PALACE

From Medieval Castle to Archaeological Site

SCIENTIFIC DIRECTION: Vincent Heymans

COORDINATION: Laetitia Cnockaert and Frédérique Honoré

AUTHORS: P. Anagnostopoulos, A. Buyle, P. Charruadas, L. Cnockaert, M. de Waha, S. Demeter, Y. Devos, C. Dickstein-Bernard, A. Dierkens, M. Fourny, C. Gaier, M. Galand, D. Guilardian, S. Guri, V. Heymans, J. Houssiau, J.-P. Huys, C. Loir, P. Lombaerde, M. Meganck, S. Modrie, C. Paredes, P. Sosnowska, S. van Sprang, B. Vannieuwenhuyze, A. Vanrie This publication has been produced by the Palais de Charles Quint ASBL, a non profit-making organisation, on the initiative of the Brussels Capital Region and the

Scientific direction: Vincent Heymans

Coordination: Laetitia Cnockaert and Frédérique Honoré

Authors: Pierre Anagnostopoulos, Anne Buyle, Paulo Charruadas, Laetitia Cnockaert, Michel de Waha, Stéphane Demeter, Yannick Devos, Claire Dickstein-Bernard, Alain Dierkens, Michel Fourny, Claude Gaier, Michèle Galand, David Guilardian, Shipé Guri, Vincent Heymans, Jean Houssiau, Jean-Philippe Huys, Christophe Loir, Piet Lombaerde, Marc Meganck, Sylvianne Modrie, Cecilia Paredes, Philippe Sosnowska, Sabine van Sprang, Bram Vannieuwenhuyze, André Vanrie Their titles and institutions are given at the end of the book

Scientific committee: Vincent Heymans (President), Pierre-Paul Bonenfant †, Marcel Celis, Stéphane Demeter, Alain Dierkens, Michel Fourny, Sylvianne Modrie, Anne Vandenbulcke, André Vanrie

The scientific committee very much regrets that one of its members passed away during preparation of the work: Professor Pierre-Paul Bonenfant, President of the Société royale d’Archéologie de Bruxelles, who was involved in this enterprise from the beginning. His death deprived the editorial team of his contribution to the chapters relating to the archaeological excavations

Board of directors : Stéphane Demeter (President), Anne Vandenbulcke (Vice-president), Pierre-Paul Bonenfant †, Michel Burstin †, Geoffroy Coomans de Brachène, Laurent Delvaux, Jean-Pierre Demeure, Anne de San, Alain Dierkens, Michel Fourny, Edgard Goedleven, Vincent Heymans, Pascale Ingelaere, Tom Sanders, Freddy Thielemans, Anne Tiebault, Michel Van Roye, Thierry Wauters

Translation: Gitracom (Veronica Kelly, Charles Lucas, Laura Williams), Miles Translation, Áine Pedersen Proofreading: Kathie Berger, Áine Pedersen

Graphic designer: Mardaga, Véronique Lux

Printing: Snel, Vottem

Cover page: Cellar of the former palace main building, as seen at the Coudenberg archaeological site. Photo M. Vanhulst (2009) / Curia Brabantiae, in celebri et populosa Urbe Bruxellis, engraving by Claes Jansz. Visscher from a drawing by Jean Van de Velde, 17th century / Red earthenware jug, 17th century.

© 2014 Éditions MARDAGA Rue du Collège, 27 B-1050 Brussels () www.editionsmardaga.com

D. 2014-0024-2 ISBN 978-2-8047-0157-4 CHAPTER 3

A CENTRE OF POWER IS ESTABLISHED

Paulo Charruadas, Stéphane Demeter, Alain Dierkens, Michel Fourny, David Guilardian & Bram Vannieuwenhuyze

Shaping the Coudenberg site is a promontory sloping north-eastwards. It digs into the eastern side of the valley with the deeply gouged valleys of the Coperbeek in the north and the Ruysbroeck in the south. Because this relief has been altered so much since the , reconstructing its original profile is very tricky. Help may come from the Dutch term coudenberg, which literally means “cold hill”. One explanation of this, put forward by etymologists who point to the hill’s soil – sandy, and not very fertile, and hence “cold” – seems rather unlikely, this type of semantic use is generally reserved in Brussels for the damp ground at the bottom of a valley.1 A more convincing hypothesis is based on the cold north winds, suggesting that the place-name refers to a north-facing hill.2 In terms of its relief, the Plan géométrique de la Ville de Bruxelles, a map drawn by Willem B. Craan in 18353 – i.e., after the creation of the Place Royale in the last quarter of the 18th century, but before the major renovations on the Montagne de la Cour and the – shows a difference of some 20 m between the levels at the top of the Coudenberg (the present-day Place Royale) and the two small valleys north and south of it.

A FORTRESS IN A PLAIN, OR A CASTLE tus) on the river and a habitat around an oratory ON A HILL ? dedicated to St Géry, which would originally have been a simple castle chapel, or perhaps an existing Like many towns that emerged in the Middle Ages, church. Brussels probably developed from several older cen- In the last quarter of the 10th century Duke tres of occupation and settlement. Specialists on Charles was a leading political figure, related to the medieval cities talk nowadays about “polynuclear” reigning families of France and Germany. He was formation, and rather than trying to identify the most probably made a duke by the German sover- oldest sites they seek a better understanding of how eign, mainly to defend the western border of his ter- these different centres, each with its own function ritory (the ) from the expansionist notions and its own internal logic, evolved and interacted of the restless counts of . The presence of with one another.4 In this multipolar type of de- Charles in Brussels is known about mainly from a velopment a castle usually occupied an important hagiographic text, the Vita sanctae Gudilae (Life of place.5 St Gudula), two versions of which have been pre- For a full understanding of the earliest develop- served. Historians have not yet reached a consensus ments of the Coudenberg as a “hill of power”, there- on their nature or dates (end of the , or fore, this nucleus needs to be seen in the overall 12th century ?).6 Both versions of the Vita state that context of the history of Brussels. at the end of the 10th century Duke Charles had the Traditional historiography has it that in the mid- relics of St Gudula, who was originally from Moor- dle of the 11th century the castle on the Couden- sel, transferred to the oratory of St Géry; this would berg followed on from an early fortress, which had suggest that he was in some way seeking to develop been established in around 979 on the plain below a strong centre in Brussels. the town, in the Senne valley, by the Carolingian Putting down roots in Brussels at the start of the th ÕAnonymous view of Charles de France, Duke of Lower . Ac- 11 century in the wake of Charles de France, the the Coudenberg palace, cording to this theory, the site was probably linked counts of Louvain (and future dukes of Brabant – 17th century. to the development of both a port structure (por- see inset below), probably settled first in the val-

54 1450 1re enceinte

Porte de Louvain st 1 e omwalling Leuvensepoort

Collégiale ley of the Senne, later building a new, fortified, Senne Sint-Goedelekerk residence on the Coudenberg in the middle of the Zenne 11th century at the earliest. This change of abode would have gone hand in hand with a number of Grand-Place activities by Lambert II Baldéric, Count of Lou- Grote Markt vain, such as the creation of a chapter of canons in around 1047-1050 at the church of St Michael on a neighbouring hill (the site of the present-day

Cathedral of St Michael and St Gudula), and the alling Warande transfer of St Gudula’s relics from the church of St omw

de Géry to this new collegiate church, which had been 2 rebuilt as a monumental edifice for the occasion.7 C Vallon The tradition whereby Charles was responsible Va llon du Ko enceinte du Coperbeek e E perbeekdaal 2 for the erection of the “castle” on the Senne, in the Ruisbroekdaal Ruysbroeck B St Géry district, is now frequently challenged, in F particular because this episode – which is not re- D ferred to in either of the Vitae sanctae Gudilae – is Sablon G A based on late sources, and the transferring of the Zavel Borgendael “castle” from the lower part of town to the upper is not explicitly mentioned until the 15th century.8 In this context, it cannot be ruled out that this tra- dition on the city’s origins, followed by historians Porte de Naamsepoort into the second half of the 20th century, might be the result of a narrative reconstruction designed to obscure the historical importance of Louvain, the walling de om cradle of the royal dynasty, and present Brussels 2 as the oldest of Brabant’s urban centres. One cur- e enceint rent line of research thus tends to put Brussels’ first 2e 0100 m200 m castle directly on the Coudenberg.9 Some even ad-

A. Castellan’s castle; B. Duke’s residence; C. Future Hoogstraeten House ; D. St James on the Coudenberg ; E. Rue Inghelant; F. Place des Bailles; G. Steenweg (Paved road)

The Princes’ Titles: from Counts of Louvain to Dukes of Brabant Paulo CHARRUADAS

The princely house that settled on the Couden- and at the very start of the 12th century they the German sovereign Henry V granted them berg in Brussels in the 11th and 12th centuries were finally awarded the position officially, on the much sought-after title of Duke of Lower was a powerful family, related to Lotharingia’s behalf of the German sovereign, confirming Lotharingia, an office that conferred on those most illustrious aristocratic lineages. Initially their role as lay protectors of this important who held it responsibility for maintaining law it appears to have developed an independent religious institution. and order and upholding justice, in addition centred on Louvain in Hesbaye, strad- At the same time as they were maintain- to granting land rights and estates. From then dling the important episcopal principality of ing a relationship of loyalty and cooperation on, the power of the counts of Louvain grew Liège and the former pagus of Brabant, a po- with their suzerains, the German sovereigns, considerably. In the written documentation in litical constituency that went back to the Early the House of Louvain was also working locally which they are mentioned, the titles of “Duke Middle Ages. to strengthen their own political authority. of ” and “Duke of Brabant” The first known representatives of this Starting from a territorial base in the Louvain increasingly compete with the old, county- house are mentioned in textual sources from region, they attempted to extend their power linked Louvain title and eventually, between the 11th century. During that period they were and take over the authority of the old adminis- the end of the 12th and the start of the 13th cen- referred to as either “counts of Louvain” or trative structures of the pagus of Brabant. His- tury, “Duke of Brabant” became the norm. “lawyers” of the Abbey of . They had torians still disagree on the stages in their con- been de facto acting in this latter capacity, quest. One thing is certain, however: in 1106

