of these pieces that he was offered an informal position by Salis as the second pianist at Le Chat Noir. Satie’s tenure there was short-lived, however, and in 1891 he abandoned Le Chat Noir due to a quarrel with Salis regarding a lack of financial compensation. He left the pioneering cabaret to take the job as second pianist at the nearby cabaret, Auberge du Clou. “If Le Chat Noir had nurtured Satie’s nonconformist spirit, the Auberge du Clou was the arena in which he began vigorously to assert that spirit.”43 Those who were discontent with Salis and Le Chat Noir began to frequent Auberge du Clou; it was “those

40. Ibid., 52. 41. Wachsmann, Klaus and Patrick O’Connor. "Cabaret." Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online. (Oxford University Press. Web. 4 Feb. 2013). . 42. Whiting, 69. 43. Ibid., 172.

30 who felt that Salis had sacrificed the ambiance and idealism of the cabaret by making a public spectacle of their gatherings for his own profit.”44 “The décor was rustic rather than medieval, intended (according to Jules Claretie) to recreate ‘a Norman tavern, with a sprig of holly on its shop sign, red curtains, plaster ceiling,…straw-bottomed chairs, and oaken tables.’ ”45 This is where Satie met both Claude Debussy (1862-1918) and Vincent Hyspa (1865-1938). He shared an intimate friendship with both in addition to a performing career with the latter. As stated by Steven Moore Whiting, “These contacts had a crucial impact upon Satie’s peculiar development as a creative artist.”46 Satie would take regular gigs at many of the cabarets of Montmartre in order to earn a living, but it was as the accompanist and arranger to famed chansonnier Vincent Hyspa that Satie made most of his money and was able to sustain himself through extreme financial struggles. “Satie made many arrangements of popular songs by other composers for his own use as cabaret accompanist to Vincent Hyspa and others between 1899 and 1909. The other composers include Paul Delmet, Laurent du Rillé, Georges Tiercy, Emile Debraux, and even Bizet and Offenbach.”47 In addition to being a singer, Hyspa was also a composer, arranger, and an amateur pianist. It was a common practice for him to write a verse and fit the words into an already-existing familiar folk tune.

4.2 Compositions

Erik Satie composed in several varying genres of music, including over 130 solo piano pieces, several dramatic works, about ten pieces for unaccompanied instruments, three orchestral works, and many vocal works both large-scale (Messe des pauvres for chorus and organ and Socrate) and small-scale, including art songs and cabaret pieces.

44. Ibid., 108. 45. Ibid., 107.; Claretie’s description stems from an article, ‘Paris—Ariste’ written for Le Temps, 2 May 1884, and reprinted in La Vie à Paris, 1884. 46. Ibid., 109. 47. Orledge, Robert. Satie the Composer. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 335.

31

Satie composed 22 art songs and 18 cabaret songs, and thus, his song output is divided almost equally. One of Satie’s greatest overall musical achievements was his effort to integrate music hall sounds, cabaret sounds, and well-known tunes into his classical music output. He played a large role in the development of the French cabaret genre, and he helped to perpetuate the notion of freedom in both composition and thought. As Robert Orledge explains, “All [Satie] wished for was the freedom to compose what he wanted when he wanted, without material constraints.”48 Satie consistently employed whole-tone scales and chords built in fourths. He innovatively used dissonances as viable entities without resolving them. This created significantly more adventurous and complex harmonies than Bruant had ever used. Also, because Vincent Hyspa had such an infectious sense of humor and an impressive talent as an actor, Satie often left extended rests between verses or words to allow ample time for Hyspa to play to the audience. An example of this is in “Le Veuf” and “Veuf II.”

4.2.1 “Je te veux”

Table 4.1: Text of “Je te veux” with music by Erik Satie and text by Henry Pacory (Translation by Bard Suverkrop and Sara Chiesa)

Je te veux I want you

(Refrain) J'ai compris ta détresse, I have understood your distress, Cher amoureux, dear lover, Et je cède à tes voeux: and I yield to your desires: Fais de moi ta maîtresse. Make of me your mistress. Loin de nous la sagesse, Forgetting all common sense, Plus de tristesse, no more sadness, J'aspire à l'instant précieux I yearn for the precious moment Où nous serons heureux: when we will be happy: Je te veux. I want you.

48. Orledge, 9.

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Table 4.1: Continued

(1st Couplet) Je n'ai pas de regrets, I have no regrets, Et je n'ai qu'une envie: and I have but one desire: Près de toi, là, tout près, Close to you, there, very close, Vivre toute ma vie. to live all my life. Que mon coeur soit le tien Let my heart be yours Et ta lèvre la mienne, and your lips be mine, Que ton corps soit le mien, let your body be mine, Et que toute ma chair soit tienne. and let all my flesh be yours.

(Refrain…)

(2nd Couplet) Oui, je vois dans tes yeux Yes, I see in your eyes La divine promesse the divine promise Que ton coeur amoureux that your loving heart Vient chercher ma caresse. is seeking my caress. Enlacés pour toujours, Entwined forever, Brûlés des mêmes flammes, burned by the same flames, Dans des rêves d'amours, in the dreams of love, Nous échangerons nos deux âmes. we will exchange our two souls.

