ESTABLISHED 1969

AUGUST 1992

The economy — and the illusion — Page Six

Breaking hearts in Happy Valley — Page Twelve

A bushveld town called Louis Trichardt — Page Fourteen

SOUTH AFRICA AFTER MANDELA — Page Four Vol 24 No 4 EDITORIAL Dangerous times

E ARE back to living in dangerous times. effectively hand over control of the future ofjhe W Many of us thought, after President De Afrikaner people, and white South Africans in Klerk's February 1990 speech, that we had seen general, to somebody else, and who can blame the last of them. The way ahead might be them? They are being asked to do something rough, we thought, but never again could it be for which there are no precedents. They are really dangerous. assured that the ANC's commitment to a Bill of So failure to reach agreement at CODESA 2 Rights, multi-party politics, regular elections, was seen by many commentators as just an­ an independent judiciary, and other accoutre­ other rather more serious hiccup in a negotia­ ments of the civilised modern state coupled ting process which would soon get going with their technical and financial skills, will again. There was always the danger, however, guarantee whites a secure and honourable that that hiccup could turn into something place in the new South Africa. But who can more serious. And so it has. wonder, as they look around them at the world The Boipatong massacre, President De and continent in which they live, and some of Klerk's insensitive and ill-advised visit there, the people to whom they are being asked to and the police shootings which followed, have hand over power, that they hesitate? It is an act thrown our whole future into the melting pot. of considerable faith that they are being asked The ANC has not only withdrawn from to perform. CODESA, it seems no longer willing to talk to the Government at all. A campaign of mass ND YET, there is no other way. The step action which can only heighten tension, lead to A has to be taken. But for the faith in which it further public recrimination, almost certainly is taken to be justified, there has to be mutual give rise to further loss of life, and batter an trust; and there is precious little of that in already punch-drunk economy, looms before evidence between the main negotiating fac­ us. tions. Can anything be done to stop this dangerous It will need some dramatic act to re-establish slide to national flagellation? The presence on it. the Goldstone Commission of respected over­ Could the Government's acceptance now of seas observers may help. So may the Govern­ a 70 percent majority in our constitution- ment's belated willingness to turn to the United making body, the sticking-point at CODESA 2, Nations Secretary-General. However, unless be it? We certainly hope so and that CODESA the Nationalist Party is prepared to take one will soon be called together again. final step and concede that it will never again be If it is, the Nationalist Party must take the able to direct the course of events here, the plunge, accept that it probably won't control deadlock will continue. the next government, get the best deal it can, including as much regional devolution of power ROM WHAT we have heard from Demo­ as possible, and hope that the predictions of Fcratic Party and Labour Party and other the continuing influence of our minority com­ participants, who have no reason to support the munities on our future will be as great as the ANC's case, it was on this rock that CODESA optimists proclaim they will be. foundered. The Nationalist Party could not The alternative is chaos, anarchy and destitu­ bring itself to take that final step which would tion for us all. •

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PAGE TWO LETTERS TO THE EDITOR