3. A CENTRE OF POWER IS ESTABLISHED 55 THE CASTLE’S OWNERS: CASTELLANS OR COUNTS OF LOUVAIN ?

Written documentation shows that, around 1005- 1015, the counts of Louvain acquired an impor- tant estate at , north-west of the town, and that around 1047-1050 they founded the collegiate church of St Gudula in Brussels. It is reasonable to think that in the same period they must have want- ed to establish themselves more firmly there. Either the counts were investing in a place located near the portus on the Senne before taking up their position in the upper part of town, and entrusting the office of castellan to powerful local lords of whom they had made allies; or they sought to install themselves directly on the Coudenberg, perhaps next to these local lords, who were swiftly appointed castellans in Brussels. Whichever it was, it would appear that at some point the counts erected their dwelling in a place that was already occupied. The first written mentions, from the 13th century, describe it explic- itly as a manor (manerium).12 This description raises questions, as the earliest texts to mention justice being dispensed by the dukes in Brussels, in the castle, generally in the presence of the castellan, never specify that this is a ducal castle or that it belongs to the dukes. The expressions generally used consist of simple indica- tions of place (“in Brussels, at the castle”), whereas Attempt at reconstruction vance the hypothesis that this castle did not origi- the dukes in their writing habitually used posses- of Brussels in the nally belong to the counts, but was established by sive adjectives whenever they could (“my property”, 13th century. Detail showing the Coudenberg. an important family of lords from the region, either “my faithful people”, “my townspeople”, “my city”, when the counts of Louvain settled in Brussels in etc.).13 The castle in Brussels is explicitly mentioned the first half of the 11th century, or a little earlier. for the first time in 1121, when a deed by Godfrey These lords, later known as the “Brussels family” – I, Duke of Brabant, was issued apud Brussele super of whose loyalty the counts would have been quick castellum (in Brussels, at the castle).14 It is possible to assure themselves, and whose members subse- however to trace its existence back to the previous quently held the important office of “castellan of century, to 1096, when a castellan in Brussels (cas- Brussels” – owned property on the future territory tellanus dominus Franco)15 was already mentioned, of the city and were related to the powerful sei- thereby implying the existence of a castle. gneurial family of Anderlecht.10 Mentions from the 13th century onwards very The attractiveness of Brussels, and the Louvain clearly indicate a bipolar power landscape, with family’s policy decision to establish itself in this the residence on the one hand and on the other the burgeoning town, were most probably linked to the castellan’s castle, the castrum castellani. From the rapid expansion of the portus in the lower part of the 14th century the latter was called Oude Borg (“the town. The portus was mentioned for the first time old castle”),16 which might indicate a long-standing in around 1015-1020, and its activities were helping presence on the site – perhaps predating the ducal to make the growing town a centre around which residence, which was still described as a curia or, economic life in the region was concentrated.11 Af- with equal frequency, by its Dutch equivalent, hof ter Charles de France, the Louvain family may have (“court”).17 confirmed the position of Brussels as a political cen- In terms of chronology, we can therefore imagine tre and the Coudenberg as a place of power. a first stage with a more or less fortified dwelling be- longing to the family “of Brussels”, the future castel- lans, followed at a second stage by the development, at some point during the 11th century or the start of

56 the 12th, of a ducal residence established beside the that the development of the place in the form of a castellan’s and separated from it by the Borgendael. mound (or the memory thereof) still persisted. On The dukes’ decision to settle on the hill could be this basis it is possible to suggest that the nucleus of explained by the importance of the Coudenberg – the castellan’s castle complex consisted of a castle an importance that may have derived from an occu- on a high motte established on an imposing prom- pation of the hill going back a long way, or perhaps ontory dominating the countryside.20 from the symbolism of a previous power in the area. This castle must have been located on roughly the The presence of a local family of lords would then present site of the western wing of the royal palace, have prompted the counts to settle beside them, in in other words, in an area it has not yet been possi- order to absorb them. This is a grey area on which it ble to excavate (see A on map on page 55). The Bor- is difficult to shed light at present. gendael locality most likely corresponds to part of the castle’s defensive ditch, specifically the segment of the ditch separating the castle from the rest of the promontory, situated slightly lower down. To- THE CASTRUM CASTELLANI: wards the west, the Coudenberg plateau continues SITE AND TYPOLOGY until the real descent towards the Senne valley be- gins with an abrupt slope. This, roughly speaking, is The original location of the castle of the Brus- the site of the present-day Place Royale. The space sels castellans may be worked out thanks to the was dominated and protected on the eastern side 13th century mentions and to the traces left by the by the presence of the castle, and was bound on its later splitting up of estates: portion after portion, three other sides by fairly steep natural slopes. It the castellans parted with almost all the land they formed a kind of yard, and corresponded to the in- owned on the Coudenberg, in particular in the area stallation of the dukes’ residential complex around referred to as Oude Borg, for the benefit of both the middle of the 11th century, at the earliest.21 the church of St James (see below) and the dukes’ Despite subsequent modifications (in particular estate.18 At the start of the 15th century the site of the incorporation of the castle’s defences into the the Oude Borg itself was described as a remarkable, line of the city’s first perimeter wall), adapting the elevated piece of land situated between the dukes’ configuration of the natural relief to reinforce its court and the garden of St James’s church, at the defensive advantages fits in well with the typology edge of the Borgendael. The texts describe this area of castles with mottes in the .22 This as in or berg in Dutch,19 which shows construction no doubt adopted this typology by

The Borgendael depression can still be clearly seen in this view of the present-day impasse du Borgendael (2012).

3. A CENTRE OF POWER IS ESTABLISHED 57 adjusting and shaping the natural opportunities af- perimeter wall, partly accompanied by a wooden forded by the terrain. While the northern side of the palisade. The base of this mound faces the ramp motte probably merged with the valley of the Co- installed leading down from the ducal palace to- perbeek, the other sides must have been altered by wards the Warande park. This topographically low the digging of a semicircular ditch along the flanks point is where the valley of the Coperbeek, with of the natural valley. The Borgendael probably cor- its roughly east-west orientation (and this moreo- responds, as we have said, to one part of this defen- ver is the axis of the drawing sketched from near sive ditch: specifically, to the segment separating the ramparts of the second perimeter wall, looking the castle from the rest of the promontory slightly due west towards the Hôtel de Ville) meets the de- below. The end of the present-day Borgendael cul- pression of the Borgendael, running north-south, de-sac is still one of the lowest points on the site, almost perpendicular to it. In this document one and the archaeological test pits dug there in 1994 can also make out the first city wall, which extends indicate the presence of quite thick back-fill which parallel to the ramp and ends up at the first build- could correspond to the partial filling-in of the ings of the ducal residence, and one can also guess ditch. Moreover the excavations have revealed no that this high wall must have cut perpendicularly damp ground or alluvial deposits, which does seem across the Borgendael valley and blocked it. From to confirm that the Borgendael was man-made.23 the second third of the 16th century this stretch of The postmedieval iconography of the Coudenberg the city’s perimeter wall disappears, to make way also shows the presence of this very marked depres- for the great gallery in the palace. So the ramp al- sion in the landscape, bordered on the south-west lowing horses and riders to go from the palace to by a significant elevation of the ground. The latter the park was installed on the slope at the end of the may perhaps be identified with an eroded remnant Borgendael. Finally, this depression is clearly visible of the castle motte. On the one hand, in the back- in all the views of the palace taken from the north, ground of the portrait of (see re- including the later views of the burnt-out court, production on page 49), behind the foliage on the depicted at the end of the 18th century, in which it tall trees one can distinguish a curving curtain wall appears closed off by the ground level of the 16th- which seems to surround the summit of the mound, century gallery. In the oldest, and also the widest quite quickly cutting off the skyline to the right of and most extensive of these representations to have the central figure. One can also see a wooden pali- come down to us – one which is, moreover, studied sade which seems partly to circle around inside this elsewhere in this volume (see inset on page 106) – a stone wall. Next, the sketch for the March tapestry green, slightly circular-looking space, rounded like in the Hunts of Maximilian series24 shows, far left, a mound, can be clearly seen, surrounded by the a large segment of the apparently circular mound stone curtain wall of the city’s defence from north- surmounted by the stone curtain wall which is in- west to east, and dominating the houses built lower corporated into the circuit of the 13th-century city down, in the Borgendael itself, from south to west. This space may therefore be a remnant of the high castle motte, and may also correspond to the visible ruins referred to by the historian Gramaye at the start of the 17th century.25 During this period the site seems to have been used as a vineyard for the monks of St James on the Coudenberg, before the property was transferred in 1588 to the royal domain so that a tennis court (for jeu de paume) could be laid there.26 The castellan’s castle was thus in a position from which it controlled access to the Coudenberg prom- ontory from the south-west. The yard associated On this detail of a preparatory drawing for with the castle developed over the rest of the prom- a tapestry of the Hunts of ontory, i.e., on roughly the site of the present-day Maximilian, a large segment Place Royale and the location of the old abbey of St of a circular mound is visible. This mound was topped by a James. The abrupt descents into the two valleys of stone curtain wall, integrated the Coperbeek and the Ruysbroeck must have been into the 13th century city enough to mark the northern and southern limits wall, and partially lined by a wooden fence (see full of this yard. The western side near the Senne was reproduction on page 195). no doubt also marked in this way. One can imagine

58 that the access to the inside of this fortified struc- er a settlement point may have been developed in Detail of an anonymous ture must have been on the eastern side, between relation to it. We do know that, generally speaking, view, circa 1540. On the left the circular mound can be the motte as such and the start of the Ruysbroeck the castles and residences of lords at that time ex- seen, probably indicating the valley – in other words, along the axis of the future erted a strong attraction on prospective settlers. location of the castellan’s Rue de Namur. There are clues, but they do not really make it castle (see full reproduction The steeply sloping parts of the Coudenberg, possible to answer this question. They simply pro- on page 106). both on the side of the Coperbeek to the north and vide evidence of an old presence on the site, with- the Ruysbroeck to the south, probably remained for out its being possible to define exactly what it was a long time without being built on because of the like, nor even to say whether it might have been steep gradient. Archaeopedological data, moreover, linked to the castle of the castellans. show that for many years some of the land there In the first place, there has been the notewor- was used for farming. The land occupied from the thy discovery, during the excavations at the ducal 15th century by Hoogstraeten House, for example, palace, of two knurled potsherds with Badorf-type was used as pasture before the 10th century, and decoration. This type of pottery was made from the then from the 10th to the 12th for growing cereals27 700s onwards, and exports to the Low Countries do (see inset on page 256). This rural character was no not go beyond the 10th century. This could mean doubt the origin of the toponym “Inghelantstraet”, that they were present on the Coudenberg site at the old name of what would become the Rue Isa- the end of the Carolingian period at the latest. In- belle and Rue Terarken. In , the first terpreting these sherds – found out of context, and part of the word (inghelant) meant meadow, or pas- very erratically – remains difficult, however. The ture, and it emerged at the end of the 13th century to dearth of archaeological information could be the describe the roads bordering the site containing the result of the vagaries of sampling, which has been future Hoogstraeten House on two of its sides.28 very limited, as we will see. In Brussels, however, discoveries of pottery from the early Middle Ages are rarely self-explanatory, thanks to altered con- texts and very rare, fragmentary objects.29 The site A VILLAGE AT THE FOOT OF THE CASTLE ? of the old collegiate church of St Michael and St Gudula,30 barely 550 m away and located on a neigh- The hypotheses surrounding the possible establish- bouring hill, at a similar altitude to the palace, has ment of the family “of Brussels” on the Coudenberg however provided numerous material clues which, before the 12th century raise the question of wheth- cumulatively, show that the site was also occupied