(Refrain…)

Between 1900 and 1904, Satie composed several waltzes, including “Je te veux,” its companion piano waltz with a new trio, both versions of “Poudre d’or,” both waltzes entitled “Tendrement,” and approximately sixteen other partially completed waltzes.49 When Satie later orchestrated “Je te veux” for both brass orchestra and full orchestra, he added a new trio.50 Moving away from the cabaret tradition found in Bruant’s music of writing both the text and the lyrics, Satie set this music to text by Henry Pacory. The song experienced tremendous popularity, and it played voraciously throughout cabarets right after Satie gained the sponsorship of famed music hall singer Paulette Darty, whom he knew from the Conservatoire. It was “through the advocacy of

49. Whiting, 277. 50. Orledge, 281.

33

Vincent Hyspa and the ‘Queen of the Slow Waltz,’ Paulette Darty, that Satie became better known for his popular songs than for his other music.”51 “Je te veux” contains a refrain and two couplets. Unlike Bruant and other cabaret predecessors, Satie begins the song with the refrain rather than with a verse. The sensuous text speaks of a lustful passion between two lovers, and the sway of the 3/4 waltz balances out the intensity of the text with a playful, light-hearted lilt. As is common in Satie’s waltzes, hemiola rhythms are prevalent in “Je te veux,” occurring at measures 18-20 in the refrain, measures 58-60 in the first couplet, and measures 84-86 in the second couplet.

a)

Figure 4.1: Hemiolas found in “Je te veux” a) Hemiola. “Je te veux” mm. 18-21 b) Hemiola. “Je te veux” mm. 58-61 c) Hemiola. “Je te veux” mm. 84-87

51. Ibid., 113.

34

b)

c)

Figure 4.1—continued

35

In French music written in the late 19th and into the 20th century, the crescendo and diminuendo signs often refer to tempo in addition to or instead of volume. A prime example of this is in measures 30-34 in the refrain.

Figure 4.2: Crescendo and diminuendo markings as indicators of tempo. “Je te veux,” mm. 30-35

Another great example is in the first couplet in measure 43 leading into measure 44, when the listener is waiting with bated breath to know what the singer’s one desire is:

Table 4.2: Excerpted text from “Je te veux,” mm. 45-69

Je te veux I want you

Et je n’ai qu’une envie: And I have but one desire:

Près de toi, là, tout près, Close to you, there, very close, Vivre toute ma vie. to live all my life. Que mon cœur soit le tien Let my heart be yours Et ta lèvre la mienne, and your lips be mine, Que ton corps soit le mien, let your body be mine, Et que toute ma chair soit tienne. and let all my flesh be yours.

36

Figure 4.3: Decrescendo marking indicating time in m. 44. “Je te veux,” mm. 38-45

The piano accompaniment is a standard waltz accompaniment. It doubles the vocal line in octaves while maintaining a separate octave in the bass on every downbeat throughout the piece. On beats two and three of almost every measure, there are chords that help fill out the rhythm (see Figures 4.1, 4.2, and 4.3).

37

4.2.2 “La diva de l’Empire”

Table 4.3: Text of “La diva de l’Empire,” with music by Erik Satie and text by Dominique Bonnaud and Numa Blès (Translation by Bard Suverkrop and Sara Chiesa)

La diva de l’Empire The diva of the Empire

(Refrain) Sous le grand chapeau Greenaway, Under a large Greenaway hat, Mettant l'éclat d'un sourire, wearing a dazzling smile, D'un rire charmant et frais with the charming and fresh laugh De baby étonné qui soupire, of an astonished sighing baby, Little girl aux yeux veloutés, the little girl with velvety eyes, C'est la Diva de l'Empire. it is the diva of the Empire. C'est la rein' dont s'éprennent It is the queen with whom Les gentlemen the gentlemen become enamored, Et tous les dandys and all the dandies De Piccadilly. of Piccadilly.

(1st Couplet) Dans un seul "yes," In a single “yes,” elle met tant de douceur she puts on so much sweetness Que tous les snobs en gilet à coeur, that all the snobs in waistcoats, L'accueillant de hourras frénétiques, welcome her with frenzied cheers, Sur la scène lancent des gerbes de fleurs, they toss bouquets on the stage Sans remarquer le rire narquois without noticing the mocking smile De son joli minois. on her pretty little face.

(Refrain…)

(2nd Couplet) Elle danse presque automatiquement She dances almost automatically Et soulève, oh très pudiquement, and lifts up, oh very modestly, Ses jolis dessous de fanfreluches, her pretty frilly petticoat, De ses jambes montrant le frétillement. to show her wriggling legs. C'est à la fois très très innocent It is both very, very innocent Et très très excitant. and very, very exciting.