Unfounded fears The price of lib N HIS article "A simple majority I won't work", David Welsh says he CANT say it was a pleasure read­ extreme illiberal parties get, the more hopes to start a debate. I offer the I ing of the 'disarray in the DP\ but they resemble one another (such as following brief remarks in the spirit of at least your editorial was a fairer the PAC and the CP). friendly but urgent debate. reflection of the party's state than The latest strategy declaration o\' For much of his article it looks as if others I've had the misfortune of the DP, says that there, is *a middle he is on the point of proposing some reading. ground1 and commits the party to specific constitutional check on Some liberal-democrats seem to contesting the first non-racial elec­ "majoritarianism" but towards the suffer from the same identity crisis, tions as an independent force. Such end he says: Nelson Mandela thought he saw in action, insightfully predicted in your "How we achieve institutionalised 1953, on the formation of the Liberal editorial, is long overdue. coalition may not be a function of Party. Mandela stated: "Liberals are So many liberal newspaper editors the constitution: perhaps it will be searching for the middle ground think they're doing us a favour by more fruitful to think in terms of where none exists. They condemn urging the party, as Reality does, to pacts, solemnly agreed by the and criticize the government for its 'stick together1 at least until a liberal- major players." reactionary policies, but they are democratic constitution has been It seems to me very unwise to afraid to identify themselves with the accepted by CODESA. Edmund attempt to build into the constitution people . . . the struggle is between Burke could have told them that 'the any interference with the rights of the oppressors and the oppressed." price of liberty is eternal vigilance and majority (except those important ones Mandela misunderstood the liberal not just until CODESA is over. provided by a justiciable bill of rights, position; as do most South Africans. Liberal-democrats must take heart. proportional representation, and so For the Liberal South African the Helen Suzman has set a precedent; on). In any case it seems very unlikely major categories are not Left and Alan Paton has given us a text to live that the current majority (almost Right, but Liberal and illiberal. by: "It is not necessary to succeed in certainly those supporting the ANC) Leftwing illiberals sometimes be­ order to undertake, and it is not would accept such a provision. lieve in civil liberties, but never in necessary to hope in order to Once an "ordinary" constitution economic ones (such as the ANC). persevere." has been agreed to, however, it will Rightwing illiberals sometimes be­ Liberals must rise from their arm­ surely become clear that a pact of lieve in economic liberties, but never chairs and keep up the good fight. some kind (though I think it may in civil ones (such as the NP). For Aluta Continual prove to be a pragmatic working both the notion of political liberties, BENJAMIN HASWELL National arrangement rather than something or tolerance, is foreign. The more Exec Member of DP Youth, Natal "solemnly agreed") will be almost inevitable. I think it will be a working rule. The ANC/SACP alliance was agreement between the majority Make your choice necessitated by the fact that they had to party, the ANC, and the next biggest AM AMAZED at Alan Sterne's resolve the armed struggle. actor, the De Klerk group. I reaction to Ann Colvin's letter. Alan has quoted a number of What gives me this idea? And how What baffles me, however, is the stead­ examples — DP students prevented can I be so confident? fast insistence on the attitudes of the from writing their matric, etc. etc. It seems to me fairly clear, and I past. All Ann was pointing out — and What he does not tell us is why this think it will become clear to almost this is a fact of life — is that the ANC happened and why he came to con­ everyone, that the new South Africa since 1912 has been advocating non- clude without any doubt that the per­ will depend upon sensible day-to-day racial, non-sexist and democratic prin­ petrators were ANC members. working arrangements between em­ ciples. In all fairness we must agree with ployers and workers, between This is not true of other organisa­ Ann Colvin, that if these white liberals majority (which will want to pull tions. The ANC has always been the were really liberal, their liberalism must towards redistribution) and capital people's organisation and will be more be translated into action by joining or (which will want to pull in the opposite so in the future. supporting the ANC. The alternative is direction), between the current haves The ANC's comradeship with the for us to conclude that they were (who have important power) and the SACP is hardly an issue as it was merely trying to be better devils during current have-nots in various cate­ brought about by circumstances. Just the times when blacks were experienc­ gories (who will also have important recently we witnessed the Nationalist ing the worst oppression ever by human power). Party forming an alliance in order to beings in a so-called democratic society. If I am right, David Welsh's fears defeat the forces of evil. Even though Come on, Alan. The D.P. will not be about appropriate checks and we all hailed this for peace's sake, it is balances may prove unfounded. there for long. You will have to choose important to remember that all the between the N.P. and the ANC. COLIN GARDNER 24 Yalta Road problems we have to deal with are a PMBurg direct result of the N.P.'s stubborn CHRIS MHLONGO Umlazi

PAGE THREE PROFESSOR TOM LODGE, of Witwatersrand University, is an authority of the ANC. Here he considers the implications of the departure from public life for the country and for the African Nationalist Congress of the organisation's high-profile leader. South Africa after Mandela

T IS not too optimistic to believe that but sooner or later his powers will be urban terrorism and his Communist I today we are about nine months away insufficient. South Africa has a tradition Party affiliations would have hardly from elections in the old South Africa. If of strong authoritative executive leader­ enhanced his ability to appear as a this was a real democracy like they have ship; the ANC wants to preserve that conciliator. overseas the prospect of a presidential tradition and the public office Mr Thabo Mbeki belongs to a famous candidate in his mid-seventies would Mandela will accede to will be no family and his affable urbanity as well as have made doctors the most important sinecure. his distance from the military command figures in the campaign trails. Here, It is likely, therefore, that within a might have won the ANC converts in the though, the health and fitness of the short time after South Africa adopts its more middle class suburbs but his contending personalities will probably constitution it will confront the issue of strengths are not those which win over take a poor second to the principles and succession. crowds. programmes of the competing parties; it will be some time in South Africa before ILL THE business of finding new N ANY case, during the 1980s a much we reach that mature stage of political W leadership represent a crisis? I vaster movement than the ANC had atrophy in which one needs pictures to If the same question had been asked assembled in South Africa, constructing tell the politicians apart. two or three years ago the answer would itself, it is true, within the ideological All the same, it is not unreasonable to certainly have been yes. In exile, the tradition represented by the ANC, but speculate about a South African politics ANC's executive was composed of a with its own leadership, with its own after Nelson Mandela. Good presidents kernel of men and women whose ex­ loyalties and certainly including per­ sometimes last into their eighties — but perience dated back from before its sonalities with enough popular magne­ the better ones know when to retire banning and a larger group most of tism and public legitimacy to rival that gracefully. whom were very young men (and more of the exiles. Nor was the succession The ANC President works a schedule occasionally women) when they left problem in 1989-1990 merely a question which would tax a much younger man South Africa in the 1960s and 1970s. of too many able candidates. The exile By 1990 these younger people were ANC had at best a very restricted form hardly nonentities but none of them had of internal democracy; the elections of in the moral and political authority to take its office holders at its "consultative" over the helm. When Oliver Tambo conferences of 1969 and 1985 were tightly this suffered a stroke it was several months controlled and essentially the same before the ANC could bring itself to people had occupied the senior positions issue admit he was seriously ill; in the interval for nearly three decades. some of his duties were assumed by If dissident reports are to be believed Editorial: Dangerous times ... Page Two Alfred Nzo, a caretaker figure virtually the exile organisation was characterised Letters to the Editor Page Three unknown outside the organisation. by a high degree of personal factionalism, South Africa after Mandela with webs of patronage around powerful by Tom Lodge Page Four With Nelson Mandela so obviously The economy waiting in the wings this hardly mattered, individuals cross-cutting generational by Nicoli Nattrass Page Six but had he not been, things might have and philosophical distinctions. Great so far! been different. None of this was very surprising; tight by Hans Middelmann Page Seven When the ANC was in exile journalists secrecy, harsh discipline, and personal Only one way often speculated about rival claimants to loyalty were indispensable qualities in by Deneys Schreiner Page Eight A bid to protect white privilege leadership; Thabo Mbeki and Chris helping the ANC survive an extremely by Cosmos Desmond Page Eleven Hani were the most frequently named hostile environment; it did so rather Misery in Happy Valley likely successors to Oliver Tambo. Both better than most movements confronted by Wendy Leeb Page Twelve were popular among the ANC's youthful with comparable circumstances and it Fourth Reich blues following in the training camps; Thabo would have probably foundered if it had by Johan G.C. Piek Page Fourteen Mbeki was respected in diplomatic been organised in a less authoritarian Famine by David Catling Page Fifteen circles and Chris Hani had near idol manner. But qualities like this would Sanctions status among street activists in South have made choosing new leaders diffi­ by Colin Legum Page Seventeen Africa. cult. Book reviews by Mary de Haas Hani's appointment, though, would and Saras Jagwanth Page Eighteen Viva! Viva! have evoked strongly partisan emotions OMPLICATING MATTERS fur­ by David Basckin Page Twenty within the broader context of South C ther were the intellectual effects of African politics — to white South the ANC's existence in the diaspora. At Cover picture by Clint Zasman Africans, after all he represented one of the time the ANC was banned it could the most uncompromising advocates of truly claim to be a broad church of