3. A CENTRE OF POWER IS ESTABLISHED 59 ÖGraphic reconstruction of a globe-shaped Badorf pot, found in the excavations at

ÖÖ Shards of Badorf pottery, discovered in test pit in the Carolingian period. Examples include the no. 2 (see plan below). dating of burials prior to the Romanesque col-

ØThe oldest structures legiate church, coins and potsherds (including a discovered in the excavations. globular Badorf-type pot). The settlement lying no doubt in the immediate vicinity of this necropolis remains to be identified. In addition to these archaeological elements, an

0 10 m oval-shaped route is visible on old maps. In the Low -1 Countries, this type of morphological remnant sometimes indicates a communal meadow (dries), typical of many medieval villages – a space around which houses were probably grouped (see inset on page 38). It is interesting, moreover, to note that at the end of the Middle Ages the streets forming 10 this oval shape still bore the name Groenstraat (Rue 9 Verte, or Green Street), a place-name that could hark back to an original use of that land for culti- vation.31 8 5

7 6 THE OLDEST ARCHAEOLOGICAL TRACES: POTSHERDS 11 Besides the two sherds of Badorf-type pottery men- tioned above, the oldest archaeological remains found so far on the site of the ducal palace make no decisive contribution in terms of the first archi- tectural developments discovered.32 They consist essentially of a few very fragmentary items that were found in the deepest layers of the site, with no stratigraphic link to any remnant of a building that might consequently be contemporaneous with them. They are currently being studied, and here we can only summarise the ceramologists’ initial inter- pretations. Finds have been identified as having four sepa- 12 rate contexts, each one associated with fragmented animal bones indicating discarded domestic refuse. The first two are located within the northern sec- tor of the excavated area, at the edge of the oldest recognisable built remains discovered so far. 12th - 13th cent. 14th century The first set (Test Pit No. 1 on map) consists of a few sherds of common local pottery, belonging to

60 Successive layers of earth preserved between a 15th century wall (3) and a 17th century pillar (4) which transect them. Above the non-reworked sand of the tertiary period, a sandy stratum (1) contains Andenne-type pottery from period I. The upper layer (2) contains shards from the 14th century. See also the sketches on page 74. shapes known to have existed in the 12th-13th cen- tionship was broken by the foundation of a façade turies and associated with fragments belonging wall for the palace, built in the 15th century. to Period I of the Andenne type, dated between The second test pit (No. 2), which is also limited the middle of the 11th century and the third quar- on the surface to a few square metres, lies 30 m west ter of the 12th century inclusive (ca. 1050-1175).33 of the previous one in a sector that probably corre- Andenne-type pottery is a product well known in sponded to the western extremity of the main build- Brussels, where it was imported from the ing, in the oldest of its phases known at present, valley. It is regularly found in other archaeological a section of whose stone wall survives.35 The pot- sites in Brussels, but always in limited quantities.34 tery found in the deepest layers of the stratigraphy This first batch was found directly above the sandy is a little more plentiful there, and again consists geological terrain, at the base of the stratigraphic of Andenne-type sherds from Period I associated cut in a deep test pit confined to a little over a with some rim fragments of common local pottery, square metre at the foot of the façade wall of the whose profiles reflect those of types attributable main building, dating from the 15th century. Di- to the 12th-13th centuries. At least one element of a rectly above this layer, one stratum contains (to the belly, however – clearly residual in this stratum – exclusion of any other building material) fragments is related to a technical type from the Meuse area resulting from the cutting of calcareous sandstone which predated the Andenne type, and is described which may be connected to the construction of as “pre-Andenne”, but the lack of formal elements stone walls. It is tempting to establish a link with makes it impossible to tell their chronology. Two the nearby construction of the stone cellar (see be- grey ceramic sherds have a painted decoration in- low), which constitutes the oldest known phase of spired by Rhenish models of the Pingsdorf type.36 the ducal residence in the sector. This hypothesis But it is worth noting that imported products that is not verifiable, however, as the stratigraphic rela- were actually Pingsdorf-type, dated between the

ÕÕSelection of Andenne- type pottery shards found during the excavations at the base of the northern wall of the Aula Magna (survey no. 4).

ÕShard of grey pottery decorated with red paint, found in excavation no. 2. This is a local imitation of Pingsdorf type pottery.

3. A CENTRE OF POWER IS ESTABLISHED 61 Original cellar in the main building of the ducal palace, which can be seen on the archaeological site. The walls made from Brussels white stone probably date from the 12th century (photo 2009).

start of the 10th century and the end of the 12th, and duke’s residence, or more likely both, since, given usually painted in red on a very light background, the forms of local ceramics associated with it, the are lacking, although they do appear in other Brus- time in question was probably nearer the end of the sels sites.37 Given the presence – well affirmed here production period for Andenne I, in other words, a – of Andenne ware, should we see a chronological little before 1175. differentiation in this ? The a silentio argument is to be used with caution.38 The first Badorf-type sherd, mentioned above, was found in this stratigraphic context. THE DUCAL MANOR: ITS LOCATION, In a third small test pit (No. 3), layers of back-fill AND PREVIOUS KNOWN CONSTRUCTIONS were found, lying directly on the geological sub- stratum and again containing a little Andenne-type In the 12th century, mentions of the Brussels cas- pottery from Period I (ca. 1050-1175) associated trum or castellum appear in the written documenta- with the rim sherd of a common pot similar to tion and proliferate, although without adding any those already mentioned. This time they were al- clarification as to its nature. The only new feature most 50 m more to the south, level with the palace to be mentioned explicitly, in 1138, was the duke’s entrance porch, which was built in the 15th century kitchen (coquinam meam), which had its own staff.40 – giving the impression of an extensive site occupa- Logically, the existence of a kitchen implies the tion already in the 11th-12th centuries, characterised presence of a dwelling it would have served: this by the presence of Andenne ceramics. could be the point of departure for the duke’s resi- Finally, a few residual sherds were found in a dence, attested in the following century. From the thick layer of “black earth”39 dated to the 13th- 13th century on, in fact, there is clear evidence that 14th centuries in the south-western sector of the the kitchen was near the Borgendael. It is there- Aula Magna, the only area spared by the disrup- fore tempting to think that this layout was already tive earth-moving of the 15th century (Test Pit No. in place by the 12th century, in which case the du- 4). These are again Andenne-type ware from Period cal residence would have been established in the I, with the second Badorf-type decorated sherd, al- northern part of the yard, quite close to the ditch ready mentioned, and a third painted sherd imitat- separating the latter from the original castle of the ing the Pingsdorf type. castellan. In total, the site occupation in the period cor- This layout naturally presents some advantages. responding to Period I of the Andenne type (ca. In the first place, it would give the residence access 1050-1175) is well established despite the fact that to water by placing it on the edge of the Coperbeek it cannot be linked directly to any known construc- valley. Next, even if it was located in the yard, the tion phases of either the castellan’s castle, or the residence would nevertheless have been in a strong,

62 Northern wall of the original cellar. The two slits at the top were designed when the building was constructed to provide ventilation and light (photo 2012). dominant position in the layout of the yard itself: er, obliterate what does seem to correspond to the it would have been in its highest corner, if we con- original nucleus of the construction. Three mason- sider, for argument’s sake, that the Coudenberg’s ry walls in local calcareous sandstone (often known promontory sloped down evenly from east to west in Brussels, for convenience, as “white stone”), pre- towards the valley of the Senne. Finally, positioned served to a height of more than three metres, en- thus, the internal façade of the residence would close a quadrangular space seven metres by twelve have been south-facing – a comfortable orientation (no 5 on map on page 60). They were made exclu- that would have protected it from the northern sively from calcareous sandstone, cut in the Tech- winds (previously mentioned) and exposed the resi- nique I style defined in our region for this type of dential part to the sun. The internal façade could material (see photo on page 68).41 This stone-cutting thus have had generous openings (windows, doors, method appeared in the 12th century and was aban- galleries, etc.). In the 14th century, a chapel would doned around 1410. This lack of chronological pre- be built at the western end of the residence, the op- cision, however, cannot be offset by the rare dating posite end to the kitchens. And a previous liturgical clues provided by the stratigraphic analysis inside space might already have been located in this area the building, as the ground level seems to have been (see Chapter 5). lowered in the 14th century, depriving us of any sig- Everything thus points to a picture of the first nificant objects that might have been abandoned in main building of the ducal residence with the same the foundation trench for the walls. orientation and position as the nucleus of the pal- Originally, the walls of this building which have ace that was to follow. Archaeological excavations been preserved were probably those of the cellars, were conducted in this area between 1995 and whose northern side represented an external lim- 2000. In addition to the ceramic material referred it of the building complex. This long wall, which to above, they revealed the first remains of stone was only 58 cm thick, had three high apertures in construction which could date back to the 12th cen- it inside the cellar, while on the outside the base tury. And it is noteworthy that this period, known of these openings was just above ground level. The from archival material, is fully compatible with the difference between the circulation levels inside and Andenne-type sherds from Period I (ca. 1050-1175) outside must thus have been in the region of three that characterise the detrital content of the sandy metres. These openings – very narrow loopholes, layers in the lowest stratigraphy of the ground in splayed at the bottom – would have let in some direct contact with the geological substratum. This fresh air as well as daylight. stratigraphy is unfortunately disconnected from On the long southern side was a large double door, the walls we will now describe. opening onto the remains of a staircase which was The cellars of the main building underwent sev- originally the only access to the cellar. Either this eral major transformations, which did not, howev- southern wall adjoined another section of building

