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Faculty Publications: Political Science Political Science, Department of
December 2000
Symbolic Racism in the 1995 Louisiana Gubernatorial Election
Jonathan Knuckley University of Central Florida, [email protected]
Byron D. Orey [email protected]
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Knuckley, Jonathan and Orey, Byron D., "Symbolic Racism in the 1995 Louisiana Gubernatorial Election" (2000). Faculty Publications: Political Science. 6. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/poliscifacpub/6
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tion and self-identified political philosophy. Conclusions. Racial Symbolic Racism in the 1995 attitudes remain an important predictor of vote choice in the * South, even when racial issues are not directly raised in an election Louisiana Gubernatorial Election campaign. More generally, our findings point to the continuing centrality of race and racial attitudes in the South, and specifically
their role in the increase in Republican voting for subpresidential † Jonathan Knuckey, University of Central Florida contests in the 1990s.
—————————————— Byron D’Andra Orey, University of Mississippi‡
n his seminal work on Southern politics, V. 0. Key, Jr. I (1949:665), noted that “in the final analysis the peculi- Objective. In this paper we explore the effects of symbolic racism arities of southern white politics come from the impact on the intended vote choice of whites by examining a white-on- of the black race.” Since the mid-1960s, Key’s observation black statewide election. It is argued that symbolic racial attitudes has also been true of the nation. Indeed, for many observers will be activated in a white-on-black election simply because of race and racial issues have changed the structure of the the mere presence of a black candidate. Methods. The white pro- spective vote for a white racially conservative candidate is exam- party system, and shaped party identification and vote ined using survey data from the 1995 Louisiana gubernatorial run- choice (Black and Black, 1987, 1992; Carmines and Stimson, off conducted by the University of New Orleans Survey Research 1989). At the same time, race has emerged as an important Center. Results. Symbolic racism was a strong predictor of in- variable determining the attitudes of whites and blacks. As tended vote choice, even after controlling for partisan identifica- Kinder and Sanders note, differences between white and black policy preferences on racial issues—and some non- * SOCIAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY, 81:4 (December 2000), pp. 1027-1035. racial issues—“have no counterpart in studies of public Copyright © 2000 by the University of Texas Press, P.O. Box 7819, Austin, opinion” (1996:27). Given the evidence that places racial at- TX 78713-7819. Used by permission. titudes and issues at the fulcrum of contemporary American † Direct all correspondence to Jonathan Knuckey, Department of Political Science, P.O. Box 161356, University of Central Florida, Orlando, FL politics, both within and outside of the South, a consider- 32816-1356; tel: [407] 823-0213 or e-mail: [email protected] able literature has developed that seeks to explain why ra- For purposes of replication, contact the first-named author. We wish to cial attitudinal differences persist when public opinion has thank the Survey Research Center at the University of New Orleans, under apparently become more favorable toward the principles of the directorship of Susan E. Howell, for making available the data used for this analysis. racial equality (Sniderman and Piazza, 1993; Schuman, ‡ Currently (2006) Department of Political Science, University of Steeh, and Bobo, 1985). Nebraska-Lincoln.
2 and proudest of traditional of traditional and proudest Voting Rights Act. The re- fying Symbolic Racism e, hard work, obedience, and e, hard work, es embodied by the “Protes- by es embodied black electorateblack following the Sears and Kinder (1971) and and Sears and Kinder (1971) 4 movement in the 1950s and and 1950s in the movement uisiana gubernatorial election, gubernatorial uisiana because of in-born abilities, but as a abilities, but as of in-born because d Sears, 1981:416). While the concept and measurement of symbolic racism of symbolic racism While the concept and measurement
Symbolic Racism in the 1995 Louisiana Gubernatorial Election tant work-ethic” of self-relianc discipline (Kinder an result of not meeting the valu in terms of both its validity has proved controversial and(Sniderman Tetlock, 1986; Sniderman and Piazza,1993) of racism (Bul- or not it is really an expression and whether lock and 1984), Campbell, it has proved to be a powerful they were likely manifested as symbolic racism. This con- This as symbolic racism. they were likely manifested cept, originally articulated by that white ra- Kinder and Sears (1981), posits developed by racism,” by “biological shaped cial attitudes are no longer the notion that blacks are inherently inferior to whites. This backlash of a white evolved as a consequence “new racism” politicized to an increasingly the civil rightssuccess of 1964 of the the passage with zenith its 1960s, reaching Civil Rights Act and the 1965 by a mixture of “some characterized were of whites sponses finest with the antiblack feelings values, particularly individualism”American (Sears, 1988:54). Central to the concept of symbolic racism is the blacksnot at the bottomidea among whites that of are the ladder socioeconomic ward making race a salient campaign issue and, ultimately, issue and, salient campaign race a ward making election. of the outcome in the a decisive factor Conceptualizing and Identi Toand white racial the extent that race attitudes were a de- Lo 1995 in the factor cisive ican political discourse or discourse ican political of racial attitudes that ex- of racial rminant of white attitudesrminant the impact of symbolic ra- nservative Republican, state strating the importance of strating the importance of political elites” (1996:258). e attitudes and behavior re- ce is contingent, not fixed. not fixed. contingent, ce is te choicete (Howell, 1994; Sa- e made salient, are important salient, are e made This concept of “symbolic ra- concept of “symbolic This 3 black candidate contributed to- black