PAGE FOUR African nationalism; embracing a variety of political persuasions within its simple The country's politics at the appeal to popular perceptions of social moment is about ideas as much as justice. Even its attempts to develop a more pragmatic dimension with the people and existing loyalties are adoption of the Freedom Charter didn't really make its attraction significantly likely to survive the departure of more specific; oddly enough the Charter even a great man. was much more discussed and debated in the 1980s than it was in the 1950s. In exile, though, this "broad church" armed struggle and prison martyrdom. cratic regularity to make charismatic dimension of the ANC was weakened, at In manner circumspect and stately he leadership less important than it was in least as far as outward appearances were had acquired through his bravery and 1990. Then the ANC was a social move­ concerned. Aid from Eastern Europe silence the status of a secular icon. Old ment but now it is more recognisably a and the prominence of Communists in enough to command the loyalties of political party. While its democratic important positions, especially the mili­ mature generations the myths, stories, decision-making procedures fall well tary, as well as the adoption of a and images around his name celebrated short of perfection, its decision making revolutionary strategy helped to colour a young man, the man pictured in the processes are complex and contested. its ideological orientation. newsphotos of the early 1960s. Not all lines of authority flow from Today, insiders from the Lusaka days Nelson Mandela's contribution to the the top. Last year's conference witnessed suggest that nobody in the upper ANC re-establishing itself as a vital and a successful effort by regions and echelons other than those who wrote for unified political organisation inside branches to amend the internal ANC it bothered to read Sechaba, but such South Africa may well in retrospect be constitution proposed by headquarters, disclaimers are difficult to take seriously; judged his most important achievement. the executive and office bearer elections to judge from what we know about the What about the future, though? Does provided similar evidence of grass-roots educational and political training ad­ the ANC need a leader like Mandela as assertiveness, and current events, ministered to rank and file, the ANC had much today as it did in 1990? alarming as they may be, demonstrate a strong intellectual life and it was one in Two-and-a-half years have created an the effectiveness of the ANC's allies in which, for many, the certainties of organisation which is in many respects influencing strategic decisions. And marxist-leninism had a strong stronger even if it faces greater challenges though it is possible to trace out lines of resonance. than it did when in exile. ideological difference within the ANC When the cadres looked elsewhere for Paradoxically, when the ANC was leadership these need not be inherently sources of inspiration and encourage­ structurally weak, as it was in the 1980s, divisive. ment they found them, until the mid it did not have to battle for support in the 1980s at least, in the people's democra­ way it has to contend for it today. As the ANC has moved closer to cies specifically and international Internationally, in the Third World, power, non-partisan technocrats have socialism more generally for these con­ but also in Western democracies, its become increasingly prominent and the stituted the living proof that history was moral standing was hardly ever contested policy-designing efforts of the last couple on their side. and its diplomatic influence was greater of years seem to have produced a work­ Arguably, the ANC after twenty years than the governments of many medium able set of compromises between ideo­ in exile was a much more heavily sized states, including, of course, South logues and pragmatists. Nelson ideological movement than it was in Africa's. Mandela's low-key personal style as 1960, yet with the sudden prospect of Domestically, it had no effective rivals ANC president has left plenty of room needing to win new supporters at home among those constituencies it sought to for other talented men and women to and abroad it still needed the type of influence. acquire popularity and respect. The leadership who could transcend sectional Neither assertion would be as true ANC's leadership is collegial without politics. Oliver Tambo represented that today. Yet today the ANC has an being faceless. sort of leader; the cohort personified by organised presence inside South Africa Thabo Mbeki or Chris Hani was not. of an unprecedented scale and sophistica­ tion. ANDELA HAS a dignity and Of course, its existence as a structured M stature which would make him an ITH THE resumption of its role bureaucracy shouldn't be overstated, its effective post-apartheid president; his W as a legal mass movement in internal communications remain weakly integrity, courage and compassion would South Africa, the ANC required a leader articulated and many of the branches all be crucial ingredients in a politics in wffo could bridge the generations of which were set up in the first phase of which racial conciliation will have to be change between the present and the organisation building do not function balanced by social reform. But it is a democratic experience which was dis­ regularly: in the last year its base measure of his greatness that he has not rupted in 1960. Nelson Mandela could structures in the Transvaal have been allowed the cult developed during his do this. On the one hand he embodied severely disrupted by violence. incarceration to perpetuate itself. the social prominence and respectability South African politics at the moment which had traditionally characterised does not offer many sources of comfort the old elite of patrician lawyers and T WOULD be misleading to picture but it has this. It is about ideas as much doctors who had presided over Congress I the ANC as a smoothly working as people, and existing loyalties are before the onset of insurgent politics. On political machine. likely to survive the departure of even a the other he symbolised the heroism of It possesses, though, sufficient bureau­ great man. •