3. A CENTRE OF POWER IS ESTABLISHED 63 which had no basement, or, more plausibly, it was THE CHURCH AND CHAPTER OF ST JAMES already facing towards an inner courtyard belong- ing to the building complex. The ancient history of the church built on the On its eastern side, the cellar was shut off by a Coudenberg, curiously dedicated to St James, re- blind wall which was opened only in the 18th cen- lies heavily on the working hypothesis whereby tury, to link it with Bellevue House, built at that the counts of Louvain and the family “of Brussels” time. This eastern wall was extended southwards by settled on the site. Was this place of worship there a stretch of stone wall found in the shape of a shal- before the construction of the count’s fortified low foundation corresponding to a building with dwelling in the middle or the second half of the 11th no basement (no 6 on map on page 60). We do not century ? If not, was it the chapel for the count’s know, however, in which direction the building ex- (later duke’s) castle, or an oratory with broader re- tended – whether westwards, adjoining the cellar, sponsibilities ? If it was there earlier, was it simply or eastwards, in which case it would have bordered an oratory in a high place, similar to the one dedi- the inner courtyard mentioned above. The wall cated to St Michael up on the nearby Treurenberg, has been dated in relation to a layer of back-fill, or was it a chapel (or even an actual church) linked added after the wall had been levelled, which con- to an old occupation of the site, and thus perhaps tained an abundance of ceramic sherds datable to to the castellan’s family ? In other words: was the the 14th century. church of St James originally an Eigenkirche, a The western inside wall of the original cellar is church connected directly with the family “of Brus- missing: it was no doubt dismantled when the origi- sels” (perhaps the former castle chapel, located next nal access was blocked up and moved more to the to the castle, near the main access to the complex) west, probably in the 15th century. Meanwhile, a before gradually coming under the control of the vault built probably in the 13th or 14th century, to counts of Louvain/dukes of Brabant ? replace an original wooden ceiling (no 8 on map The names of two chaplains, and that of a priest on page 60), must have rested on this wall. The pre- named Onulphe, appear in parallel with the first served limit of the vault, now without its lateral mention of the castle on the Coudenberg.42 Be- support, therefore corresponds to the “ghost” trace tween 1121 and 1160 Onulphe, sometimes described of the now-vanished western wall. as sacerdos de Caldenberge, regularly witnessed deeds In the absence of full-depth excavation, archaeo- for the duke, especially those signed at the castle, logical observations on the oldest building work, in in the company of other clerics from the duke’s en- the sector immediately adjacent to the cellar of the tourage; in a deed dated 1151 he is explicitly linked main building on the southern side, remain very in- to the church of St James in Brussels. Onulphe complete. An additional stretch of wall in calcare- seems to have been related to the family de Bruxella, ous sandstone, characterised by the exclusive use of the family of castellans. Did he have these religious stone and by Stone-Cutting Technique I, was how- responsibilities because the oratory had previously ever found to the south-west (no 7 on map on page been in the control of his family ? Or was it the re- 60). One right-angled corner of this wall, oriented in verse: was it because the duke of Brabant, wishing the same direction as the cellar, has been preserved. to show favour to his castellan, conferred special It is bordered to the south by a staircase rising east- responsibility in his castle chapel on a member of wards, in the direction of the natural slope of the the family “of Brussels” ? At this stage, it is impos- Senne valley. The staircase has been dated in relation sible to tell. to the back-fill with which it was packed, which con- The subsequent history of St James’s is not much tains 14th-century sherds. This enables us to suggest more straightforward. In 1162 Godfrey III, Duke of that the area likely to have been covered by the early Brabant, and his mother Lutgarde, gave the church buildings should be extended by some ten metres in (ecclesia) of St James on the Coudenberg to the Hos- both directions (south and west) from the cellar. pital and Hospitallers of Jerusalem.43 Reading this This remarkably well-preserved stone cellar – evi- deed presents no problem, but the terms used in dence of an old dwelling – beneath the present-day the key sentence of the provision are grammatically Rue Royale is the oldest remnant discovered on the incorrect and it is difficult to interpret the exact na- site. With other sections of wall (of similar construc- ture of the property transferred. Most researchers tion) which appear to have been associated with into the history of Brussels think the church was them, these remains tally well with the little histori- given with a hospital that was connected to it. Ac- cal data enabling us to situate the original nucleus cording to Paul Bonenfant, for example, the hospi- of the ducal manor at the edge of the Coperbeek ra- tal foundation was established, and then transferred vine, on the northern part of the promontory. by the duke to the Hospitallers of Jerusalem for the

64 purpose of organising aid for the poor of Brussels.44 in 1162, with Godfrey taking advantage of his pil- It seems more plausible, however, to consider that grimage to Jerusalem both to end the dispute and, the hospital and the “Poor of Christ” mentioned in in 1183, to deliver a charter whose interpretation the deed refer to the hospital and the Hospitallers left no room for debate. The fate of this document of Jerusalem, who would then be the beneficiaries was rather unusual: attributed in the 13th century of the donation of just the ecclesia of St James. Was to Godfrey of Bouillon, redated 1083, in the late this donation thwarted, and did the Hospitallers Middle Ages it was translated into French, Catalan pay scant attention to it, possibly even never taking and Italian and gave rise to a flourishing historio- possession of it, as is believed by Alphonse Waut- graphic tradition…48 ers, for example, and in his wake Georges Despy ? 45 There was a marked difference between the dona- This indeed is what might be suggested by the fact tions of 1162 and 1183. The transfer of the church that in 1183 Duke Godfrey III, who was in the Holy in 1162 was followed in 1183 by the legacy of just Land at the time, gave the same Hospitallers of Je- the hospital with its outbuildings and income, ex- rusalem the “hospital house” founded on his free- cluding the church, which thus remained under hold on the Coudenberg in Brussels.46 We do know the control of the duke. The 1183 deed specified, however that, shortly after the death of his mother moreover, that the hospital was located on one of Lutgarde (1163), Godfrey contested some of her the freeholds of Duke Godfrey III on the Couden- gifts to the Hospitallers, giving rise to an extremely berg (super alodium meum apud Brusselam, burgum Antiqua praepositura S. Jacobi tense dispute which was settled through the inter- meum, in Frigido Monte). These strong terms, going de Frigido Monte. Engraving 47 by D. Coster representing the vention of Pope Alexander III in 1167-1169. The hand in hand with the alteration of the donation to Abbey of Saint-Jacques-sur- same probably applied to the donation of St James the Hospitallers, unambiguously reveal the duke’s Coudenberg, 1659.

3. A CENTRE OF POWER IS ESTABLISHED 65 desire to assert his power over the entire castle area made by a 45° angle at the edge of the Ruysbroeck on the Coudenberg.49 ravine, below the future Nassau House. A priest attached to the hospital is referred to in But to what extent were the fortifications of the 1185, and again in 1196. And it was also at the end of castle complex on the Coudenberg, datable to the the 12th century that a small chapter of secular can- 11th-12th centuries, incorporated as they stood, al- ons, mentioned in 1190 and 1201, was established at tered, subsumed or cut across by the line of the 13th- St James’s. At the start of the 13th century, on the in- century city wall ? We do not know for sure. Apart itiative of two of these canons, Gilbert and Gérard, from the city wall, the texts make no mention of a the chapter adopted the rule of St Augustine, and in fortified structure in the Coudenberg sector, with 1228 it became a provostship of regular canons of the exception of the castellan’s castle, which was St Augustine.50 In the 13th century the dismantling clearly located inside the circuit. of the castellans’ estate mainly benefited this con- From an archaeological point of view the data gregation, whose gardens ended up incorporating currently available are slender, and therefore hy- part of the site of the original castle.51 The hospital pothetical. The sections of perimeter wall that appears to have been abolished at the start of the have been identified with certainty in the vicinity 14th century.52 of the Coudenberg are very marginal. On the one hand we have the foundation plinth for a part of the Coudenberg Gate which blocked the Rue de Namur,54 and on the other, some foundation stones DEVELOPMENTS ON THE SITE: embedded in the ground level of the large 16th-cen- FROM THE FIRST TO THE SECOND CITY tury palace chapel.55 Between these two points, ex- WALL (13th-14th CENTURIES) cavations to date have uncovered no tangible traces of the city wall. After the construction of the first big stone wall, The section of stone wall that survives in the Rue the 13th century was a turning point in the history Brederode, behind the present-day royal palace, has of the city of Brussels and the site on the Couden- never been the subject of an in-depth archaeologi- berg. The exact chronology of this enterprise has cal study. In any event it presents a completely dif- not been definitively established: it probably took ferent typology from that of the perimeter wall as several decades to complete the four-kilometre cir- it can be observed everywhere else along its course: cuit needed to close the wall. Around the Couden- either it was a later construction, corresponding to berg, this first perimeter wall seems to have fol- a later state of the fence around the palace estate lowed the line of the original castle fortification,53 (perhaps in the position of the old perimeter wall, creating the need for a sharp angle at each of the and reusing materials from it), or it may have been two intersections between this ancient fortified a remnant of a fortification that predated the pe- ring and the long line of the city’s defensive wall. rimeter wall and was incorporated into the latter’s In the north-west there was an angle of roughly 60° circuit, creating a heterogeneous point in the mid- at the edge of the Coperbeek ravine, in the place dle of the whole. where Charles V’s large palace chapel would stand As for the ducal palace, both the 15th-16th century in the 16th century. In the south-west, the link was archives and 16th-century iconography show that the successive enlargements of the original main build- ing were carried out to the detriment of portions of the city wall, which had to be demolished so that the buildings could be extended. We are thinking here of the Emperors’ Gallery (or Mary of Hungary’s Gallery) and the chapel, both built in the 16th cen- tury, and also of the apartments built after 1450 for and , as well as the transformations made from the 1430s onwards by Philip the Good (see Chapters 4, 5 and 6).56 Given these elements, the city wall may be sup- The plan of the City of posed to have closely surrounded the ducal resi- Brussels by Jacques de dence from the 13th century, either by encircling it, Deventer clearly shows the which would have made the duke a potential pris- detour in the line of the first, 13th century, city wall (see full oner of the city authorities, and therefore seems reproduction on page 221). rather unlikely, or by grafting itself onto it, which