(Refrain…)

38

Satie composed one of his most popular songs, “La diva de l’Empire,” in 1904. It was referred to by Satie with the ironic name of “Stand-Walk Marche” or the “Little Girl March,” and Satie later orchestrated it for piccolo, flute, clarinet in A, bassoon, horn, cornet in A, trombone, percussion, strings.52 Once again, Satie sets music to pre-existing lyrics, this time using the words of Dominique Bonnaud and Numa Blès. Similarly to how Bruant incorporated colloquial elisions and French expressions, Bonnaud and Blès cleverly insert several colloquial English words. Examples are scattered throughout the text, including “un chapeau Greenaway,” “Little girl aux yeux veloutés,” “les gentlemen,” “Dans un seul yes,” and “De baby.” Some of these rhyme with the French words including the pairings of “Greenaway” with “charmant et frais” and “gentlemen” with “dont s’épprennent.” The text tells the story of a young woman (the diva) who performs in a cabaret establishment in London called The Empire. The diva in the song is a tease who infantilizes herself in her cabaret act. She acts like a little girl by tossing her skirt, showing a hint of bare leg while all the while giggling and feigning naïveté. The simplicity of the 2/4 meter reflects the simplicity of the diva’s “little girl” act. She sings about a “Greenaway hat,” referring to Kate Greenaway (1846-1901), who designed hats but made her living as a writer and illustrator of children’s books, further amplifying the “little girl” persona of the diva. “La diva de l’Empire” is identical in form to “Je te veux.” Satie begins the piece with the refrain and alternates it with two couplets. Just as Bruant uses a 16-bar refrain in “Rôdeuse de berges,” Satie uses a 16-bar refrain in this piece. One way in which he shows the difference between the refrain and each couplet is by using a different tonal center—the refrain is written in G major, and each of the two couplets are written in D major. Satie employs the tradition of doubling the vocal melody in the accompaniment, yet he does so in an unusual way: in the refrain, the accompaniment doubles the vocal melody in the same octave, and in each couplet, the accompaniment doubles the vocal

52. Whiting, 287.

39 melody one octave lower with the exception of measure 27, which doubles in the same octave and one octave higher. This occurs on the words “elle met tant de doucer,” (she puts on so much sweetness) and the higher octave reflects the diva’s sweetness and the insincerity of her “putting on” the sweetness (see Figure 4.4b). With the unison between the pianist and the singer in the refrain, it is almost as if the pianist joins in with the singer to sing the chorus of the song just as the patrons of Le Chat Noir would have done.

a)

Figure 4.4: Melodic doubling. “La diva de l’Empire” a) Melodic unison doubling. “La diva de l’Empire,” mm. 9-12 b) Melodic doubling one octave higher. “La diva de l’Empire,” mm. 25-28

40

b)

Figure 4.4—continued

As is common in Satie’s compositional style, he utilizes simple melodies over strong, dance-like rhythms. Satie indicates a tempo marking of “Temps de marche” to be maintained throughout the piece, and this begins strongly from the onset of the eight-measure piano introduction. The last four measures of the piano introduction act as a vamp, thus giving the singer an opportunity to speak to her audience if she so desires; this was and continues to be a very common occurrence during cabaret performances. Satie’s humor and quirkiness set him apart from other composers. Because he used the texts of others, he was forced to express his distinctive personality through his music alone. His use of hemiola as well as various rhythmic motives and unusual time signatures (for the repertoire) act as his musical signature. He begins his songs with the refrain, and like Bruant, he has the piano double the vocal melody almost constantly. This, combined with the scattering of colloquial English expressions found throughout the texts he uses, makes his music accessible for the masses at Le Chat Noir, Auberge du Clou, and continuing into the present-day. When acknowledging the

41 frequency with which his music is performed today, almost 100 years after his death, it is difficult to imagine that Satie was ever considered “the laziest student at the Conservatoire.”

Figure 4.5: Introduction acting as a vamp. “La diva de l’Empire,” mm. 1-8

42

CHAPTER FIVE

MARGUERITE MONNOT (1903-1961)

5.1 Biography and Background

Marguerite Monnot was born in Decize, Nièvre, to parents Marius and Marie Monnot. Marius was a famous organist who had gone blind at the age of three. He worked at the church of Saint-Aré where he also taught piano lessons and composed religious music. With some background in music, Marie also taught piano lessons, as well as French literature; she was primarily a writer, however. Marius and Marie hosted parties at which their musician friends would perform all evening. With such artistic-minded parents, Monnot grew up surrounded by art, literature, and music; it is fitting that she was a piano prodigy, composing her first piece at the age of three and making her public debut performing Mozart when she was a mere three-and-a-half years of age.53 In her formative years, Monnot received the majority of her education in reading and writing from her mother and in music from her father; because she often skipped formal school, she had the luxury of refining her piano skills for several hours each day. Monnot followed a path similar to that of Satie, being classically trained and then later attending the Conservatoire de Paris. There, she studied piano with Alfred Cortot and composition with Nadia Boulanger.