PAGE FIVE CONSENSUS ON THE ECONOMY; REALITY, ILLUSION OR SHAM? Dr NICOLI NATTRASS, of the Department of Economics at the University of Capetown, argues that economic restructuring will be limited, if democratic consensus is to be the guiding process.

HERE SEEMS to be a lot of con­ crucial respects, agreement is superficial trial winners'. **' Tsensus about the economy around only, with both sides attaching very There is still an unbridgeable gap these days. The participants in the new different meanings to commonly held between those who ultimately have faith macroeconomic bargaining forum have policies. Take, for example, the frequent in the market to allocate resources effi­ agreed that 'restructuring' the economy favourable citing by both the ANC and ciently, and those who believe the state is needs to be negotiated jointly. The ANC the Nedcor-Old Mutual scenario plan, of ultimately in a better position to do so. has openly accepted the need for 'finan­ the South Korean success story. People in favour of the state will talk cial discipline' and its latest economic South Korea provides the ANC with admiringly about South Korea forcing a policy resolution stresses that policies an example of successful state inter­ very reluctant group of industrialists must 'be guided by the balance of vention and shows that planning can be into the ship-building industry — a evidence' rather than 'any rigid ideo­ both efficient and necessary for economic move which resulted in South Korea logical framework'. success. For the ANC, support for the becoming world market leader in less Even the usually evangelistic free- South Korean model provides a con­ than ten years. Sceptics who stress the market rhetoric of the business com­ venient way out of having to adopt a limits of state judgment will point to the munity is being modified. The Nedcor- market position in the face of the collapse recent loss of South Korean market Old Mutual scenario plan, for example, of central planning in Eastern Europe. share to Malaysia and other South-East sees selective government intervention For business, South Korea offers an Asian economies. The state can help (such as occurred in South Korea), the example of a supportive and facilitating pick industrial winners, but you need creation of a Job Corps and the imple­ state which helps the private sector luck, as well as resources, capability and mentation of prescribed assets as 'urgent succeed in rapidly shifting cut-throat good judgment, to do so. and necessary'. international markets. Both sides see If the business community accepts the what they want to see. THER PROBLEM areas when it arguments put forward by the scenario O comes to interpretation include plan, then constructive co-operation talk about 'financial discipline' and HAT THE ANC fails to mention 'restructuring'. In early and more recent between the various economically and about South Korea is that the politically powerful groups is more W versions of ANC economic policy, 'fiscal short-term interests of the consumer and and monetary discipline' and 'macro- likely. With socialists moving away from the labour movement were sacrificed, central planning towards more market- economic balance' is seen as vital to the and had to be sacrificed, in the interests health of the economy. These statements oriented mixed economies, and impor­ of winning export markets. In this tant business lobby groups talking can be taken at their face value. No-one respect, the absence of democracy in wishes galloping inflation and balance of enthusiastically about the South Korean South Korea was rather helpful. I once state, then clearly some common ground payments crises on South Africa. How­ heard an influential ANC speaker pro­ ever, the ANC also calls for a 'massive is evident. Hard-liner Stalinists and posing that the South Korean model Thatcherites have been relegated to the injection of finance' in the interests of should be followed in every way — Basic Needs provision. There is little lunatic fringes. The ANC has agreed not except of course when it comes to repress­ to kill the golden egg-laying goose so explicit appreciation of the fact that in ing labour. That you could not have a the interests of macro-economic balance, long as the state and business agree to get South Korean model without repressing the barren fowl laying, and laying fast. the 'massive' injection of finance must labour, seemed to escape him. certainly not be as massive as popularly What business fails to see about South demanded. Thus when it comes to N SPECIFIC policy levels too, it is Korea, is that the state nationalized the designing packages of policies, political O possible to point to common financial sector and used its control over interests will probably result in ground. In both Nedcor-Old Mutual's credit to force the industrial con­ groupings like the ANC tolerating a 'changing gears scenario' and the glomerates into areas of production much higher inflation rate than other ANC's economic policy proposals, targeted by the State. Sure the state was constituencies with which they are housing provision is seen as a socially facilitating, but it was also coercive. seemingly in agreement at present. desirable and economically feasible Business should prick up its ears when The debate is at its most obtuse when 'kick start' to the economy. Both accept the ANC talks admiringly about 'discip­ it comes to the need for restructuring. the need for industrial 'restructuring', lining capital' a la South Korean style. Like motherhood and apple-pie, every­ fiscal and monetary discipline, and the Restructuring industry towards a more body is in favour of it. promotion of exports. export-orientation will inevitably result Yet listening to the debate, one gets However, it would be a mistake to in some severe conflicts of interest the impression that very few individuals believe that some form of social demo­ between industrialists and gung-ho state- cratic consensus is on the cards. In planners picking what they see as 'indus­

