Troops, Trolls and Troublemakers: a Global Inventory of Organized Social Media Manipulation
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Digital Populism: Trolls and Political Polarization of Twitter in Turkey
International Journal of Communication 11(2017), 4093–4117 1932–8036/20170005 Digital Populism: Trolls and Political Polarization of Twitter in Turkey ERGİN BULUT Koç University, Turkey ERDEM YÖRÜK Koç University, Turkey University of Oxford, UK This article analyzes political trolling in Turkey through the lens of mediated populism. Twitter trolling in Turkey has diverged from its original uses (i.e., poking fun, flaming, etc.) toward government-led polarization and right-wing populism. Failing to develop an effective strategy to mobilize online masses, Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party (JDP/AKP) relied on the polarizing performances of a large progovernment troll army. Trolls deploy three features of JDP’s populism: serving the people, fetish of the will of the people, and demonization. Whereas trolls traditionally target and mock institutions, Turkey’s political trolls act on behalf of the establishment. They produce a digital culture of lynching and censorship. Trolls’ language also impacts pro-JDP journalists who act like trolls and attack journalists, academics, and artists critical of the government. Keywords: trolls, mediated populism, Turkey, political polarization, Twitter Turkish media has undergone a transformation during the uninterrupted tenure of the ruling Justice and Development Party (JDP) since 2002. Not supported by the mainstream media when it first came to power, JDP created its own media army and transformed the mainstream media’s ideological composition. What has, however, destabilized the entire media environment was the Gezi Park protests of summer 2013.1 Activists’ use of social media not only facilitated political organizing, but also turned the news environment upside down. Having recognized that the mainstream media was not trustworthy, oppositional groups migrated to social media for organizing and producing content. -
How the Chinese Government Fabricates Social Media Posts
American Political Science Review (2017) 111, 3, 484–501 doi:10.1017/S0003055417000144 c American Political Science Association 2017 How the Chinese Government Fabricates Social Media Posts for Strategic Distraction, Not Engaged Argument GARY KING Harvard University JENNIFER PAN Stanford University MARGARET E. ROBERTS University of California, San Diego he Chinese government has long been suspected of hiring as many as 2 million people to surrep- titiously insert huge numbers of pseudonymous and other deceptive writings into the stream of T real social media posts, as if they were the genuine opinions of ordinary people. Many academics, and most journalists and activists, claim that these so-called 50c party posts vociferously argue for the government’s side in political and policy debates. As we show, this is also true of most posts openly accused on social media of being 50c. Yet almost no systematic empirical evidence exists for this claim https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055417000144 . or, more importantly, for the Chinese regime’s strategic objective in pursuing this activity. In the first large-scale empirical analysis of this operation, we show how to identify the secretive authors of these posts, the posts written by them, and their content. We estimate that the government fabricates and posts about 448 million social media comments a year. In contrast to prior claims, we show that the Chinese regime’s strategy is to avoid arguing with skeptics of the party and the government, and to not even discuss controversial issues. We show that the goal of this massive secretive operation is instead to distract the public and change the subject, as most of these posts involve cheerleading for China, the revolutionary history of the Communist Party, or other symbols of the regime. -
Information Systems in Great Power Competition with China
STRATEGIC STUDIES QUARTERLY - PERSPECTIVE Decide, Disrupt, Destroy: Information Systems in Great Power Competition with China AINIKKI RIIKONEN Abstract Technologies for creating and distributing knowledge have impacted international politics and conflict for centuries, and today the infrastructure for communicating knowledge has expanded. These technologies, along with attempts to exploit their vulnerabilities, will shape twenty-first- century great power competition between the US and China. Likewise, great power competition will shape the way China develops and uses these technologies across the whole spectrum of competition to make decisions, disrupt the operational environment, and destroy adversary capabilities. ***** he 2018 US National Defense Strategy (NDS) cites Russia and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) as “revisionist powers” that “want to shape a world consistent with their authoritarian model— gaining veto authority over other nations’ economic, diplomatic, and secu- T 1 rity decisions.” It describes these countries as competitors seeking to use “other areas of competition short of open warfare to achieve their [au- thoritarian] ends” and to “optimize their targeting of our battle networks and operational concepts.”2 The NDS assesses that competition will occur along the entire spectrum of statecraft from peace to open conflict and that Russia and the PRC will align their foreign policies with their models of governance. If this assessment is correct, and if technology plays a sig- nificant role in international politics, then technology will affect the whole spectrum of great power competition and conflict. Information architec- ture—the structures of technology that collect and relay information worldwide—is innately connected to power projection. The PRC has been innovating in this area, and its expanded information capabilities—and risks to US capabilities—will shape competition in the twenty- first cen- tury. -