5.2 Compositions

Monnot’s songwriting career began to take off in the mid-1930s, particularly when her composition “L'Étranger” was awarded the prestigious Grand Prix du Disque by L'Académie du Disque Français in 1935. “Initially sung by Annette Lajon, ‘L'Étranger’ was adopted by a young, up-and-coming cabaret singer named Édith Piaf, who met and

53. Huey, Steve. http://www.allmusic.com/artist/marguerite-monnot- mn0000573151/biography.

43 befriended Monnot through a lyricist and cabaret pianist named Raymond Asso.”54 Monnot collaborated with Asso on many hits sung by Piaf (1915-1963), and together, Monnot and Asso significantly contributed to the legend of Piaf by providing the music and lyrics to several of Piaf’s hit songs. When the love affair between Asso and Piaf ended, the collaboration between Monnot and Asso also ended. She teamed up with many other lyricists, several of whom were Piaf’s current lovers. In addition, Monnot composed music for Piaf’s own original lyrics as well. “A few examples of these include the anti-Nazi protest ‘Où sont-ils mes petits copains?,’ the playful ‘C'est un monsieur très distingué,’ and ‘Tu es partout,’ a song later included in the film Saving Private Ryan.”55 Piaf referred to herself as a chansonnier, and she considered herself to have followed in the footsteps of Aristide Bruant. Whereas many of her contemporaries chose to employ liberally the use of Sprechstimme, or speaking within a song, Piaf insisted on using that minimally. Rather, she placed a huge importance on “singing always” and allowing the voice to bloom even when highlighting particular words or phrases.56 Monnot met Édith Piaf in 1935. In 1940 they became the first female songwriting duo in France, and they maintained their collaboration and friendship throughout the majority of their lives. Along with their close friends, Monnot and Piaf would gather in the latter’s living room to host frequent soirees where they would try out new songs. Monnot devoted the last twenty-five years of her life to composing almost exclusively for Piaf. Their friendship turned tumultuous after Piaf met the composer Charles Dumont in the late 1950s. Dumont composed one of Piaf’s most popular signature tunes, “Je ne regrette rien,” and after she achieved great success with this song, Piaf eliminated 11 of Monnot’s songs from her repertoire in order to make room for Dumont’s new works.57

54. Ibid. 55. Ibid. 56. Ruttkowski, Wolfgang. “Cabaret Songs.” Popular Music & Society, GRIN Verlag, 2008, 5. 57. Huey, Steve. http://www.allmusic.com/artist/marguerite-monnot- mn0000573151/biography.

44

Monnot acquired an international audience in 1956 when she set Alexandre Breffort’s comedy Irma la Douce to music in her first venture into theatre. “Premiering toward the end of the year, Irma la Douce told the tale of a sweet young prostitute who falls in love with a poor young law student, who schemes to keep her all to himself.”58 The musical comedy was risqué for its time, and it became one of the very few European musicals to achieve wide-spread fame throughout the English-speaking world, having 1,512 performances in London’s West End and about 524 performances on Broadway.59 Also in the 1950s, Monnot collaborated with several different lyricists, one of whom was René Rouzaud. Together, they wrote “La goualante du pauvre Jean” which translates to “Poor John’s Complaint.” However, because of the identical sounds of “pauvre Jean” and “pauvres gens” (poor people), listeners mistakenly identified it as “The Poor People of Paris.” Monnot chose to transition from classical to popular music after an illness ended her performing career when she was 18 years old. This illness was due to an extreme attack of nerves on the evening of a concert during a United States tour in 1921. This crippling stage fright haunted Monnot throughout her life and career; even years into her friendship and collaboration with Piaf, Monnot would become extremely nervous before showing her a new composition. Because it was such a rarity for women to be recognized and appreciated as composers in the early to mid-twentieth century, Marguerite Monnot was a pioneer in her field, and she created a path for future generations of female composers. In the year of her death, the city of Decize renamed the street where she grew up after her (rue des Écoles became rue Marguerite Monnot), and in 1989, a nursery school was named after her in the center of her town. “On the 30th anniversary of her death in 1991, a mass, concert, and exhibition were held in Decize in her memory.”60

58. Ibid. 59. Ibid. 60. Ibid.

45

5.2.1 “Mon légionnaire”

Table 5.1: Text of “Mon légionnaire,” with music by Marguerite Monnot and text by Richard Asso (Translation by Adeline Heck and Sara Chiesa)

Mon légionnaire My legionnaire*

(Verse 1) Il avait de grands yeux très clairs He had large and very bright eyes Où parfois passaient des éclairs, where sparks sometimes passed, Comme au ciel passent des orages. like storms pass in the sky. Il était plein de tatouages He was full of tattoos Que j'ai jamais très bien compris, that I never understood very well, Son cou portait, "Pas vu, pas pris." his neck bore, “Not seen, not caught.” Sur son coeur on lisait, "Personne." On his heart read: “No one.” Sur son bras droit un mot, "Raisonne." On his right arm, one word: “Reason.”

