More Than a Scenic Mountain Landscape: Valles Caldera National Preserve Land Use History

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More Than a Scenic Mountain Landscape: Valles Caldera National Preserve Land Use History CHAPTER 3. A Sketch of the Cultural-Historical Environment—Part 2: Spanish Entradas to the Present Thomas Merlan Introduction the first permanent Spanish colony and capital in New Mexico at the Tewa Pueblo of Yunge Oweenge (which he renamed This chapter outlines the history and culture of the lands San Gabriel) west of the confluence of the Río Grande and in the Valles Caldera National Preserve (VCNP) from the the Río Chama. As a mining expert, Oñate also noted mineral mid-sixteenth-century Spanish entradas (expeditions) into indications in his visits to various regions of New Mexico. New Mexico to the present. The discussion draws from He visited eight of the Jémez pueblos, including Giusewa at documentary sources listed in the accompanying annotated the Jémez hot springs. He noted other springs and deposits of bibliography. “sulfur and rock alum” in this general area (Reiter 1938:27). According to historian Lansing B. Bloom, Oñate passed through the Valles Caldera on his way from San Juan Pueblo The Spanish Entradas (1540–1598) to Giusewa and the other Jémez villages: He “descended” thro [sic] the Valles to the Pueblos in the Francisco Vásquez de Coronado was the first Spanish Vallecito drainage then working to the west over the high mesa explorer to reach the Río Grande. In the winter of 1540–1541, land he “descended” from the potrero to the “last pueblo” he made his headquarters at the Tiguex pueblo of Alcanfor of the province which he associates with the marvelous hot or Coofor near present-day Bernalillo (Schroeder 1979:242), springs. Giusewa is the Pueblo meant beyond any reasonable within sight of Redondo Peak. Coronado and his lieutenants doubt, and the trail from the Vallecito down into Hot Springs explored north to Taos, west as far as the Grand Canyon, and is still in daily use (Bloom1946 [1922]:123). east into the Kansas plains, but they did not find a reason to venture into the rugged Jémez Mountains. In 1541 Captain Francisco Barrionuevo, leading a detach- Early Spanish Colonial Settlement ment of Coronado’s main expeditionary force, traveled north (1598–1680) from Tiguex to the Jémez pueblos. Pedro de Castañeda (1907:339–340, 352, 359), chronicler of this expedition, The establishment of missions was an important part of recorded seven pueblos in the drainage of Vallecitos Creek and Oñate’s colonization project. Franciscan friars began to set three villages near the aguas calientes on the Jémez River. up missions in the pueblos in the early 1600s. Father Alonso Forty years later, in 1581, fray Augustín Rodríguez and de Lugo established a church, probably at Giusewa, about Captain Francisco Chamuscado led an expedition up the 1600 (Reiter 1938:28). The second resident missionary at Río Grande to the Southern Tiwa and Keres pueblos. They the Jémez pueblos was fray Gerónimo Zárate de Salmerón, visited several of the Jémez pueblos and left two Franciscan who served there from about 1618 or 1620 to 1626. Zárate missionaries at the Southern Tiwa pueblo of Puaray (Bolton de Salmerón was also a prospector. He stated that he filed on 1930:139, 147). numerous mineral locations in the Jémez Mountains in the An expedition led by Antonio de Espejo returned to the name of the King of Spain (Ayer 1916:217). He might have region in 1582 to search for the two missionaries left by been the first European to take note of the mineral wealth in Rodríguez and Chamuscado. Espejo learned that the Tiwa what became known as the Cochití Mining District south of of Puaray had killed the priests. Espejo visited the Jémez the Baca Location No. 1 (Baca Location). pueblos as well as Ácoma, Zuni, and the Hopi villages The period between 1598 and 1680 in Spanish colonial (Bolton 1930:163–166, 182). Just as Coronado, Barrionuevo, New Mexico was one of brutal exploitation of the Pueblos and Rodríguez and Chamuscado, Espejo did not explore the by the new Hispanic overlords. This time also was one of Jémez Mountains. fierce competition between the Franciscans, who had their In 1598 Juan de Oñate, son of one of the original silver own settlements (the missions) and their own governing hier- magnates of Zacatecas, Mexico, and a professional miner, was archy, and the governor and his secular officials (Dozier awarded a contract to colonize New Mexico. Oñate established 1970:52–55). This competition was mainly over control and USDA Forest Service RMRS-GTR-196. 