VYTAUTAS MAGNUS UNIVERSITY Maryna Kupriienko INFLUENCING
VYTAUTAS MAGNUS UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND DIPLOMACY PUBLIC COMMUNICATIONS DEPARTMENT Maryna Kupriienko INFLUENCING PUBLIC OPINION IN SOCIAL MEDIA. TROLLING AND DISINFORMATION STRATEGIES Final Master Thesis Journalism and Media Industries Study Program, state code 621P50002 Degree in Journalism Supervisor prof. Robert van Voren (acad. title, name, surname) Defended prof. Šarūnas Liekis (Dean of the Faculty) Kaunas, 2019 VYTAUTO DIDŽIOJO UNIVERSITETAS POLITIKOS MOKSLŲ IR DIPLOMATIJOS FAKULTETAS VIEŠOSIOS KOMUNIKACIJOS KATEDRA Maryna Kupriienko VIEŠOS NUOMONĖS ĮTAKA SOCIALINĖSE MEDIJOSE. TROLINIMO IR DEZINFORMACIJOS STRATEGIJOS Magistro baigiamasis darbas Žurnalistikos ir medijų industrijų studijų programa, valstybinis kodas 621P50002 Žurnalistikos studijų kryptis Vadovas (-ė) prof. Robert van Voren (Moksl. laipsnis, vardas, pavardė) Apginta prof. Šarūnas Liekis (Fakulteto/studijų instituto dekanas/direktorius) Kaunas, 2019 CONTENTS SUMMARY ................................................................................................................................................ 4 SANTRAUKA ............................................................................................................................................ 5 INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................................................................... 6 1. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ........................................................................................................ 9 1.1. Theoretical -
Freedom on the Net 2016
FREEDOM ON THE NET 2016 China 2015 2016 Population: 1.371 billion Not Not Internet Freedom Status Internet Penetration 2015 (ITU): 50 percent Free Free Social Media/ICT Apps Blocked: Yes Obstacles to Access (0-25) 18 18 Political/Social Content Blocked: Yes Limits on Content (0-35) 30 30 Bloggers/ICT Users Arrested: Yes Violations of User Rights (0-40) 40 40 TOTAL* (0-100) 88 88 Press Freedom 2016 Status: Not Free * 0=most free, 100=least free Key Developments: June 2015 – May 2016 • A draft cybersecurity law could step up requirements for internet companies to store data in China, censor information, and shut down services for security reasons, under the aus- pices of the Cyberspace Administration of China (see Legal Environment). • An antiterrorism law passed in December 2015 requires technology companies to cooperate with authorities to decrypt data, and introduced content restrictions that could suppress legitimate speech (see Content Removal and Surveillance, Privacy, and Anonymity). • A criminal law amendment effective since November 2015 introduced penalties of up to seven years in prison for posting misinformation on social media (see Legal Environment). • Real-name registration requirements were tightened for internet users, with unregistered mobile phone accounts closed in September 2015, and app providers instructed to regis- ter and store user data in 2016 (see Surveillance, Privacy, and Anonymity). • Websites operated by the South China Morning Post, The Economist and Time magazine were among those newly blocked for reporting perceived as critical of President Xi Jin- ping (see Blocking and Filtering). www.freedomonthenet.org FREEDOM CHINA ON THE NET 2016 Introduction China was the world’s worst abuser of internet freedom in the 2016 Freedom on the Net survey for the second consecutive year. -
How the Vietnamese State Uses Cyber Troops to Shape Online Discourse
ISSUE: 2021 No. 22 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE ANALYSE CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 3 March 2021 How The Vietnamese State Uses Cyber Troops to Shape Online Discourse Dien Nguyen An Luong* A Vietnamese youth checks his mobile phone on the century-old Long Bien Bridge in Hanoi on September 3, 2019. Vietnamese authorities have handled public political criticism - both online and in real life - with a calibrated mixture of toleration, responsiveness and repression. Photo: Manan VATSYAYANA, AFP. * Dien Nguyen An Luong is Visiting Fellow with the Media, Technology and Society Programme of the ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute. A journalist with significant experience as managing editor at Vietnam’s top newsrooms, his work has also appeared in the New York Times, the Washington Post, the Guardian, South China Morning Post, and other publications. 1 ISSUE: 2021 No. 22 ISSN 2335-6677 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • The operations of Vietnam’s public opinion shapers and cyber-troops reveal that the online discourse is manipulated to enforce the Communist Party’s line. • Vietnamese authorities constantly grapple with the vexing question: How to strike a delicate balance between placating critical public sentiment online while ensuring that it does not spill over into protests against the regime. • When it comes to methods, targets and motives, there appears to be significant crossover between public opinion shapers and the government’s cyber troops. • The Vietnamese state cyber-troops have been encouraged to use real accounts to mass- report content. This helps explain why it is the only Southeast Asian state to publicly acknowledge having a military cyber unit. -