66 seems the most plausible hypothesis. In the latter case, in the 13th century the ducal residence, togeth- er with part of the defences of the old yard in which it was built, would have interrupted the course of the city’s perimeter wall. This interruption would not, however, have hampered the defence of the city, insofar as the older structures in that area (modernised perhaps) would have been maintained to make sure the duke’s residence was safe from an external threat, and to ensure that the duke and his court would be able to leave the city without hav- ing to pass through a gate in the city wall. Handled with care, the archaeological findings may supplement the iconographic information on this point. The wall facing towards the outside of the oldest complex currently known (11th--12th cen- turies) is in a position where one might reasonably expect a defensive structure. It is the wall of the largely buried cellar, with loopholes for daylight, al- ready referred to above. A vigorous defence through those narrow slots is hard to imagine, however, as it would have entailed the highly improbable feat of shooting vertically. Apertures for shooting from were more likely to have been higher up, in the parts that have now disappeared completely. The thinness of this wall (58 cm) makes it unlike- ly that there was a very impressive superstructure originally for withstanding the enemy’s assaults. It may have been in the context of building the city’s first defences, in the 13th century, that such a wall (at 170 cm, much thicker) was built on top of the first (no 9 on map on page 60). In that case, the foundations would accordingly have been thick- ened to support all this masonry. These founda- tions, which had been added, and were built still using Stone-Cutting Technique I, appear in the cellar in the form of powerful piers, all the more massive in the northern part as this wall faced the outside of the complex. At the foot of the piers, the original ground level had been significantly This major consolidation work might echo the ××The original openings lowered, and redone using a layer of very pure silt building of the first perimeter wall during the 13th were partially obstructed during the vaulting of the th containing sherds datable to the 14 century at century. It is in fact interesting to see that the tech- original cellar. The bevelling the earliest.57 The piers also supported the stone nique used – adding piers to support the vaults on of the archstones shows, vaults mentioned above (no 8 on map on page 60), the northern side of the cellar – was quite similar however, that they continued to be fully operational (2012). which then replaced the probably wooden ceiling to that used for building the first perimeter wall, of the original cellar. The arch of the vaults was where foundation piles were used to form arcades. ×The northern wall of the obviously too low for the loopholes in the north- In the cellar which we are considering, the ratio of original cellar is reinforced by ern wall, on which they encroached. To keep these 170 cm thickness in places (piles and arches/vaults), piers holding up the vaults. These consolidation works loopholes fully operational, a not very aesthetical- to 58 cm under the intrados of the arches/vaults were probably carried out ly pleasing solution had to be adopted: where these resting on the piles/piers, is of the same order as for when the palace assumed a apertures were, the vault arches were bevelled to the perimeter wall: 210 to 80 cm in places. defensive function following prevent them from blocking the upper part of the This building work at the dwelling on the construction of the first city wall (2012). openings. This fact also shows that, at the time, the Coudenberg might have been carried out under the new, thicker wall still represented the outer limit reigns of Dukes John I, John II and John III of Bra- of the castle. bant. It does seem clear that these princes took a

3. A CENTRE OF POWER IS ESTABLISHED 67 special interest in Brussels as a residence in the 13th This northern defensive limit was crossed only and early 14th century. John I arranged to be buried later, when the main building of the dwelling was in the city, at the monastery of the Friars Minor (re- enlarged by new constructions, some of whose mains discovered near the stock exchange and con- walls – again built in Stone-Cutting Technique I verted into the Bruxella 1238 museum); John II was – still survive. One of these walls, erected at right buried at the collegiate church of St Gudula; while angles to the old façade, stands right in the axis of John III started an embryonic Warande, the pal- one of the loopholes letting in daylight, thereby ace’s game park, by purchasing numerous plots of rendering it definitively useless (no 10 on map on land north of the court.58 So it is not unreasonable page 60). This large northward extension might per- to think that the dwelling itself might have been haps have coincided with the reign of Duke Wenc- modernised or enlarged at that time. eslas and Duchess Joanna, in the second half of the 14th century, when the construction of the second city perimeter wall enabled the manor to cast off its defensive role and develop beyond the limits of the first city wall. This was probably when the castle began to take on a more residential character. The ducal residence nevertheless continued to occupy a very special position in the city, as it was Calcareous sandstone facing, characteristic of the connected to the ducal park, the Warande, which construction of the piers in had several exits onto the present-day Rue de Lou- the large vaulted cellar of the vain and Rue de Namur and, beyond, leading out- main building, underneath the present-day Rue side the city through the Louvain and Namur Gates. Royale. The uneven, fanned Just outside the manor’s cellars, on the inner arrangement of the marks courtyard side, excavations have revealed a scrap of of the spalling hammer stone paving around a short stretch of brick wall, are characteristic of one of th the variants of the phase I both dated to the 14 century by their stratigraph- cutting style (12th century ic position. The paving lies on a back-fill that en- until about 1410). compasses the base of the wall and contains com- mon pottery made from a grey paste, associated with proto-stoneware, Siegburg stoneware and “Stengelglass”-type drinking glasses. The top of the paving reaches a much higher altitude – just under a metre – than the underlying back-fill attributed to the 12th century. A cumulative study of various historical sources suggests that the western extremity of the dwelling house adjoined the castle chapel developed or re- developed by Duchess Joanna (see Chapter 5). The most recent excavations, conducted in 2006,59 re- vealed a short section of stone wall (Stone-Cutting Technique I), a remnant of the outer rendering of a building with a brick-vaulted cellar, next to the Aula Magna (no. 11 on map on page 60). This wall was in the sector where, according to the archival documents, the chapel was located, and it occupies the appropriate stratigraphic position. In the mid- dle of the 15th century one part of the gable wall of the Aula Magna, and the tower on its north-eastern corner, were placed right next to this pre-existing construction, which was retained despite the imme- diate proximity of the building site. The presence Remains of a door leading of a cellar raising the height of the building might to a cellar, probably located already correspond to the locating of the chapel under Jeanne of Brabant’s chapel (excavations of on a level with the apartments in the residence, ac- 2006). cording to a configuration that would be adopted

68 again, later, for Charles V’s large new chapel in the 16th century. On the “grand salon” side of the Aula Magna, moreover, the off-centre position, to the east, of the door giving access to this latter version of the chapel could quite possibly derive from the position of the previous 14th century oratory. We have already said that the construction of the Aula Magna, with its deep foundations, had scat- tered all previous remains over a considerable area extending 30 metres south of the reconstructed location of the chapel. There is thus a significant hiatus up to an area confined to 7 x 12 m preserved under a raised part of the underground rooms be- low the Aula Magna (no 12 on map on page 60). Here the remains of brick walls appeared, razed to the level of the buried floor (59.04 m absolute alti- tude) and partially preserved around a door thresh- old in white stone. Furthermore, a white-stone wall (Stone-Cutting Technique I) surrounds a cellar paved with large-format (27 cm) bricks laid in a her- The 14th century remains are ringbone bond. Their stratigraphic position, among visible at the top of this aerial layers of “black earth” containing many sherds photo of the excavations of pottery and drinking glasses from the 13th and (no. 12 on the plan, page 60). 14th centuries, is an imprecise element for dating the construction of these walls, which were appar- ently not part of a synchronous programme. On the 15th century. We have very little data with which to other hand, we know that they were razed in 1453 work out the demarcation of the inner courtyard for the building of the Aula Magna. before the 15th century. It seems narrower towards It is difficult to work out the spatial organisa- the south than in the Burgundian era, as brick61 tion of the site from these very incomplete remains, paving, usually associated with a roofed construc- truncated on all sides by the 15th-century founda- tion rather than an inner courtyard, has been lo- tion trenches. At most, we have the impression that cated in the internal space of the future courtyard, it must have been broken up into small units, ex- a few metres from the entrance porch. Given the cept perhaps for the cellar, of which, however, only large area (over thirty metres) in which the pre-15th- one incomplete wall has been preserved. The ar- century remains have been either destroyed by later chives from the middle of the 15th century mention constructions or not yet explored by excavations, the need to destroy several buildings, including an there is nothing to prove a priori that these remains old ceremonial hall, to make way for the new one.60 of the southern sector, attributed to the 14th cen- These building remains at the southern end of the tury (or the early decades of the 15th century, at the excavation area already correspond to the maximum latest), already formed an integral part of the resi- extent of the constructions as established from the dential complex.

Although there are still hypotheses to be confirmed and leads to be followed, the precious data collected thanks to archaeology and the re-reading of old texts are giving us a new understanding of the history of the Coudenberg and its role in the development of the city of Brussels. When they settled on the Coudenberg, the dukes of Brabant were moving onto a hill that was already occupied, as is attested by the discovery of old pottery sherds, sometimes dating back to before the year 1000. The dukes’ establishment there would, nevertheless, reshape the topography of the site and, gradually but indelibly, leave their stamp on it. This first ducal manor has been identified by archaeologists in the remains of a cellar found beneath the main, late-medieval residential building and in the yard of what is regarded as having been the castellans’ castle. These structures were later subsumed, reused and transformed to meet the building needs of a burgeoning power.

3. A CENTRE OF POWER IS ESTABLISHED 69 The court of the dukes of Brabant on the Coudenberg thus developed into a seat of power. It was a central point for both the city (a strong city which, when surrounding itself in the 13th century by a perimeter wall, incorporated the Coudenberg site into it) and also, and above all, for the of Brabant. Symbolically, at least, the situation of the Coudenberg vis-à-vis the city was the well-known spatial relationship of dominance. The medieval city developed in the lower part of the valley on the right bank, near its port and its large market (the future Grand-Place), in the shadow of the castle and the dukes’ court. A study of the roads on and around the Coudenberg clearly shows, moreover, that while the hill was connected to the city out of necessity, topographi- cal difficulties and the conditions imposed by the nature of the developments on the site, meant that this connection was never an easy one (see inset on page 38). This does not mean, however, that there was any opposition at all, be it military or political, between the upper and lower parts of the urban area. On the contrary, the urban elites who held sway in the lower part of the city were loyal allies of the ducal power.62 This was particularly obvi- ous in the 13th century, when the first city perimeter wall made a detour in order to include the ducal court, rather than isolating it. Was this the outcome of a strategy by the city authorities to entice the duke to settle there, or the result of the attraction Brussels held for the dukes ? Before the 16th century, and Charles V’s establishment of the central administrative institutions (the famous three Collateral Councils) in Brussels, there was no one political capital, and medieval princes were constantly travelling from one residence to another. Louvain, the historic cradle of the house of Brabant, enjoyed a symbolic preference, but from the 13th century it was overshadowed by the Coudenberg, the resi- dence and the great .63 The tangible developments highlighted in this chapter bear witness to the gradual transfor- mation of a city into a capital: by the end of the Middle Ages, this status of royal city would be stamped indelibly on Brussels by the building projects (Aula Magna, Charles V’s great chapel) which the coming chapters in this book will endeavour to illustrate. This was only the start…