(Refrain) Je sais pas son nom, I don’t know his name, Je ne sais rien de lui. I know nothing about him. Il m'a aimée toute la nuit He loved me all night, Mon légionnaire! my legionnaire! Et me laissant à mon destin And leaving me to my destiny Il est parti dans le matin he left in the morning Plein de lumière! full of light! Il était minc’, il était beau, He was thin, he was handsome, Il sentait bon le sable chaud, he smelled nice like the hot sand, Mon légionnaire! my legionnaire! Y avait du soleil sur son front There was sunshine on his brow Qui mettait dans ses cheveux blonds that made his hair shine blond De la lumière! in the light!

*legionnaire: a member of any foreign legion

46

Table 5.1: Continued

(Verse 2) Bonheur perdu, bonheur enfui, Lost happiness, fleeting happiness, Toujours je pense à cette nuit, every day I think of that night, Et l'envie de sa peau me ronge. and the desire for his skin gnaws at me. Parfois je pleure et puis je songe Sometimes I cry and then I think Que lorsqu'il était sur mon coeur that when he was on my heart, J'aurais dû crier mon bonheur… I should have cried out in happiness... Mais je n'ai rien osé lui dire. but I dared not tell him anything. J'avais peur de le voir sourire! I was scared to see him smile!

(Refrain…)

(Verse 3) On l'a trouvé dans le désert, They found him in the desert, Il avait ses beaux yeux ouverts, he had his beautiful eyes open, Dans le ciel passaient des nuages. in the sky above, clouds passed by. Il a montré ses tatouages He showed his tattoos En souriant et il a dit, smiling and he said, Montrant son cou, "Pas vu, pas pris." showing his neck, “Not seen, not caught.” Montrant son coeur: "Ici personne." Showing his heart: “Here, no one.” Il ne savait pas… Je lui pardonne. He didn’t know… I forgive him.

(Refrain 2) Je rêvais pourtant que le destin Yet I dreamt that Me ramèn’rait un beau matin one beautiful morning, Mon légionnaire! fate would return to me my legionnaire! Qu'on s'en irait loin tous les deux That the two of us would go far away Dans quelque pays merveilleux to some wonderful country Plein de lumière! that is full of light! Il était minc’, il était beau, He was thin, he was handsome, On l'a mis sous le sable chaud they put him beneath the hot sand Mon légionnaire! my legionnaire! Y avait du soleil sur son front There was sunshine on his brow Qui mettait dans ses cheveux blonds that made his hair shine blond De la lumière! in the light!

47

Like Satie, Marugerite Monnot wrote solely the music and not the text. In 1936 Richard Asso enlisted the service of Monnot to write music for a set of lyrics he had written for a future song called “Mon légionnaire.” Asso himself had been a foreign legionnaire, and therefore it is entirely appropriate and even poignant that he wrote the lyrics. Upon hearing it, Piaf initially turned the song down, and it was instead recorded by Marie Dubas, one of Piaf's major influences. In early 1937, Piaf reconsidered, and her version of “Mon légionnaire” became a classic of French popular music.61 “Mon légionnaire” tells the story of a woman’s affair with a legionnaire (a member of any foreign legion). The character in the song sings of a brief affair with this mysterious, tattoo-clad military man about whom she knows nothing. The first verse is mainly narrative as the singer describes the legionnaire, the second verse reflects upon the affair, and the third verse speaks of the death of the legionnaire. The latter foreshadows Piaf’s real life: in 1949, her lover Marcel Cerdan died at age 33 in a plane crash. Since the inception of cabaret (and especially at the inception, since in the very beginning, much of the music was not even written down), it was a common practice to improvise. Monnot and Piaf organized the improvisation so that it was not completely random. For example, in recordings of Piaf singing “Mon légionnaire,” the pianist improvises with arpeggios and florid passages within an A7 harmony each time in the measure before the refrain; it is as if to get the attention of the audience by saying, “This is the familiar part of the tune!”

61. Ibid.

48

Figure 5.1: Embellishments occur to set up the refrain. “Mon légionnaire,” mm. 15-18

Unprecedentedly, Monnot uses two refrains that contain identical music and slightly differing text. She follows in the footsteps of Ravel’s second Violin Sonata (1923-27) with her interesting tempo marking of “Tempo di Blues” at the refrain. She is referencing the genre of music that originated in the deep south of the United States in the late 1800s, which was simultaneously occurring with the birth of cabaret music in Montmartre. Unexpectedly, the refrain contains 16 bars, not 12, as one might expect when imitating the blues. Continuing in Bruant’s tradition of beginning a song with a verse, Monnot begins this and most of her songs with a verse rather than with the refrain as was the common practice of Satie. The piece begins in D minor, which sets up an ominous background for the dark text that is to come in the third verse, and at the end of the introduction, the accompaniment imitates a trumpet call from a funeral march:

49

Figure 5.2: Triplet rhythm and trumpet call. “Mon légionnaire,” mm. 1-8

Throughout the piece, the trumpet call appears three times, each of which is harmonized differently—the first is shown above in Figure 5.2; the second sits on top of a D minor tonality; the third sits on top of a D major tonality. The accompaniment contains a triplet rhythm that acts autonomously from the voice and creates a two-against-three rhythm in mm. 5-8 (see Figure 5.2); this is a rare occurrence in French cabaret songs written up until this point. It is much more common in previously written songs to have the pianist doubling the vocal line almost constantly. Also, Monnot innovatively and liberally employs the use of minor seven chords and also uses what is known in jazz as “added 6th” chords just as Bruant and Satie did. Overall, her harmonic language is more reminiscent of Satie’s than Bruant’s,

50 however, and Monnot expands both the harmonies and the rhythms used by previous cabaret composers, which allows her to highlight the text even more specifically.