2007 25 exploitation of the Indians. The Pueblos were decimated by the Hispanic population. For nearly a century, almost all new diseases to which they had no immunity, and driven to settlers had been farmers. Some artisans and skilled craftsmen the brink of extinction by Hispanic masters who exacted their now began to set up shops, and farmers began to switch to labor. herding cattle and sheep. Around this time, Hispanics began to use the lush grazing lands that became the Baca Location (Scurlock 1981:134–135). The Pueblo Revolt, the Reconquest, Although the documentary record is incomplete, the and Spanish Colonial Rule pastoral use of the Valles Caldera might have begun as much (1680–1821) as a generation earlier. The Miera y Pacheco Map of 1779 makes clear that some New Mexicans knew of the Valles by the third quarter of the eighteenth century. Cartographer In 1680 the Pueblos revolted and drove the Spanish colo- Bernardo Miera y Pacheco (1779) drew the map at the nists out of New Mexico. The exiles camped near the mission request of Governor Juan Bautista de Anza and labeled the of Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe near present-day El Paso, Valles Caldera the Valle de los Bacas (Valley of the Cows Texas. They stayed there 12 years, until a new governor, [chapter 6]). The map is not to scale; the caldera is drawn Diego de Vargas, led a military expedition into the northern many times its actual size. This distortion probably indi- Río Grande in 1692 to begin the reconquest of New Mexico. cates the obvious: while travelers and herders had admired its Vargas obtained the peaceful submission of 23 pueblos, but when he returned with a stronger force in 1693, the Pueblos majesty, no one had yet measured it. took up arms. Vargas besieged the former capital of Santa Fe and recaptured it in early 1694 (Dozier 1970:61). He then The Mexican Period (1821–1846) proceeded to subdue the Pueblos along the Río Grande. The Jémez people vacated their villages, and many fled into the Anglo-American and French Canadians trappers and Navajo country. They did not reestablish a town until about traders, arriving in New Mexico as early as 1805, encoun- 1703. A census at the time recorded some 300 Jémez inhabit- tered a closed system. Spain limited and often prohibited ants—as little as 1 percent of the aboriginal Jémez population trade among its colonies, and between its colonies and other of 100 years earlier (see Schroeder 1979). nations. Trappers and traders were sometimes arrested and To promote the resettlement of the province of New their goods confiscated (Bancroft 1889:277–303). After Mexico, the Spanish colonial government granted lands to Mexico won independence from Spain in 1821, the United colonists. The Pueblos were understood to have certain lands, or “leagues,” reserved for their exclusive use. Yet most of the States quickly became New Mexico’s trading partner and Pueblo leagues were not formalized in writing until the late the main source of cash for the departmental government. nineteenth century. Nonetheless, the idea of the Pueblo league A strong American Party, with the declared object of even- was used by the Spanish colonial authorities to protect Indian tual annexation to the United States, grew up in New Mexico. lands against the growing Hispanic population and encroach- Nevertheless, foreigners were prohibited by law from trap- ment on the Indian lands by the land grants to the colonists. ping fur-bearing animals, and many disputes arose between The Cañada de Cochití Grant (1728) was between Cochití Mexican officials and Americans over fees and customs duties. Pueblo and what became the Baca Location; by 1782 this Luis María Cabeza de Baca, the original grantee of the Baca grant had an Hispanic population of 184 residents. A grant Grant, died in 1827 after being shot by a soldier attempting that included the Rito de los Frijoles was made before 1740 to confiscate13 packs of illegally harvested furs, which Baca but was abandoned because of nomadic Indian raids. had hidden in his house for American trapper Ewing Young Governor Pedro Fermín de Mendinueta made the Ojo de (Cleland 1950:219). San José Grant on Vallecitos Creek in 1768. Eleven families During Spanish colonial times (up to the 1810s), the land were living on this grant by 1776. During the 1700s settlers grants owned by individual proprietors, or ricos (individuals also began moving into San Diego Canyon north of Jémez with much land and livestock), were used mainly to raise Pueblo. Governor Fernando Chacón made the Cañon de San sheep, especially in outlying areas where nomadic Indian Diego Grant in 1798, which extended north from the Jémez raids made it too dangerous to establish permanent commu- Pueblo lands to the area of modern La Cueva and Fenton nities. Sheep were a measure of wealth and moved across the Lake. The first European settlement on the grant was probably internal borders of the Spanish colony with fewer restrictions Cañon, at the confluence of the Jémez and Guadalupe rivers. than those placed on most other goods. U.S. Army Lieutenant By 1821 the Hispanic population of the Jémez Valley was 864 Zebulon Pike, taken into custody in 1807 for entering New (Scurlock 1981:135).
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