70 ABREVIATIONS

ACPASB Archives du CPAS de Bruxelles AEA Archives de l’État à Anderlecht AGR Archives générales du Royaume (Brussels) ARB Académie royale des Sciences, des Lettres et des Beaux-Arts de Belgique ASRAB Annales de la société royale d’Archéologie de Bruxelles AVB Archives de la Ville de Bruxelles CAPB Chancellerie autrichienne des Pays-Bas (AGR) CB Cahiers bruxellois CC Chambre des comptes (AGR) CP Cartes et plans, inventaire manuscrit (AGR) CPB Cartes et plans de Bruxelles et de la Région bruxelloise (AVB) CRH Commission royale d’histoire DEA Diplôme d’Études Approfondies FI Fonds iconographique (AVB) HHStA Haus-Hof-und Staatsarchiv (Vienna) IRPA Institut royal du Patrimoine artistique KBR Bibliothèque royale de Belgique MRBAB Musées royaux des Beaux-Arts de Belgique MRAH Musées royaux d’Art et d’Histoire MRBC Ministère de la Région de Bruxelles-Capitale MVB Musée de la Ville de Bruxelles – Maison du Roi OC Ouvrages de la cour (AGR) PP Plans portefeuilles (AVB) RBAHA Revue belge d’archéologie et d’histoire de l’art. SRAB Société royale d’Archéologie de Bruxelles TP Travaux publics (AVB)

ABREVIATIONS 315 and Michel Fourny who have recently given in Château-Gaillard, des quatrièmes rencontres d’architecture européenne, Paris 12-16 juin 25, L’origine du château médiéval, Caen, 2012, p. 99-104, an over- 2007, Paris, 2011, pp. 199-216. view of “the oldest archeological indices in the Coudenberg cas- 23 K. De Jonge, “Galleries at the Burgundian-Habsburg court tle in Brussels”. from the Low Countries to Spain 1430-1600”, in C. Strunck & 5 M. de Waha, “Oppida quaedam ipsorum novitia: des fortifica- É. Kieven (eds), Europaïsche Galeriebauten. Galleries in a compar- tions Lotharingiennes”, in M. Gaillard et al. (eds), De la mer ative European perspective (1400-1800), Munich, 2010, pp. 73-88. du Nord à la Méditerranée. media. Une région au cœur de 24 Carlos V y la Alhambra, Granada, 2000. l’Europe (c. 840-c.1050), Actes du colloque international (Metz, Lux- embourg, Trêves, 8-11 février 2006), Luxembourg, 2011, pp. 207- 237. INSERT p. 38-40 6 M. de Waha, “L’apparition de fortifications seigneuriales à enceinte en Hainaut belge aux xiie et xiiie siècles”, in J.-M. 1 B. Vannieuwenhuyze, Brussel, de ontwikkeling van een midd- Cauchies & J.-M. Duvosquel (eds), Recueil d’études d’histoire eleeuwse stedelijke ruimte, unpublished doctoral thesis, University hainuyère offertes à M. A. Arnould, vol. I, Mons, 1983, pp. 117-138. of , Ghent, 2008, pp. 166 & 274. 7 J. De Meulemeester, “Tervuren (Brabant flamand)”, in A. 2 Ibidem, Annexe 1, 1.1.601 (Steenweg). Renoux (ed.), Palais médiévaux, op. cit. note 2, pp. 109-110. 3 A. Henne & A. Wauters, Histoire de la ville de Bruxelles, Brus- 8 See the works cited in note 2. sels, 1845, vol. III, p. 360; J. d’Osta, Dictionnaire historique et an- 9 M. de Waha, Beaumont, fer de lance du Hainaut dans l’Entre- ecdotique des rues de Bruxelles, Brussels, 1986, p. 12. Sambre-et Meuse, Namur, 2011, p. 6 (Carnets du Patrimoine, 84). 4 B. Vannieuwenhuyze, Brussel, op. cit. note 1, Annexe 1, Hainaut would later have -type castellans. 1.1.222 (Ingelandstraat). 10 The references for the following pages may be found in M. de 5 D. Van Eenhooge, T. Delcommune & M. Celis, “Onder Waha, “Identités, oppositions, intégration. Le cas du Brabant het Koningsplein te Brussel: de hofkapel van Karel V”, in Monu- et du Hainaut”, in Journées lotharingiennes, 2006, Luxembourg, menten en Landschappen, 19th year, no. 1, Brussels, Januari-Febru- forthcoming. ari 2000, pp. 28-31. 11 The right obligation “… to present the bishop with a cleric (for 6 C. Loir, Bruxelles néoclassique. Mutation d’un espace urbain 1775- serving a church)”. 1840, Brussels, 2009. 12 P. Charruadas, Croissance rurale et essor urbain à Bruxelles. Les dynamiques d’une société entre villes et campagnes (1000-1300), Bruxelles, 2011 (Académie Royale de Belgique, Classe des Let- NARRATIVE p. 42 tres, Mémoires, in-8°, 3 s., LVI, n° 2074). 1 Edition: G. Fricx, Description de la ville de Bruxelles, Brussels, 13 Ibidem, and P. Charruadas, Aux origines de l’aristocratie bruxel- 1743, pp. 12-24 (reedition in 1996 in the series Reprints, 59, Ar- loise. Répertoire prosopographique (xie-xiiie siècles), Brussels, 2011 chives générales du Royaume et Archives de l’État dans les Prov- (NB: Height rights were rights of jurisdiction and disposal that inces). English translation: Áine Pedersen. superseded property rights.) 14 K. De Jonge, “Brüssel”, in W. Paravicini (ed.), Höfe und Res- idenzen, op. cit. note 1, pp. 90-94 (with bibliography). CHAPTER 3 | A CENTRE OF POWER IS ESTABLISHED 15 A. Ranft, “Residenz und Stadt”, in W. Paravicini (ed.), Höfe und Residenzen, op. cit. note 1, pp. 27-32. 1 L. H. Maas, “De toponymische elementen koud en warm”, in 16 A. Uyttebrouck, “Les résidences des ducs de Brabant, 1355- Naamkunde, Louvain, 1989, 21, 1-4, p. 17. 1430”, in H. Patze & W. Paravicini (eds), Fürstliche Residenzen 2 F. Janssens, Straatnaamgeving in de Middeleeuwen. Brussel 13de- im spätmittelalterlichen Europa, Sigmaringen, 1991, pp. 189-205 16de eeuw, unpublished bachelor’s dissertation, Vrije Univer- (Vorträge und Forschungen, XXXVI); idem, “Quelques aspects siteit Brussel Brussels, 1983, p. 72; P. Kempeneers, Hoegaardse de la vie quotidienne à la Cour de Brabant, fin xive-début plaatsnamen, Louvain, 1985, p. 12. xve siècle”, in W. Paravicini (ed.), Alltag bei Hofe. 3. Symposium 3 L. Danckaert, L’évolution territoriale de Bruxelles. La cartogra- der Residenzen-Kommission der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göt- phie de 1550 à 1840, Brussels, 1968, pp. 133-135. tingen. Ansbach 28 Februar bis 1. März 1992, Sigmaringen, 1995, 4 P. Charruadas, “Croissance rurale et action seigneuriale aux pp. 149-170. origines de Bruxelles (Haut Moyen Age-xiiie siècle)”, in C. Del- 17 K. De Jonge, “Hofordnungen als Quellen der Residenz- igne & C. Billen (eds.), Voisinages, coexistences et appropriations. forschung ? Adlige und herzogliche Residenzen in den südlichen Groupes sociaux et territoires urbains (Moyen Age-16e siècle). Actes Niederlanden in der Burgunderzeit”, in H. Kruse & W. Para- du colloque de Bruxelles (2-4 decembre 2004), , 2007, pp. vicini (eds), Höfe und Hofordnungen 1200-1600. 5. Symposium der 175-201; A. Degraeve et al. “Brussel vóór 1200: en archeologis- Residenzen-Kommisison…, Sigmaringen, 1999, pp. 175-220. che bijdrage”, in M. Dewilde, A. Ervynck & F. Becuwe (eds), 18 M. de Waha et al., “Cepi incendioque delevi… Enjeux politiques Cenulae recens factae. Een huldeboek voor John De Meulemeester, et réalité matérielle des destructions architecturales intention- Ghent, 2010, pp. 141-157. nelles en Brabant méridional (xiie- xviie siècles)”, in V. Engels, 5 See, recently, for example, A.-M. Flambart Hericher & J. Le D. Martens & A. Wilkin (eds), La destruction à travers l’histoire: Maho (eds), Château, ville et pouvoir au Moyen Âge. Table ronde du pratiques et discours, Brussels, 2013, pp.185-213. CRAHM, no. 7, Caen, 2012. 19 É. Lecuppre-Desjardin, La ville des cérémonies: essai sur la com- 6 A.-M. Helvetius, “Hagiographie et architecture en Basse- munication politique dans les anciens Pays-Bas bourguignons, Turn- Lotharingie médiévale”, in J. Schroeder (ed.), Productions et hout, 2004 (Studies in European Urban History 1100-1800, 4). echanges artistiques en Lotharingie médiévale. Actes des 7e journees 20 K. De Jonge, “Het paleis op de Coudenberg te Brussel in de lotharingiennes (30-31 octobre 1992), Luxembourg, 1994, pp. 29-45. vijftiende eeuw. De verdwenen hertogelijke residencies in 7 See the works by Alexandre Henne and Alphonse Wauters, de Zuidelijke Nederlanden in een nieuw licht geplaatst”, in Guillaume Des Marez, Paul Bonenfant, Mina Martens and Jan Revue belge d’archéologie et d’histoire de l’art, LX, Brussels, 1991, Verbesselt. Again recently: A. Smolar-Meynart, “Un palais pp. 5-38. dominant le centre urbain. Le Coudenberg (xiie-xviie siècles)”, 21 K. De Jonge, “Le palais de Charles-Quint à Bruxelles: ses dis- in A. Smolar-Meynart & A. Vanrie (dir.), Le quartier royal, positions intérieures aux xve et xvie siècles et le cérémonial de Brussels, 1998, pp. 16-17. On the monumental aspects of the 1050 Bourgogne”, in J. Guillaume (ed.), Architecture et vie sociale. collegiate church see P.-P. Bonenfant, M. Fourny & M. Le- L’organisation intérieure des grandes demeures à la fin du Moyen Âge bon, “Fouilles archéologiques à la cathédrale de Bruxelles, 1987- et à la Renaissance. Actes du colloque tenu à Tours du 6 au 10 juin 1998. Un premier bilan d’ensemble”, in Annales de la Société royale 1988, Paris, 1994, pp. 107-125. d’Archéologie de Bruxelles (ASRAB), 62, Brussels, 1998, pp. 225-237; 22 D. Van Eenhooge, T. Delcommune & M. Celis, “Onder het P.-P. Bonenfant, “Histoire de la construction. À la découverte Koningsplein te Brussel: de hofkapel van Karel V”, in Monument- des origines: romanes ou préromanes ?”, in G.J. Bral (ed.), La en en Landschappen, 19, 1, 2000, pp. 4-38; K. De Jonge, “’Scientie’ cathédrale des Saints-Michel-et-Gudule, Brussels, 2000, pp. 54-71. et ’experientie’ dans le gothique moderne des anciens Pays-Bas”, 8 G. Despy, “Un dossier mystérieux: les origines de Bruxelles”, in in M. Chatenet et al. (eds), Le gothique de la Renaissance, Actes Bulletin de l’Academie royale de Belgique (classe des Lettres), 8, 1-6,