5.2.2 “Comme moi”

Table 5.2: Text of “Comme moi,” with music by Marguerite Monnot and text by C. Delecluse and M. Senlis (Translation by Adeline Heck and Sara Chiesa)

Comme moi Just like me

(Verse 1) Peut-être bien qu'ailleurs It could well be that elsewhere Une femme a le cœur a woman has a heart Éperdu de bonheur wild with happiness Comme moi. just like me. Et que d'un geste heureux, And that with a happy gesture, Elle soulève un peu she lifts a little Le rideau de soie bleue the blue silk curtain Comme moi, just like me, Pour regarder en bas to look down below Son amour qui viendra at her love who will come La prendre dans ses bras, to take her in his arms, Comme moi, just like me,

(Refrain 1) Elle attend son Amour, She waits for her love, Les yeux de son Amour, the eyes of her love, Les bras de son Amour, the arms of her love, Comme moi... just like me…

(Verse 2) Peut-être bien aussi It could well be also Qu'à l'instant, elle vit that at this moment she is living Le meilleur de sa vie, the best part of her life, Comme moi, just like me, Et qu'en fermant les yeux and while closing her eyes Elle abandonne un peu she loses her hand Sa main dans ses cheveux, in her hair a little, Comme moi, just like me, Peut-être qu'à son cœur Perhaps, she pins a flower Elle épingle une fleur to her heart, Et puis regarde l'heure and then watches the time Comme moi, just like me,

51

Table 5.2: Continued

(Refrain 2) Et pense à son Amour, And thinks about her love, Aux yeux de son Amour, about the eyes of her love, Aux bras de son Amour, about the arms of her love, Comme moi… just like me…

(Verse 3) Peut-être bien encor It could very well be Qu'elle entendra plus fort that she will listen Son cœur battre, et alors, to her heartbeats getting louder, and then, Comme moi, just like me, Elle voudra crier she will want to cry out En entendant monter upon hearing the sound Un pas dans l'escalier, of a footstep on the stairs, Comme moi. just like me. Comme moi dans l'instant Just like me in the moment Où mon cœur en suspens when my heart, in suspense, Se retient un moment holds back for a moment Contre toi, against you,

(Refrain 3) Et puis meurt, mon Amour, And then dies, my love, Dans tes yeux, mon Amour, in your eyes, my love, Dans tes bras, mon Amour, in your arms, my love, Mon Amour!... my love!...

“Comme moi” is an example of Monnot’s (and Piaf’s) later style. This is evidenced through the liberties taken by Piaf in the vocal line, such as excessive scooping and tempo fluctuations as heard on her recordings. However, these performance choices are made to enhance and showcase certain words in the text. And despite the highlighting of specific words, a fluid and consistent legato must be maintained; the French language helps facilitate this, especially because the natural sweep of the language heads toward the end of each sentence or thought. The text has surprisingly sparse punctuation in the verses, and it is essential to sing through at least a four- (if not eight-) bar phrase so that the text is accurately conveyed. An additional challenge for the singer is to differentiate within the repeated text. Throughout

52

“Comme moi,” the singer sings the words “comme moi” eight times, and each one must be different and must reflect the surrounding text. “Comme moi” is written in three 12-measure verses each followed by a four- measure refrain. To heighten the drama and to create a strong emphasis on the text, Monnot has the pianist double the vocal melody in three octaves in each refrain—in the same octave as the voice and one octave higher and lower.

Figure 5.3: Three octaves doubling the vocal line and the third four-measure refrain. “Comme moi,” mm. 30-38

Identically to “Mon légionnaire,” this song contains multiple refrains with identical music and slightly varied text; similar to the refrain in Bruant’s “Les canuts,” the refrain is only four measures long. Monnot boldly uses three refrains in “Comme moi,” rather than two. Since she is talking about another woman, in the first refrain, the singer sings in third person of waiting for her love, her lover’s eyes, and her lover’s arms; in the second refrain, the singer sings in third person of thinking of her love, her lover’s eyes and her lover’s arms. In the example below from the third refrain, the text

53 is given from a first-person perspective and is therefore more personal and more dramatic:

Table 5.3: Excerpted text from “Comme moi”

Comme moi Just like me

Et puis meurt, mon Amour, And then dies, my love, Dans tes yeux, mon Amour, in your eyes, my love, Dans tes bras, mon Amour, in your arms, my love, Mon Amour !... my love !...