Knuckley & Orey & Orey Knuckley One explanation is that whit is that One explanation Recent analyses have generally examined white-on- have Recent analyses main shaped by concerns about race. However, today racial racial today However, race. about concerns by shaped main attitudes take more on a form “subtle” or “covert” than old- racism. fashioned “biological” Sears and Kinder (1971) to explaincism,” the term used by election, mayoral Los Angeles in the 1969 choice white vote dete has become an important of racial “framing” The generally. behavior more and voting ways by candidates or politicalissues in symbolic elites is racism “is note, symbolic As Kinder and Sanders important. of Amer part not an automatic ... public opinion Its prominen infiltrates our politics depends im- resentment How deeply made by portantly on decisions Thus the context of a campaign, i.e., types candidates ar that the issues running and significance the in determining plicate white attitudes and behavior. exploring when white elections on white attitudes and vo cism we paper this 1996). In Sanders, 1996; Kinder and dow, examining a and Kinder (1971) in follow the lead of Sears contest. In illu white-on-black governor’s 1995 Louisiana the we examine symbolic racism, co featured a white runoff which Democ- J. “Mike” Foster, and a black liberal senator Murphy We argue that this con- Cleo Fields. rat, U.S. representative 1988:59) and relevant election” (Sears, test was a “racially of a presence that the mere
precisely the ty” congressional district of ty” congressional antly white Jefferson Parish antly cism came during the runoff the came during cism 1995:2). This is two candidates with Landrieu 6 New Orleans and it has a very New ral to the new symbolic racism in the 1995 Louisiana guberna- ing ing the withdrawal, and subse- in the runoff election. Race was used more subtly, and in a way consonant with with way consonant a and in subtly, more used was Race
Symbolic Racism in the 1995 Louisiana Gubernatorial Election sort of racial code word cent (Edsall and Edsall, 1992:Chap.Thus, 10). there does seem evidence that to be enough use the (to succumbed candidates torial election certain Sanders [1996:198]) to “the electoral and phrase of Kinder temptations of race.” quent endorsement of Fields, by William Jefferson, the Lan- Jefferson, the by William of Fields, quent endorsement of advertisementsdrieu campaign put out a number two mainly black radio sta- on election, the primary days before tions, suggesting that Fields could not defeat Mike Foster in by saying that Lan- responded Fields election. the runoff she denied. which a charge “the race card,” drieu had played a rift between the caused This endorse Fields refusing to racism literature, by Fields’ runoff opponent, the symbolic of issues a number made campaign Foster Mike Foster. The especially on conservative image, a salient which reinforced for a repeal of affirmativerace. He called action programs, case that u Louisiana Hays the plaintiffs in supported “majority-minori challenged the Perhaps law. Motor Voter challenged the and Cleo Fields, ra the best example of symbolic of problem was discussing the Foster when campaign, crime. He noted that predomin “issue” was Democrat Mary Landrieu. Following the surge by by surge the Democrat Mary Landrieu. Following “issue” was Cleo Fields in polls follow “is right next to the jungle in low crimelow rate” (quoted in Ott, an appeal to white racial an appeal to white racial k U.S. representatives Cleo U.S. k e to use race as a campaign as use race e to eference in the 1995 Louisi- 996:116-19), preferences on on preferences 996:116-19), which are not race specific but 5 1995 Louisiana Guberna-
Knuckley & Orey & Orey Knuckley Certainly the presence of blac Certainly the presence explanatory variable for a variety of individual-level political attitudes. Symbolic racism shapes white attitudes toward busing and affirmativeracial policies, especially action pro- 1 and Sanders, grams (Kinder Symbolic Racism in the Towhat extent were white symbolic racial attitudes impor- pr tant in explaining candidate social welfare policies, issues policies, issues social welfare deemed to benefit blacks disproportionately are which (Kinder and Sanders, 1996:121-24;1995, Gilens,1996), blackcandidatesand attitudes toward (Sears, Citrin, and Sears and 1976; Hough, and McConahay 1987; Kosterman, Kinder, 1971). torial Election an- can be this question election? Before ana gubernatorial be made that at least one candidate case must swered, the in the gubernatorial election, through campaign actionsor and racialmade race attitudes salient. statements, race a sa- election made Fields and William Jefferson in the race candidate having to mention any lient issue without of former exception with the However, overtly or subtly. state representative now reduced to perennial David Duke, there was elections, in statewide Louisiana candidate status a specific racially conservative candidate with no single message. This did not mean that candidates. attitudes was not pursued by the other white Interestingly, the first candidat Results are presented in are presented Results †† inant ofchoice vote in the significance. That symbolic significance. That symbolic is employed. Vote choice employed. Vote choice is ection, even after controlling ection, even after controlling been found to exert an influence on election. Third, the impact of Third, the impact election. demonstrates its explanatory desirable. Unfortunately, such items r, as Kinder and Sanders (1996:117— 8