NOTES 319 1997, pp. 266, 288-291; B. Vannieuwenhuyze, “L’histoire des 14 de Louvain/Louvain-la-Neuve”, in Studia Praehistorica Belgica, origines et du développement de Bruxelles est-elle née au Moyen 7, Liège-Louvain, 1997, p. 26; P.-P. Bonenfant & A. Dierk- Âge ?”, in V. Lamazou-Duplan (ed.), Ab urbe condita… Fonder et ens, “Indices pré-romans dans la cathédrale Saints-Michel-et- refonder la ville: récits et représentations (second Moyen Âge – pre- Gudule”, lecture given on 29 October 2008 in the Gothic hall mier xvie siècle). Actes du colloque international de Pau (14-16 May of the Hôtel de Ville in Brussels during the academic session of 2009), Pau, 2011, pp. 377-390. the Société royale d’Archéologie de Bruxelles, reported in Société 9 S. Demeter, “Le château du Coudenberg à Bruxelles. ’La Ré- royale d’Archéologie de Bruxelles, Bulletin d’information, 54, Decem- sidence des ducs de Brabant dans la basse-cour du châtelain ?’”, ber 2008, pp. 9-11. in Château Gaillard 21. Études de castellologie médiévale: la Basse- 31 B. Vannieuwenhuyze, Brussel, op. cit. in note 9, under Groen- Cour. Actes du colloque international de Maynooth (2002), Caen, straat, annexe I, no. 1.1.167. 2004, pp. 45-50; B. Vannieuwenhuyze, Brussel. De ruimtelijke 32 A. Dierkens & M. Fourny, “Les indices archéologiques les ontwikkeling van een middeleeuwse stad, (in press). plus anciens au château du Coudenberg à Bruxelles”, in P. Et- 10 P. Charruadas, Croissance rurale et essor urbain à Bruxelles. Les tel, A.-M. Flambard Hericher & K. O’Conor (eds), Châ- dynamiques d’une société entre ville et campagnes (1000-1300), Brus- teau Gaillard 25. Actes du colloque de Rindern (2010), Caen, 2012, sels, 2011. pp. 99-104. 11 Ibidem. 33 R. Borremans, “Decouverte d’une production de ceramique 12 S. Demeter, “Le château”, op. cit. note 9. peinte à Andenne à l’emplacement A67 (province de Namur)”, in 13 Ibidem. Études et Documents. Archéologie, 5, Namur, 1998, pp. 119-131; 14 E. de Marneffe, Cartulaire de l’abbaye d’Afflighem et des monas- R. Borremans & W. Lassance, “Andenne, site A61. Fouilles tères qui en dépendaient, vol. 1, Louvain, 1894-1901, p. 60, no. 33. de fours de potiers (1973-1976)”, in Vie archéologique, 7e année, 15 Ibidem, p. 15, no. 7. no. 26, Brussels, 1987, pp. 53-104; R. Borremans & R. War- 16 D. Van Derveeghde, Inventaire des archives de Saint-Jacques ginaire, La céramique d’Andenne. Recherches de 1956-1965, Rot- sur Coudenberg, 1e partie: Inventaire analytique des chartes (1190- terdam, 1966. 1756), Brussels, p. 34, no. 154 (12 January 1332). 34 For example: M. Fourny, “Deux vases médiévaux provenant du 17 S. Demeter, “Le château”, op. cit. note 9. quartier de la Bourse ?”, in ASRAB, 59, Brussels, 1994, pp. 49, 50. 18 D. Van Derveeghde, Inventaire, op. cit. note 16, passim; A. A. Diekmann, “Recherches archéologiques sur le site de la rue Henne & A. Wauters, Histoire de la ville de Bruxelles, illus- d’Une Personne”, in Artisanat médiéval et habitat urbain, rue d’Une trated reissue of the 1845 text, Brussels, vol. 3, 1975, p. 370 ff. Personne et place de la Vieille-Halle-aux-Blés, Brussels, 1997, pp. 35- 19 A. Henne & A. Wauters, Histoire, op. cit. note 18, vol. 3, p. 403; 36; A. Diekmann, “Recherches archéologiques sur le site de la D. Van Derveeghde, Inventaire, op. cit. note 16, p. 114, no. 501 Vieille-Halle-aux-Blés”, in Artisanat médiéval et habitat urbain, op (5 July 1403): montem quemdam vulgariter dictum Doudenborch si- cit., p. 123; A. De Poorter, “Het archeologisch ondezoek op tum in loco dicto Borgendale inter curiam dominae nostrae ducissae een terrein in de Dinantstraat (1995)”, in P. Blanquart et al., et hortum monasterii sancti jacobi prout praefatus mons ad dictum Autour de la première enceinte, Brussels, 2001, p. 184; C. Massart, dominum castellanum pertinet. “Étude archéologique de l’impasse du Papier (1996)”, in P. Blan- 20 J. De Meulemeester & J.-M. Poisson, Le château des comtes quart et al., Autour de la première enceinte, op. cit., pp. 267, 271, d’Albon. Berceau du Dauphiné, Namur, 2004, p. 37 (Carnets du 272 and 280. Patrimoine, 37); B. Aarts, “Motte-and-bailey castles of Europe. 35 P.-P. Bonenfant & M. Fourny, “Nouvelles fouilles à l’ancien Some aspects concerning their origin and evolution”, Virtus. palais du Coudenberg de Bruxelles: entre Aula et chapelle, Socié- Jaarboek voor Adelsgeschiedenis, 14, 2007, pp. 37-56 (in particular té royale d’Archéologie de Bruxelles”, in Archaeologia mediaevalis the concept of “motte-barrage” (motte-blockade) clarified on pp. 30, Brussels, 2007, pp. 61-64. 44-47, with bibliography). 36 K. De Groote, Middeleeuws aardewerk in Vlaanderen. Techniek, 21 S. Demeter, “Le château”, op. cit. note 9. typologie, chronologie en evolutie van het gebruiksgoed in de regio 22 M. Berkers et al., “Châteaux à motte des anciens Pays-Bas mé- Oudenaarde in de volle en late middeleeuwen (10de-16de eeuw), Brus- ridionaux: un état de la question après quinze ans de silence”, in sels, 2008. P. Ettel, A.-M. Flambard Hericher & T. E. McNeill (eds), 37 A. Degraeve, et al., “Brussel vóór 1200”, op. cit. note 4. For ex- Château Gaillard 23. Études de castellologie méiévale. Actes du col- ample, Rhenish products of the Pingsdorf type found in the fill- loque international de Houffalize (Belgique), Caen, 2008, pp. 21-32 ing of St Gudula’s crypt are attributed to the 10th century (M. (Publications du CRAHM). Fourny, R. Borremans & S. de Longueville, “Céramiques 23 Excavations carried out in 1993-1994 by the Musées royaux médiévales recoltées lors des fouilles de l’ancienne collégiale d’Art et d’histoire on behalf of the Direction des Monuments des Saints-Michel-et-Gudule à Bruxelles. À la recherche de nou- et Sites of the Brussels-Capital Region: P. Blanquart, Een veaux indices d’une présence carolingienne”, in ASRAB, forth- opgraving onder de Sint-Jakob-op-Koudenbergkerk, unpublished coming). excavation report, 1994; Y. Cabuy & S. Demeter, du 38 Pingsdorf type pottery may have been imported into the Low sous-sol archéologique de la Région de Bruxelles, vol. 10.2: Bruxelles. Countries up to the end of the 12th century (K. De Groote, Pentagone. Découvertes archéologiques, Brussels, 1997, pp. 195-197; Middeleeuws aardewerk, op. cit. note 36, pp. 312-325), so we might K. Boon, “De Brussel Koudenberg. Resultaten van het onder- expect to find it associated with Phase 1 Andenne-type pottery. zoek onder de Sint-Jacobskerk (Br.)”, in Archaeologia Mediaevalis Koen De Groote notes however that, while the Pingsdorf type 22, Ghent, 1999, pp. 44-47 (summary of the author’s unpublished is present in very large, dominant proportions in imports in the dissertation for a BA in archaeology from the KUL). Oudenaarde region up to the middle of the 12th century, it then 24 Leyden, University, Prints and Drawings Collection, no. 2047. declines sharply during the same century, whereas imports from 25 J.-B. Gramaye, Antiquitates illustrissimi ducatus Brabantiae, 1606: the Meuse show a marked increase from the second half of the Visuntur apud palatium ruinae, ubi vicecomitis aedes fuisse quidam 12th century. To the extent that this observation may be trans- contendunt posed to Brussels, it may prove significant for dating the oldest 26 P. Saintenoy, Les arts et les artistes à la cour de Bruxelles. Leur rôle strata of the Coudenberg palace site. But in that case, how does dans la construction du château ducal de Brabant sur le Coudenberg one explain the presence of the local or regional imitations con- de 1120 à 1400 et la formation du , vol. 1, Brussels, firmed at the Coudenberg by three sherds (from different vases), 1932, pp. 208-281. whereas they are always distinctly less well represented than the 27 Y. Devos, L. Vrydaghs & S. Modrie, “L’étude des Terres Noires imported models in the Oudenaarde region and their frequency bruxelloises: l’exemple du site de l’hôtel d’Hoogstraeten (Région declines in tandem with these, disappearing at the same time Br.)”, in Archaeologia Mediaevalis 33, Brussels, 2010, pp. 63-65. (K. De Groote, Middeleeuws aardewerk, op. cit. note 36, pp. 106, 28 B. Vannieuwenhuyze, Brussel, op. cit. note 9, under Ingeland- 107, 299 and 300) ? This anomaly could result from the hazards straat, annexe I, no. 1.1.222. of sampling, which is not very abundant and therefore not nec- 29 A. Degraeve, et al., “Brussel vóór 1200”, op. cit. in note 4. essarily representative. Nevertheless, one hypothesis to be con- 30 P.-P. Bonenfant, et al., “Fouilles archéologiques”, op. cit. note 7; sidered would be that the Pingsdorf type might have continued P.-P. Bonenfant, “Histoire de la construction”, op. cit. note 7; to be imitated locally for some time after it had ceased to be É. Gilot, “Index général des dates Lv, Laboratoire du Carbone distributed at the end of the 12th century.