Chinese Computational Propaganda: Automation, Algorithms and the Manipulation of Information About Chinese Politics on Twitter and Weibo
This is a repository copy of Chinese computational propaganda: automation, algorithms and the manipulation of information about Chinese politics on Twitter and Weibo. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/136994/ Version: Accepted Version Article: Bolsover, G orcid.org/0000-0003-2982-1032 and Howard, P (2019) Chinese computational propaganda: automation, algorithms and the manipulation of information about Chinese politics on Twitter and Weibo. Information, Communication & Society, 22 (14). pp. 2063-2080. ISSN 1369-118X https://doi.org/10.1080/1369118X.2018.1476576 © 2018 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group. This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in Information, Communication & Society on 24 May 2018, available online: https://doi.org/10.1080/1369118X.2018.1476576 Reuse Items deposited in White Rose Research Online are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved unless indicated otherwise. They may be downloaded and/or printed for private study, or other acts as permitted by national copyright laws. The publisher or other rights holders may allow further reproduction and re-use of the full text version. This is indicated by the licence information on the White Rose Research Online record for the item. Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ Chinese computational propaganda: automation, algorithms and the manipulation of information about Chinese politics on Twitter and Weibo Gillian Bolsover and Philip Howard1 Oxford Internet Institute, University of Oxford, Oxford, UK. -
Forbidden Feeds: Government Controls on Social Media in China
FORBIDDEN FEEDS Government Controls on Social Media in China 1 FORBIDDEN FEEDS Government Controls on Social Media in China March 13, 2018 © 2018 PEN America. All rights reserved. PEN America stands at the intersection of literature and hu- man rights to protect open expression in the United States and worldwide. We champion the freedom to write, recognizing the power of the word to transform the world. Our mission is to unite writers and their allies to celebrate creative expression and defend the liberties that make it possible. Founded in 1922, PEN America is the largest of more than 100 centers of PEN International. Our strength is in our membership—a nationwide community of more than 7,000 novelists, journalists, poets, es- sayists, playwrights, editors, publishers, translators, agents, and other writing professionals. For more information, visit pen.org. Cover Illustration: Badiucao CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 4 INTRODUCTION : AN UNFULFILLED PROMISE 7 OUTLINE AND METHODOLOGY 10 KEY FINDINGS 11 SECTION I : AN OVERVIEW OF THE SYSTEM OF SOCIAL MEDIA CENSORSHIP 12 The Prevalence of Social Media Usage in China 12 Digital Rights—Including the Right to Free Expression—Under International Law 14 China’s Control of Online Expression: A Historical Perspective 15 State Control over Social Media: Policy 17 State Control over Social Media: Recent Laws and Regulations 18 SECTION II: SOCIAL MEDIA CENSORSHIP IN PRACTICE 24 A Typology of Censored Topics 24 The Corporate Responsibility to Censor its Users 29 The Mechanics of Censorship 32 Tibet and -
Dataset of Propaganda Techniques of the State-Sponsored Information Operation of the People’S Republic of China
Dataset of Propaganda Techniques of the State-Sponsored Information Operation of the People’s Republic of China Rong-Ching Chang Chun-Ming Lai [email protected] [email protected] Tunghai University Tunghai University Taiwan Taiwan Kai-Lai Chang Chu-Hsing Lin [email protected] [email protected] Tunghai University Tunghai University Taiwan Taiwan ABSTRACT ACM Reference Format: The digital media, identified as computational propaganda provides Rong-Ching Chang, Chun-Ming Lai, Kai-Lai Chang, and Chu-Hsing Lin. a pathway for propaganda to expand its reach without limit. State- 2021. Dataset of Propaganda Techniques of the State-Sponsored Informa- tion Operation of the People’s Republic of China. In KDD ’21: The Sec- backed propaganda aims to shape the audiences’ cognition toward ond International MIS2 Workshop: Misinformation and Misbehavior Min- entities in favor of a certain political party or authority. Further- ing on the Web, Aug 15, 2021, Virtual. ACM, New York, NY, USA, 5 pages. more, it has become part of modern information warfare used in https://doi.org/10.1145/nnnnnnn.nnnnnnn order to gain an advantage over opponents. Most of the current studies focus on using machine learning, quantitative, and qualitative methods to distinguish if a certain piece 1 INTRODUCTION of information on social media is propaganda. Mainly conducted Propaganda has the purpose of framing and influencing opinions. on English content, but very little research addresses Chinese Man- With the rise of the internet and social media, propaganda has darin content. From propaganda detection, we want to go one step adopted a powerful tool for its unlimited reach, as well as multiple further to providing more fine-grained information on propaganda forms of content that can further drive engagement online and techniques that are applied. -
A Biographic Case Study of Peer Production Mechanisms on Eksisozluk.Com