PAGE SIX 'There is tension between the ideal of democracy and the interests of rapid GREAT SO restructuring. This is a nasty fact to FAR! BUT which very few will admit.' NOT YET GREAT understand the disadvantages that such currently without jobs) would be pro­ a process will entail for their own moted in the longer term by radical constituencies. 'Restructuring' means restructuring, powerful interest groups LENOUGH- diverting resources from some (pre­ such as organized labour and employers dominantly import-substituting) indus­ will object to it. HE BOIPATONG tragedy and its tries and sectors to other (predominantly Interestingly, Bruce Scott (one of the T aftermath are yet another sad export-oriented) industries and sectors. Nedcor-Old Mutual scenario planners) example of the South African political It means altering the production process, observes in his contribution that restruc­ malaise. We urgently need a political the labour process and the allocation of turing is best done before, the transition arrangement to give us a credible govern­ economic surpluses between wages, to democracy takes place. He argues that ment representative of the entire popula­ distributed profits and investment. The under democracies, those with vested tion — a black-white coalition of up-side of this is better growth and the interests are able to influence policy and national unity that has both Mr reduction of unemployment in the hence would limit the inevitably painful Mandela and Mr De Klerk in the longer-term. The down-side is the un­ process of restructuring. Given that no leadership. employment and disruption that would transition from inward-oriented to This is only possible if these two main inevitably follow in the short-term if export-driven growth has taken place players on the political scene commit 'radical restructuring' is implemented. under democratic regimes, this analysis themselves jointly to the basic rules of must be taken seriously. It is thus disturb­ parliamentary democracy to which they AKE THE automobile industry for ing that both the ANC and the Nedcor- have pledged themselves separately. Texample. It is conventional wisdom Old Mutual scenario planners seem to They should make a personal, unpre­ that owing to the high level of protection, believe that radical economic restructur­ cedented and visible statesmanlike the automobile industry has too many ing in South Africa must and can be gesture before it is too late. producers for the limited size of the done democratically through consensus. market. This means that production by runs are too short to allow for adequate HIS, UNFORTUNATELY, is a HANS advantages of scale. Tsham. Given that those who will MIDDELMANN In the interests of economic efficiency, benefit from restructuring are currently past president of ASSOCOM in the minority, while those workers and it would make sense to scrap protection and honorary LLD of the and allow the cold winds of international capitalists who will lose are highly competition to force the industry to organized constituencies, it is safe to University of Capetown. consolidate around fewer producers. Do conclude that restructuring will be you think that the trade unions or limited if democratic consensus is to be It has been said that an economic industrialists in the industry are going to the guiding process. One doesn't have to upswing is a prerequisite for a political take that idea lying down? Of course not. be a political-economist to recognize solution. The steadily declining path of When 'restructuring' is looked at more that there is tension between the ideal of our economy suggests the opposite. No practically, it becomes clear that specific democracy and the interests of rapid lowering of interest rates, no "kick- interest groups — who seemingly sup­ restructuring. This is a nasty fact of life, start" or any other gimmick, is likely to port the general idea now — will later and these days when no-one wants to make our economy take off while become vocal and obstructive in their appear anti-democratic in any way, very uncertainty about the succession to the opposition to it. few will admit to it. present minority government persists. This problem is going to make its This is most unfortunate as it leads to The longer this uncertainty lasts and the presence felt in the recently initiated bad political strategy. The demand from greater it becomes, the greater the danger maj;roeconomic bargaining forum. After the left that no restructuring of the of the economy suddenly sliding further. its first meeting in January, representa­ economy must take place before the Another set-back could have tragic con­ tives of both labour and capital talked transition to an interim government is, sequences when set against the back­ positively about the 'common ground' in my opinion, seriously misguided. It is ground of the falling gold price, they had found on the issue of restruc­ in the long-run political interests of the persistent inflation and the drought. turing. Given that both unions and ANC to have De Klerk start the painful The State President and Mr Mandela management have an interest in main­ restructuring now — and let the National still travel the world separately, which taining industrial protection (to protect Party deal with the resulting flack! In a forces them to highlight their differences. profits and jobs in the short-term), the few years time, when the economy is on a They would both be far more convincing nature of that restructuring is bound to better footing and a democratic govern­ about South Africa's future — to their be limited. Even though economic ment is installed, the ANC will be able to growth (and hence the interests of those reap the rewards. •