3 Controls for the variables measuring individualism and ††
Symbolic Racism in the 1995 Louisiana Gubernatorial Election the impact of symbolicracial attitudes oncandidate evalua- 1995 gubernatorial tion in the Symbolic Racism and Vote Choice Did symbolic racial attitudes explain white vote choice in the runoff? As the dependent gubernatorial 1995 Louisiana Foster—is di- for variable—voting for Foster or not voting chotomous, logistic regression symbolic racism on vote choice in the runoff election is ex- is election runoff the in choice vote on racism symbolic plored. as well on age, educa- racism on symbolic was regressed and five is- partisanship, gender, ideology, tion, income, providing jobs, government spending, sues—government helping mi- government providing health care, government handguns. of control norities, and for partisanship and ideology, power. 1995 Louisiana gubernatorial el gubernatorial 1995 Louisiana Table 1. Symbolic racism, education, ideology, and parti- education, ideology, racism, Table 1. Symbolic reached statistical sanship all racism was an important determ were not asked in the survey. not askedHoweve the survey. in were 20) demonstrate, symbolic racism has equality. and beyond individualism above and behavior and attitudes white egalitarianism would also have been are available on Our analysis pro- § atic random samples, one black blacks have gotten they have less blacks than registered voters in Louisiana. All in Louisiana. voters registered ed their way up. Blacks should do sity of New Orleans Survey sity of New Orleans Survey atements. After each one, I would ils aboutils the survey do. These are some of the reasons ease tell me whether you agree or 7 the key variable “symbolic ra-
in the 1995 Louisiana guberna-
Knuckley & Orey & Orey Knuckley ecial favors. (Agree) and its reliabilitywe examine is confirmed. Second, ** 2 Wording of questions tapping symbolic racism: 1 The survey was based on system 1 The survey was Now I am going to read several st Receive Less: Over the last few years, other and Jewish, Italians, Irish, Prejudice: Overcame Minorities In past studies, we have asked people why they think white people Try Harder: It’s really just a matter of some people not trying hard discrimination and of slavery Generations Conditions: Created Slavery § ** ceeds in three stages. First, ceeds in three based on four items taken from the cism” is operationalized survey, like you to tell me whether you agree strongly, agree somewhat, disagree somewhat, or disagree strongly. deserve. (Disagree) sp any without the same Pl and whites. both blacks by given disagree with each reason. minorities overcame prejudice and work jobs better in as America—such life in things of the good seem to get more more money—thanand black people way their work to blacks off well as be just as they could harder only try would enough. If blacks for difficult it whites. (Agree) make that conditions created have out of the lower class. (Disagree) request from the request authors. and one white, drawn from a list of all of from all a list drawn one white, and interviews were by telephone. Full deta Data and Methods To test the hypothesis that the symbolic racial attitudes of whites played a central role torial runoff froma telephone election,data were taken by the Univer survey conducted ResearchCenter (N = 494—whites only). effect of symbolic racism racism symbolic of effect lic racism cuts across both both across racism cuts lic t easily interpretable. How- t easily kelytoFoster vote for than nonlinear procedure, the logit procedure, nonlinear d how, in the 1995 guberna- av- below with Liberals than by partisanship, ideology, and and partisanship, ideology, by r Mike Foster, controlling for r Mike 10 As logistic regression is a As logistic regression is how the 2 demonstrates Table
Symbolic Racism in the 1995 Louisiana Gubernatorial Election ever, by using the logit equation, it is possible to derive probability of voting on the variables impact of independent Only the variables which achieved statistical Foster. for Mike used for predicting probabilities. in Table 1 are significance variable are reported in Ta- for each Predicted probabilities ble 2, of symbolic as well the effects racial attitudes on of voting fo the probability coefficients themselves are coefficients no education. and partisanship, ideology, conditioned is choice on vote how symbo shows It education. partisanship and ideology, an torial election, an appeal based on symbolic racial issues racial issues based on symbolic appeal torial election, an Lib- Independents, to Democrats, Foster made by could be without alienating raciallyModerates, tolerant erals, and who Democrats For example, conservatives or Republicans. thirty-six scores were average symbolic race had above points more likely to support than Democrats Foster with with above average Independents below average scores, and scoreswere thirty points more likely to be supportive of A scores. average with below Independents Foster than similar pattern Liberals with above was found with ideology. were thirty-seven points scores average symbolic racism Foster to vote for more likely scores while Moderates with above average erage scores, were thirty-onemore points li with belowModerates average scores.