User generated dissent: a biographic case study of peer production mechanisms on Eksisozluk.com Ivo Ozan Furman Goldsmiths College, University of London PhD in Sociology 1 I declare that the work presented in this thesis in my own 2 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to express gratitude to my supervisor Brian Alleyne for his encouragement and guidance that allowed me to complete this dissertation. Also, I am particularly grateful for the assistance given by David Oswell, Nirmal Puwar and Chetan Bhatt who have all contributed with their experience and knowledge to this dissertation. I wish to acknowledge the support provided by Bridget Ward and everyone else at the department of sociology at Goldsmiths. I would also like to thank Beyza for her comments and endless support throughout this long and ardous journey. My colleagues and friends in London, Berlin, Bucharest and Istanbul, thank you for putting up with me during all those frustrating moments in the past six years. You were always there for me when I needed it. 3 ABSTRACT In a public sphere wherein corporate monopolies of mass media networks prevail and anti- democratic practices suppressing the freedom of speech are the norm, the widespread adoption of the Internet in Turkey has engendered the emergence of a sphere of dissent wherein participants use social media and Web 2.0 platforms to engage in cyberactivism, participate in networked social movements, and express alternative, non-hegemonic political identities and discourses. Sözlüks, a genre of content hosting platforms that can broadly be described as urban dictionaries, are unique within this ecology insofar as they rely on collaborative mechanisms to produce and organize dissent. -
Digital Authoritarianism and Human Rights in Asia’ (2019) 3 Global Campus Human Rights Journal 269-285
MAV Ambay III, N Gauchan, M Hasanah & NK Jaiwong ‘Dystopia is now: Digital authoritarianism and human rights in Asia’ (2019) 3 Global Campus Human Rights Journal 269-285 https://doi.org/20.500.11825/1575 Dystopia is now: Digital authoritarianism and human rights in Asia Mark Anthony V Ambay III,* Neha Gauchan,** Mahesti Hasanah*** and Numfon K Jaiwong**** Abstract: The advent of new information and communication technologies has opened up new economic opportunities, heightened the availability of information, and expanded access to education and health knowledge and services. These technologies have also provided new avenues for political, economic, social participation, and have presented new opportunities and methods for the advancement of human rights. At the same time, these same technologies can be used to violate human rights. This article queries as to how exactly states and other actors use digital authoritarianism to limit human rights. The study aims to understand what threats to human rights are presented by using new information and communication technologies. The article critically examines available literature on authoritarian practices using information and communication technologies, reports of government and intergovernmental bodies, non-governmental organisations, and various media agencies as well as by gathering first-hand data of samples of digital authoritarianism. The article argues that states and other actors practise digital authoritarianism by invading privacy, denying access to information and spreading misinformation, and limiting expression and participation, all of which violate the rights to freedom of expression, information and participation. Case studies of digital authoritarian practices are presented in the study, drawing on experiences and circumstances in several Asian countries. -
How Censorship in China Allows Government Criticism but Silences Collective Expression GARY KING Harvard University JENNIFER PAN Harvard University MARGARET E
American Political Science Review Page 1 of 18 May 2013 doi:10.1017/S0003055413000014 How Censorship in China Allows Government Criticism but Silences Collective Expression GARY KING Harvard University JENNIFER PAN Harvard University MARGARET E. ROBERTS Harvard University e offer the first large scale, multiple source analysis of the outcome of what may be the most extensive effort to selectively censor human expression ever implemented. To do this, we have W devised a system to locate, download, and analyze the content of millions of social media posts originating from nearly 1,400 different social media services all over China before the Chinese government is able to find, evaluate, and censor (i.e., remove from the Internet) the subset they deem objectionable. Using modern computer-assisted text analytic methods that we adapt to and validate in the Chinese language, we compare the substantive content of posts censored to those not censored over time in each of 85 topic areas. Contrary to previous understandings, posts with negative, even vitriolic, criticism of the state, its leaders, and its policies are not more likely to be censored. Instead, we show that the censorship program is aimed at curtailing collective action by silencing comments that represent, reinforce, or spur social mobilization, regardless of content. Censorship is oriented toward attempting to forestall collective activities that are occurring now or may occur in the future—and, as such, seem to clearly expose government intent. INTRODUCTION Ang 2011, and our interviews with informants, granted anonymity). China overall is tied with Burma at 187th he size and sophistication of the Chinese gov- of 197 countries on a scale of press freedom (Freedom ernment’s program to selectively censor the House 2012), but the Chinese censorship effort is by Texpressed views of the Chinese people is un- far the largest.