PAGE SEVEN From Page Seven other state services. There is no other source. But such people put their skills, respective hosts and to the South African savings and borrowings at risk only if In Search of public — if they were seen working there is a reasonable expectation that the together, despite disagreements on many state and government are likely to remain issues. stable and if the law applies equally to all These disagreements and the widely citizens. differing policy views of all the other Wealth is not created by "the state". 'Acceptable' major parties in South Africa will, of Eastern Europe and most of Africa have course, never go away altogether, as demonstrated this for all to see. The shown by even the best democratic saying "We pretend to work and they countries. But pragmatic compromises pretend to pay us" expressed the true Democracy: can be reached only once there is a clear nature of the failed socialist/communist determination to work together on an experiments of the "workers' republics". equal basis and within a framework that The ANC's latest statement suggests makes co-operation possible. this insight has been understood. The AVID WELSH has recently In the words of Mr De Klerk's land­ people in our deplorable townships D written two articles concerned with mark speech in February 1990, we must know that governments cannot deliver. the problem of "majoritarian demo­ have "a dispensation in which every They all know that the creation of their cracy", with particular reference to its inhabitant will enjoy equal rights, treat­ very townships is the result of a costly, inadequacy in deeply divided societies. ment and opportunity in every sphere of failed experiment. They also know that, His conclusion in both (one published in endeavour — constitutional, social and when conditions are right, an individual Reality, May/June 1992) is the same — economic". He added that the country's can walk out of poverty by effort and Mandela's wish for "an ordinary demo­ future was "linked inextricably to the enterprise. cracy" in South Africa cannot be ability of its leaders to come to terms South Africa's greatest enemy is achieved, and he advocates we avoid the with one another". poverty. To reduce or possibly eliminate "tyranny of the majority" by adopting a Codesa I and II nearly arrived at this it must be our principal aim. It cannot be system of "institutionalised coalition result but too many cooks (and perhaps done by government edict, whatever government". too many advisers) have spoilt the broth. government is in power. It can only be He states that "the more common At the very moment when — in line with done by work and wealth creation. Those basis of democracy in deeply divided world developments — there was near who are anxious, willing and able to get societies has been the broad based coali­ agreement on how to level the playing the economy going — and that includes tion found in the classic European con­ field and on the rules of play, we are the workers and the unemployed — have sociations — Netherlands, Belgium, sliding back alarmingly towards ideo­ little say in the matter. They depend Austria, Switzerland and Luxembourg," logical confrontation. entirely on the politicians to create the — and further that "however states like Lebanon, Sudan or Nigeria attempt to restructure democracy, one thing can be Any majority government would be equally unrepresentative if it confidently predicted: majoritarian were constituted to exercise unrestricted rule. Yet this concept systems that exclude significant political of unrestricted rule heads the agenda of many leaders of the players from a share of power in the voteless. national government have no chance of succeeding". In his Reality article: "We To have abolished practically all conditions of confidence and stability ignore the possibility of the crystallised apartheid legislation is a truly remark­ without which progress is impossible. majority/minority syndrome at our peril. able achievement by a government and South Africa has everything going for How we achieve constitutionalised coali­ party which put the policies on the it. In the last two years almost unbeliev­ tion may not be a function of the statute book. But to remove something able progress has been made in bringing constitution; perhaps it will be more that obviously had broken down is only people of all colours together in common fruitful to think in terms of pacts solemn­ part of the answer to our problems. As endeavours to mutual benefit. It happens ly agreed to by the major players." long as the government does not include in sport, in small business and in large Running through his arguments are people legitimately elected by the yet- corporations, in health care, education two threads: First, that the majoritarian voteless blacks it will remain unrepresen­ and all other fields. And it is a success. principle may be adequately translated tative. On the other hand, any future The country is poised to give added as winner-takes-all, and, second, that majority government would be equally momentum to these efforts. ethnic divisions lead to largely ethnically- unrepresentative if it were constituted to The outside world is ready to assist. based party-political divisions. These exercise unrestricted rule. Yet this Yet all this progress can be lost if the minimise the floating vote, and can concept of unrestricted rule heads the near agreement at Codesa is not taken to result in permanent exclusion from agenda of many leaders of the voteless. a successful conclusion. government of minority groups. Entrepreneurs, investors call them Two great South Africans — F.W. de The first thread gradually transforms what you will — the people of enterprise Klerk and Nelson Mandela — have itself into a near synonymity between and innovation who alone create employ­ shown exceptional statesmanship in "winner-takes-all" and "the majority ment and real wealth — will not start or taking their constituencies to the present may ride rough-shod over minorities". expand activities in times and areas of position. Will they be great enough to "Winner-takes-all" becomes defined as uncertainty. The wealth they manage to take what was begun two years ago to "non-democratic". create is the only source of taxation the point where the new South Africa which pays- for education, health and becomes a reality? •