12, p < .001) 358, p = .603)
df df Vote for Mike Foster in the Vote codedfor Foster,for Fields. 1 0 9 TABLE 1 .01. ≤
Knuckley & Orey & Orey Knuckley .05; ***p .05; ≤ 1995 Louisiana Gubernatorial Election (whites only) (whites Election Gubernatorial 1995 Louisiana .10; **p ≤ Logistic Regression for Predicting for Regression Logistic Age -.05 .12 .14 .08 Symbolic racism .32 Age -.05 Education -.25* Income .06 Gender (male) Ideology (high = Con) Partisanship (high = Rep) Government spending Government provide jobs Health care Help minorities .99*** .19 Control handguns Constant -.96*** .21** .29** Percentage correctly classified = .09 .13 = (vote for Foster) .27 prediction Null -.03 .09 81.7% Proportional reduction in error = .31 .13 79.1% .10 Model chi-square = 12.4% NOTES: The dependent variable is -.01 .05 .14 .08 .12 .11 77.93 ( b S.E. Goodness of fit = *p 350.42 ( te for Foster likely to be but more racially tolerant, but more racially Finally, it should be noted Finally, tute a very small fraction of tute a very small g those whites with at least bernatorial runoff election. bernatorial ndidate can appeal to less can appeal ndidate w symbolic race scores was was scores race w symbolic discussion of political issues. discussion of political explaining white political be- t” campaign, which may alien- Horton-style” television com- 12
Symbolic Racism in the 1995 Louisiana Gubernatorial Election havior remains. However, the nature of these racial attitudes the nature However, havior remains. jority. Clearly, Table 2 shows that by making symbolic racial racial symbolic by making Table 2 shows that jority. Clearly, issues salient, a Republican ca Conclusions ra- demonstrates the importance of symbolic Our analysis gu Louisiana 1995 cism in the candidate in the gu- of a black mercial; the mere presence around race bernatorial runoff election framed the campaign and activated white racial resentment. Thus, at least in Lou- Key (1949)isiana, the hypothesis of that racial attitudes are crucial variable in the most educated and lower-income white voters while avoiding the while white voters lower-income educated and “racis of running a accusation inclined Republican ate the more Only amon upscale white voters. and lo education college some the predicted probability of a vo low. However, such voters consti electorate. the white Louisiana ra- that, for whites with above average and high symbolic is less of education effect the conditioning cism scores, level of educational at every perceptible, with respondents probability of vot- attainment having a very high predicted Foster. ing for Yet, this was not an election featuring a prominent candi- date with a specific racial conservative appeal, nor one in the where race was injected emulate a David had to white candidate no As we argue, Duke, or resort to a “Willie is important for Republican Republican is important for less educated white voters. educated less and vote choice. Specifically, vote choice. and anship levels, need the sup- ana elections, who, given the ana 69 .84 .93 .97 .58 .58 .76 .88 .95 11 .60 .79 .90 .95 TABLE 2 .69 .85 .93 .97 .64 .80 .91 .96 .70 .85 .93 .97
Knuckley & Orey & Orey Knuckley 31 .52 .71 .85 .93 the 1995 Gubernatorial Electionthe 1995Gubernatorial (whites only)
Low Below Average Average Above Average High High Average Above Average Below Average Low Finally, Table 2 demonstrates the conditioning effect of the conditioning demonstrates 2 Table Finally, The Effects of SymbolicRacial Choice Attitudes on Vote in education on symbolic racism on education symbolic it demonstrates how candidates who use symbolic racial racial use symbolic who it demonstrates how candidates to can appeal issues campaign this From a strategic perspective Louisi statewide candidates in party’s disadvantage in partis i.e. status, of lower socioeconomic Democrats of white port ma- statewide win a to Democrats, or “Reagan” the “Duke” graduate College . Some college .37 Symbolic Racism Partisanship Democratic .29 Independent .39 .49 .71 .85 .93 statis- reached which those are variables The independent NOTES: tical significance. Cell entries are predicted probabilities of a vote for Mike Foster, calculated from the logistic regression in Table 1. Republican Ideology .49 Liberal Moderate .24 Conservative .36 Education .43 .50 .57 .63 .49 Below high school .80 .76 High school . .43 .88 .91 .94
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