The bass line in “Comme moi” provides the foundation for a typical habanera dance rhythm. This remains consistent throughout the introduction, each verse, and the postlude; it is only in the refrains that the dotted rhythm is abandoned for straight eighth notes (see Figure 5.4). Monnot boldly stood her ground as a composer despite her introverted demeanor and the fact that she was composing in a time when her peers discriminated against female musicians. Like Satie, she focused on setting the texts of others, was surrounded by art from an early age, and later spent time at the Conservatoire de Paris. Similar to Bruant, she began each song with a verse and ended with the familiarity of the refrain, which sometimes lasted only four measures. This, combined with her frequent doubling of the vocal melody in the piano accompaniment, made her music irresistible to those who wished to sing along. She has achieved legendary status in French-speaking cultures due to her interesting and complex relationship with Édith Piaf, and many of her songs are still considered to be classics of French popular song.

54

Figure 5.4 Habanera rhythm found in the introduction (m. 1) and the first verse (m. 3). Straight eighth notes in the refrain (m. 14). “Comme moi,” mm. 1-17

55

CHAPTER SIX

CONCLUSION

In the late nineteenth century, there were countless innovations occurring in math, science, architecture, and literature. Equally important innovations were occurring in the arts, as well. Paintings were challenging the status quo with works such as “Madame X” by John Singer Sargent; plays were addressing avant-garde aesthetic positions with such works as Spring Awakening by Frank Wedekind; operas were becoming bolder and more risqué, as witnessed in Cavalleria rusticana by Pietro Mascagni, Pagliacci by Ruggero Leoncavallo, and Carmen by Georges Bizet. French cabaret music began to evolve simultaneously with these other genres of art and music. Aristide Bruant blatantly defied societal rules of his time by discussing violence and crime unapologetically through his songs. Erik Satie rid himself of the shackles of his conservative upbringing and his discouraging days spent at the Conservatoire de Paris to embrace the reckless bohemian lifestyle found in the cabarets of Montmartre and to write innovatively for the cabarets. Marguerite Monnot asserted herself as a viable composer in forming the first female songwriting duo in France with Édith Piaf in a time when that was a monumental achievement. Although each composer had a unique compositional voice, their music shares a number of common characteristics that embody the cabaret style of this period. These features include the frequent doubling of the vocal melody in the accompaniment, the incorporation of added 6th chords, and the frequent evocation (both musically and in the text) of the church and upper class. Both Bruant and Monnot began each song with a verse, whereas Satie most commonly began his works with a refrain. Bruant and Satie helped to make their music and texts more accessible through the use of colloquial expressions; although the former used French to do so, and the latter, English (in the classic macaronic style). Unlike Bruant, both Satie and Monnot used the texts of others and composed only the music. They both were introduced to music at an early age and

56 studied at the Conservatoire de Paris; this could possibly explain why their harmonic language is so similar even though they were born almost 40 years apart. In addition to creating and contributing to a new genre of music, these composers of French cabaret were part of a much larger movement: a new freedom and expression of thought. With the opening of Le Chat Noir on November 18, 1881, Rudolphe Salis provided a home and safe zone for a new medium of expression. French cabaret music was born out of a human necessity for communion among people and a freedom of thought and speech. As Candice Burrows summarizes, “This society proved that the cabaret was more than music or songs and alcohol, which was a common belief held by the general society of the time. It was a free haven, a type of permission for artists to perform anything that made a statement.”62 With the lack of social media and other means of communication, the chansonniers facilitated this communication and innovation among the public, including widespread awareness of political happenings and injustices and providing the public with a new political and artistic voice.

62. Burrows, 6.

57

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Books and Essays:

Appignanesi, Lisa. The Cabaret. New York: Universe Books, 1976.

Gillmor, Alan M. Erik Satie. New York: W.W. Norton & Co, 1988.

Huey, Steve. http://www.allmusic.com/cartist/marguerite-monnot- mn0000573151/biography.

Nye, Robert A. Crime, Madness, & Politics in Modern France: The Medical Concept of National Decline. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1984.

Oberthür, Mariel. Cafes and Cabarets of Montmartre. Salt Lake City: Peregrine Smith Books, 1984.

Orledge, Robert. Satie the Composer. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990.

Rearick, Charles. Pleasures of the Belle E̗poque: Entertainment and Festivity in Turn-of-the- Century France. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1985.

Ruttkowski, Wolfgang. “Cabaret Songs.” Popular Music & Society, GRIN Verlag, 2008.

Segel, Harold B. Turn-of-the-Century Cabaret: Paris, Barcelona, Berlin, Munich, Vienna, Cracow, Moscow, St. Petersburg, Zurich. New York: Columbia University Press, 1987.

Seigel, Jerrold E. Bohemian Paris: Culture, Politics, and the Boundaries of Bourgeois Life, 1830-1930. New York: Viking, 1986.