PAGE EIGHT DENEYS SCHREINER, former vice-principal of the University of Natal, challenges the view of David Welsh, professor of political studies at the University of Capetown, that the vision of a non-racial democracy based upon 'simple majoritarianism' is not only seriously flawed but is incapable of realisation. Schreiner contends that majoritarianism is fundamental to democracy: no viable alternative can exclude it. ONLY ONE WAY

The second thread again leads to his great it may be, is not released from its not lead automatically to a strengthening conclusion that majoritarian govern­ obligations to those citizens who belong to of democracy. It does not lead to a ment may be defined as "non- its minorities. smooth transition to democracy at some democratic", and leads him to advoca­ If one takes the "social contract" view later stage. The nature of parliament ting the legitimacy of a pact or pacts of democracy one cannot limit the state/ must necessarily change: for political which depart from democracy — this is individual contract as applying only to parties that are embedded in government done by post-election collusion in an the majority group. Northern Ireland cannot preserve the same cutting edge of "institutionalised coalition" at govern­ and Ceylon are just as guilty of ignoring criticism as the official opposition. ment level. This is introduced to this fundamental democratic principle. Crawford Young, as quoted by Welsh, overcome the assumed, and quite possib­ says of India "at the summit is a national ly actual, inability of the minority to E CANNOT ignore the evidence political elite who are committed to become a majority. W from Horowitz and others that reconciling differences through bargain­ Three examples, Northern Ireland, Welsh sets out. When he says of "non- ing amongst themselves." Israel and Ceylon, are used to provide racial democracy" that "if it refers to an Welsh himself refers to the Congress evidence of the permanence of powerless attitudinal predisposition that animates Party as having "itself been a broad-based minorities (33%, 18%, and 12% respec­ ordinary individuals on a large scale and coalition providing a roof for many of tively) and the tyranny of their penetrates the warp and the woof of India's disparate minorities", but he majorities, despite each country having, political and social life, it will be a long rightly excludes it from his own concept in large measure, many of the trappings time in the making", one cannot easily of "broad-based (institutionalised) coali­ of democracy. Again I quote: "As disagree with him. Nor can one quarrel tion", which enables "any and every Sammy Smooha notes, Israel (excluding with his recognition that the "tender minority to plug into power and exert the occupied territories) qualifies as a plant of real democracy" will need the leverage that is roughly proportional to political democracy on many counts: opportunity to grow rather than to its size". Both systems, the formal there is universal suffrage (including for wither under "majority tyranny" with separate-party coalition and the over­ Arabs) a multi-party system, fair the possibility of even deepening divi­ arching dominant single party coalition elections, reasonably regular changes of sions, whether based on ethnicity, class, lead to just what Crawford Young has government, civil rights, an independent or religion. There is no question that the described: a system which distances the judiciary, and a free press. While Arabs democratising of South Africa involves electorate from ultimate decision enjoy the vote, they are nevertheless the wish that the new rules within which making, and which enables an elite to second-class citizens who are in practice we are to be governed will not be perfect. exert its final power by reformulating subject to various forms of discrimina­ They are unlikely to be as imperfect as and amending the expressed will of the tion. Arab or preponderantly Arab those by which we have lived in the past. majority. The longer such a system lasts parties have never participated in a But if there is to be a time in which South the more complete is the divorce of the (coalition) government . . . Israeli African democracy is to be allowed an electorate from an understanding of democracy (is presented) with the severe opportunity to grow, it must be under a decision making, and the more are the problem of the "tyranny of the system ofrules which themselves nurture, voters denied their rightful knowledge of majority"." or at least do not damage, the concept how and why the compromise bargains But the origin of this tyranny, and all itself, and therefore its potential to grow. have been struck. Those liberals who are convinced that similar ones, needs to be examined. It EFORE THE decision that a con- South Africa is so deeply divided that arises because the Israeli majorities have sociational or coalition com­ majoritarian democracy would lead to a B ignored a fundamental requirement for promise must be chosen, it is necessary disaster, are entitled to advocate "con- the proper existence of democracy. This to be certain that there are not alternative sociational government", "enforced is that democracy demands from each of democratic constitutional provisions its citizens, and, therefore, from any coalition government", "institutional­ ised coalition", or a "government of which can be used to curb outrageous aggregation of those citizens, the recogni­ majority tyranny, and leave the principle tion that every person, every citizen, who National Unity". But, if they do, they of majoritarian government in place. belongs to that nation, that country, has must realise two things: They are A written constitution contains the exactly the same rights and privileges. abandoning a fundamental principle of social contract between the state, on the There can be no 'second class citizens' and democracy for another system, and that the majority, in a democracy, however this new system, while it is in place, does