320 39 On the “black earth” studied in Brussels, see the articles by Y. De- 52 S. Demeter & D. Guilardian, “Implantation des hospices vos. The strata containing Andenne ware also constitute “black et hôpitaux à Bruxelles (xiie-xviiie siècles)”, in Hospitalen van earth”. The analyses conducted on the “black layers” found dur- de Middeleeuwen en de Moderne Tijden, Archaeologia Mediaevalis. ing excavations at the Coudenberg palace have not been com- Bruxelles-Brussel - Gent - Namur. 14 - 15 - 16 / 03 / 2002, 2007, pp. pleted to date (see also inset on page 256). 54-58. These authors have also noted that the exact location of 40 P. Bonenfant et al. (eds), Actes des comtes de Louvain, puis ducs de this hospital is still not known. Brabant (xie et xiie siècles), Brussels, forthcoming (Commission 53 B. Vannieuwenhuyze, Brussel, op. cit. note 9. royale d’Histoire, no. 28). 54 P. Blanquart, “De noodopgraving op de site van de voormalige 41 In the case that concerns us here, the main characteristic of this Coudenbergsepoort, Naamsestraat (1993)”, in P. Blanquart et stone-cutting Technique I was the exclusive use of a stone axe al., Autour, op. cit. note 34, pp. 56-68. for shaping the smoothed side of the cut stone. This results in 55 Potentiel archéologique sur le site du Palais des Beaux-Arts à Brux- very sharp alignments, either vertical, oblique or fan-shaped, in elles, Ministère de la Région de Bruxelles-Capitale – Direction a careless variation on Technique I. Only the sharp edges of the des Monuments et Sites (unpublished report, 15 June 2010), p.11. angular stones demarcating the openings (door and windows) 56 A. Smolar-Meynart, “Des origines à Charles Quint”, in A. had a border called a “palette”, consisting of very fine oblique Smolar-Meynart, et al., Le Palais de Bruxelles. Huit siècles d’art streaks arranged in a regular band. This palette, which was con- et d’histoire, Brussels, 1991, pp. 30, 43 and 61; see the two prepara- fined to a few centimetres from the edge, was designed to make tory drawings for the March tapestry in the Hunts of Maximil- the rectilinear contour of the openings regular, whereas the ian series: (1) Leyden, Université, Prints and Drawings Collec- perimeter of the ordinary dressed stones was more irregular. F. tion, no. 2047, (2) Paris, Musée du Louvre, Cabinet des dessins, I Doperé, “Les techniques de taille sur le calcaire gréseux dans (20.160). les soubassements de l’Aula Magna et de la chapelle de l’ancien 57 When associated with grey ceramic sherds, fragments of Sieg- palais à Bruxelles”, in P.-P. Bonenfant & P. Cockshaw (eds), burg stoneware beakers date the laying of the earth floor to the Mélanges Claire Dickstein-Bernard – SRAB, Brussels, 1999, pp. 17- 14th or 15th century. 35. Frans Doperé has kindly agreed to review our observations 58 See also: P. De Ridder, “Brussel, residentie der hertogen van in this sector of the old palace, which was not yet accessible for Brabant onder Jan I (1267-1294) en Jan II (1294-1312)”, in Revue analysis when he conducted his study. belge de Philologie et d’Histoire, 57, Brussels, 1979, pp. 329-341. 42 S. Demeter & B. Vannieuwenhuyze, “Onulf (Onulfus)”, in 59 P.-P. Bonenfant & M. Fourny, “Nouvelles fouilles”, op. cit. Nationaal Biografisch Woordenboek, 19, Brussel, 2009, col. 731-734. note 35. 43 P. Bonenfant et al. (eds), Actes des comtes, op. cit. note 40, no. 60 See C. Dickstein-Bernard, “La construction de l’Aula Mag- 90. Cf. also C. Dickstein-Bernard, “Le sens de l’hospitalité na au palais du Coudenberg. Histoire du chantier (1452-1461 ?)”, à Bruxelles au Moyen Âge ”, in Hospitalen van de Middeleeuwen in ASRAB, 68, Brussels, 2007, pp. 41-42. en de Moderne Tijden. Archaeologia Mediaevalis. Bruxelles-Brussel – 61 These were bricks measuring between 29 and 30 cm in length, Gent – Namur (14-16 mars 2002), Brussels, 2007, p. 70. a format attributed to 14th-century Brussels. It was at a level of 44 P. Bonenfant, Cartulaire de l’hôpital Saint-Jean de Bruxelles 56.53 m, i.e., significantly below the level of the paved courtyard (Actes des xiie et xiiie siècles), Brussels, 1953, pp. X-XI. the level of which at that place was 59.62 m (see inset on page 45 “The hospitallers (or what has since been called the Order of Malta) 85). did not retain possession of the Caudenberg church, which became 62 A. Smolar-Meynart, “Ducs de Brabant et lignages bruxellois. the property of the priests who served in it, but for a long time they De la stabilité d’une alliance d’affinité soutenue par l’intérêt”, possessed other property which they held in common with the “fab- in Les lignages de Bruxelles, 137-138, 1994, pp. 183-199; P. Char- rique” (administrators) of this church.” (A. Wauters, “Don fait à ruadas, Aux origines de l’aristocratie bruxelloise. Répertoire pros- l’ordre de Saint-Jean de Jérusalem de l’église de Saint-Jacques- opographique (xie-xiiie siècles), Brussels, 2012 (Studiae Bruxellae, sur-Caudenberg et pèlerinage du duc de Brabant Godefroid III 7). en Palestine”, in Revue d’Histoire et d’Archéologie, Brussels, 1859, I, 63 A. Smolar-Meynart, “Bruxelles: l’élaboration de son image p. 481); G. Despy, “Un dossier mysterieux”, op. cit. note 8, p. 272. de capitale en politique et en droit au Moyen Âge”, in Actes du 46 P. Bonenfant, et al. (eds), Actes des comtes, op. cit. note 40, no. 7e colloque “De Brabantse stad” (Bruxelles, 13-15 sept. 1984), Lou- 129. vain, 1985, pp. 25-46; P. Charruadas & C. Dessouroux, “His- 47 See two mandements from Alexander III to the archbishop of toire d’une capitale: Bruxelles des origines à 1958”, in Région de Reims in Thesaurus diplomaticus, 1997, no. 7853 and Thesaurus Bruxelles-Capitale. Bruxelles, 175 ans d’une capitale, Liège, 2005, pp. diplomaticus, 1997, no. 7845. On this Thesaurus, see http://www. 12-14. brepols.net/Pages/BrowseBySeries.aspx?TreeSeries=TD 48 P. Bonenfant, et al. (eds), Actes des comtes, op. cit. note 40, no. 129; G. Despy, “Les actes des ducs de Basse-Lotharingie du CHAPTER 4 | THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL REMAINS xie siècle”, in La Maison d’Ardenne, xe-xie siècles. Actes des OF THE BURGUNDIAN PERIOD [Premières] Journées Lotharingiennes (Luxembourg, 24-26 octobre 1980), Luxembourg, 1981, pp. 107-111 (Publications de la Sec- 1 See in particular F. Doperé, “Les techniques de taille sur le tion d’Histoire de l’Institut Grand-Ducal de Luxembourg, vol. calcaire gréseux dans les soubassements de l’Aula Magna et de 95); idem, “Typologie der auf die Namen der Herzöge Nieder- la chapelle de l’ancien palais de Bruxelles”, in Mélanges Claire Lothringens gefälschten Urkunden (datiert in die Jahre 1050- Dickstein-Bernard – Annales de la Société royale d’Archéologie de 1100)”, in Fälschungen im Mittelalter. Internationaler Kongreß der Bruxelles (ASRAB), v. 63, Brussels, 1999, pp. 17-35. Monumenta Germaniae Historica, München 16.-19. September 1986, 2 As a reminder, phase I was characterised by very sharp vertical vol. iv: Diplomatische Fälschungen. Hanover, 33/4, 1988, pp. 282- alignments in the central area, and very fine oblique marks on 283) (coll. MGH, Schriften); H. E. Mayer (ed.), Die Urkunden der the edges. lateinischen Könige von Jerusalem. Hanover, 2010, pp. 108-115, nos 3 From the archives and plans (dating from the 18th century) of the †11 - † 13 (coll. MGH, Diplomata regum latinorum Hierosolymi- palace, Krista De Jonge has proposed a reconstruction of the al- tanorum, 1, vol. 1). location of the living areas on the different levels of the main 49 A little before that (1179), the agreement signed between Duke building, in relation to the Burgundian ceremonial traditions Godefroid III and Philip of Alsace, the Count of Flanders, con- of the 15th and 16th centuries (K. De Jonge, “Het paleis op de cerning the marriage between the duke’s son Henry (the future Coudenberg te Brussel in de vijftiende eeuw. De verdwenen her- Henry I) and Mathilde de Boulogne, the count’s niece, stipulated togelijke residenties in de Zuidelijke Nederlanden in een nieuw that Brussels cum castello would be part of the dowry assembled licht geplaatst”, in Revue belge d’archéologie et d’histoire de l’art, v. for the benefit of Mathilde (P. Bonenfant et al. (eds), Actes des LX, Brussels, 1991, pp. 5-38; K. De Jonge, “Le palais de Charles- comtes, op. cit. note 40, no. 126). Quint à Bruxelles. Ses dispositions intérieures aux xve et xvie siè- 50 D. van Derveeghde, “Prévôté, puis abbaye de Saint-Jacques cles et le cérémonial de Bourgogne”, in Architecture et vie sociale. sur Coudenberg à Bruxelles”, in Monasticon Belge, vol. 4: Province L’organisation intérieure des grandes demeures à la fin du moyen âge de Brabant, vol. 4, Liège, 1970, p. 965. et à la Renaissance, Paris, 1994, pp. 107-125. See also: K. De Jonge, 51 D. Van Derveeghde, Inventaire, op. cit. note 50, passim. “’Estuves et baingneries’ dans les résidences flamandes des ducs

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