Weisberg, Gabriel P. Montmartre and the Making of Mass Culture. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2001.

Whiting, Steven Moore. Satie the Bohemian: From Cabaret to Concert Hall. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999.

Zeldin, Theodore. France, 1848-1945 (Ambition, Love, and Politics). Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1973.

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Dissertations:

Brand, Jennifer Ellen. "Le Chat Noir and the Musical Mainstream in Late Nineteenth- Century Paris."University of Calgary (Canada), 2002. In PROQUESTMS ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Full Text, http://search.proquest.com/docview/304799377?accountid=4840

Burrows, Candice S. "Cabaret: A Historical and Musical Perspective of a Struggling Era." The University of North Carolina at Greensboro, 2010. In PROQUESTMS ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Full Text, http://search.proquest.com/docview/845605897?accountid=4840.

Scores:

Bruant, Aristide. 20 succe̖s pour piano-chant: 10 monologues. Paris: Salabert, 1982.

Piaf, Édith – 25 Chansons de “Dans les prisons de Nantes” a “L’homme de Berlin.” Société D’Editions Musicales Internationales, Paris, 1982

Piaf, Édith – Édith Piaf Song Collection. Hal Leonard, Milwaukee, WI, 1997.

Satie, Erik, Steven Moore Whiting, and Ornella Volta. Neuf chansons de cabaret et de caf' conc': pour voix et piano. Paris: Salabert, 1995.

Satie, Erik. Mélodies et chansons. Paris: Salabert, 1988.

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

Sara Chiesa received a Doctor of Music degree in Piano Performance with a focus on accompanying and chamber music from Florida State University in 2013, where she was awarded graduate assistantships in both opera and studio accompanying. In addition, she holds two piano performance degrees from Bowling Green State University (M.M.) and Oakland University (B.M.). Upon graduation from BGSU, Ms. Chiesa was invited to serve on the faculty as a vocal coach and opera pianist. She rejoins the BGSU faculty each summer as the pianist and coach for the High School Vocal Arts Camp. During her tenure as a student, Ms. Chiesa won several awards, including the Marjorie Neville Collaborative Piano Award, the Ben and Karlene Salon Memorial Award, the Jennifer Scott Memorial Award in Outstanding Piano Pedagogy, the Joyce Adelson Memorial Award in Piano Ensemble, the Award for Outstanding Student in Piano Performance from Oakland University, and the David Daniels Young Artist’s Concerto Competition. In addition, she was a finalist for the Rosamund Haeberle Memorial Award in Piano Performance and the Kankakee Valley Symphony Orchestra Piano Concerto Competition. At age 19 she was awarded the Stanley Hollingsworth Study Abroad Grant, which enabled her to study at the Prague International Piano Masterclasses. Also, Ms. Chiesa has been a two-time featured soloist with the Oakland Symphony Orchestra in Rochester, Michigan, performing both the Poulenc Piano Concerto and the Schumann Piano Concerto. Outside of academia, Ms. Chiesa has coached and performed extensively in the United States and abroad including concerts in Prague, Czech Republic and Spoleto, Italy. She was an Emerging Artist Apprentice Coach at Virginia Opera for their 2013- 2014 opera season. She spent the summer of 2012 playing for Gina Lapinski’s dramatic coaching studio at the CoOPERAtive Program at Westminster Choir College as well as working as a piano apprentice at V.O.I.C.Experience with Sherrill Milnes. During the two prior summers, she coached and accompanied opera in Spoleto, Italy, through

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Cincinnati-Conservatory’s Spoleto Music Festival. There, she played under the baton of Maestro Mark Gibson and in the private voice studio of William McGraw. As a musical director and coach of opera, Ms. Chiesa helped bring to life the Florida State Opera Outreach production of Così fan tutte as well as Sweeney Todd at the Florida State School of Music. She has also music directed L’incoronazione di Poppea, Patience, and The Telephone at Bowling Green Opera Theatre. In addition to opera, Ms. Chiesa has worked as a musical theatre music director and coach on works including Alan Menken’s A Christmas Carol; Titanic: The Musical; Joseph and the Amazing Technicolor Dreamcoat; My Fair Lady; You’re a Good Man, Charlie Brown!; Working; and The Pirates of Penzance. A native of Detroit, Michigan, Ms. Chiesa was the founding pianist for the first professional children’s choir in Detroit. She worked with the Detroit Children’s Choir from its inception in 2006 until 2010. Also, she was the founding musical director for Beneath the TrapDoor Productions based in Clinton Township, Michigan, where she worked closely with director Brian Meldrum on several musicals. BTD Productions brought together community members and professionals to produce inspiring performances that sought to encourage and enhance the arts in the greater Detroit area. Throughout her career, Ms. Chiesa has had the privilege of working with renowned conductors and coaches, some of whom include Douglas Fisher, Mark Gibson, Warren Jones, Martin Katz, and Kathleen Kelly. She studied harpsichord with Karyl Louwenaar and her principal piano teachers have included Mary Siciliano, Laura Melton, and Timothy Hoekman.

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