PAGE NINE From Page Nine proposals very briefly: "It won't fly." government of the day, and "indepen­ But his final judgment is that we need to dence" of the judges is ensured by life one hand, and its citizens and their achieve "constitutionalised coalition appointments and by conventional aggregates, on the other. Governments government", if not by constitutional behaviour that excludes them from party and citizens are equally bound by its methods, then by "pacts solemnly agreed political involvement and pressure. explicit provisions and by the rules that to by major players". Although this But the South African tradition has in allow for its variation. But such a consti­ appears to be an attempted compromise, the past included in the power of appoint­ tution can only warrant the appellation it only adds to the potential confusion. ment the power of selection. This is not "undemocratic" if it is recognised that it For the "pacts" to be effective, they necessary, and in deeply divided societies implies also a contract between indivi­ could only be so for as long as the selection itself may tarnish the image of duals, and therefore also between aggre­ "major players" remained just that. the chosen person in the eyes of many, gates of individuals, whether they are Would a new major political party, and, therefore, potentially discredit the majority or minority aggregates. This is formed of dissident members of the system of justice itself. the contract which outlaws the establish­ original major players and some others, This could be avoided if, constitu­ ment of "second-class citizens". be bound by such "pacts"? tionally the power of selection of judges In societies where an alternative If the "pacts" can be adequately was made by consensus in a consocia­ majority government is unlikely, and, formulated, why could they not form a tional committee. The introduction of a particularly, where the population divi­ part of a constitution, and derive from wide measure of consociational selection, sions are acute and harsh, the protective that fact greater force? not only of judges, but also of senior civil balance contained in a constitution must Despite his statement that "the vision servants, members of government com­ be swung toward the individuals and of a non-racial democracy, based upon missions of inquiry, and of administra­ their voluntary aggregations. The deeper "simple majoritarianism" is not only tive boards of various kinds, could do the divisions, the more specific must the seriously flawed but incapable of realisa­ much to formalise and promote the constitution be in limiting the powers tion" Welsh seems to be seeking an influence of minorities, and to control, that could be used by a majority govern­ interim period in which a general and in part, majority tyranny. This is itself a ment to introduce inequality of treatment. genuinely democratic climate can be departure from "simple democracy", The restriction of majority power can created, because he asks the question "is but it does not insert the "consensus be achieved by a number of different this not another reason for supporting concept" into the major structures of constitutional techniques, federal group­ the view that a power-sharing coalition is government, and leaves the lines of ings with devolved power, bills of rights, likely to be the most hopeful instrument democratic disagreement open to public etc. Their suitability will depend on for ushering in a democratic South knowledge. many factors, the most important of Africa?" which is the level of trust that exists But does his "institutionalised coali­ HIS TYPE of use of consensus between the competitive groups when tion" differ in principle from the Tmethods on the fringes of govern­ the agreed constitution is reached. National Party proposals? I would ment has an obvious and immediate In South Africa this is likely to be very suggest not, and that it, too, will not fly. appeal because it means that representa­ low because of past behaviour patterns, tives on opposite sides of deep divisions of ethnic differences, of long standing HE MOST constructive way of must meet, talk, and agree to com­ and current levels of violence, of major T"ushering in a democratic South promise. This could be a useful process, differences about suitable economic Africa" should not start by abandoning blurring inter-ethnic differences and policies and because of the separation of the principle of majoritarianism and by leading toward a tolerance which could the press into two groups whose reader­ placing real power in the hands of a further democracy. But, if ethnically ship, in large part, coincides with ethnic composite elite. based political minorities derive their and economic differences. The limitation of majority tyranny major power from being admitted to But perhaps most immediately impor­ should be controlled constitutionally so coalition structures, they will be driven tant is the major problem that, while the that if there is government error, it can more strongly to maintain their separate National Party adheres to the belief that be seen to be caused by one party and ethnic bases. "power sharing by enforced coalition" blame can be appropriately apportioned. Welsh asks for a constructive debate and "democracy" can comfortably It is true, if Horowitz's conclusion which seeks to find a viable alternative to coexist, the ANC insists that "demo­ about the close coincidence of ethnic simple majoritarianism. But he states cracy" demands "power transfer" to the political parties and ethnic origins is that "Black and White are not mono­ majority, and accepts that "very valid, that this kind of government will lithic categories... blacks are politically generous provisions for language and not produce the obligatory inter-ethnic as divided as whites." cultural rights" coupled with "a justi­ daily working co-operation that coalition I hope that it is a constructive contribu­ ciable bill of rights" and a "propor­ demands. To this extent the growth of tion to say that the most hopeful path to tional representation electoral system" inter-ethnic individual respect and trust follow is to accept that majoritarianism will ensure that minorities will be could be slower. But the consociational 'is fundamental to democracy; that no adequately represented. Therefore, fears principle can itself be used practically to viable alternative can exclude it; and that of "the tyranny of the majority" are encourage or ensure inter-ethnic contact. a power-sharing coalition is highly unfounded. Included in the ANC unlikely to further the cause of demo­ package is an Upper House with regional SIMPLE example will suffice: cracy. A firm constitution based on representation, but not, as in the A An "independent judiciary" is an majoritarianism but setting out the Nationalist proposal, with inflated repre­ agreed essential by all concerned with responsibilities of the majority in relation sentation of minority parties. our new constitution. The power of to minorities and individuals is the most Welsh dismisses the National Party appointment is quite rightly vested in the acceptable starting point. # PAGE TEN In another challenge to David Welsh, COSMOS DESMOND asks: Why jettison democracy because of divisions deliberately introduced and sustained by apartheid? Desmond is an ex-priest who was banned for four-and-a-half years. He worked in Britain as British director of Amnesty International and is author of The Discarded People and Persecution East and West. Bid to protect privilege

AVID WELSH does indeed, as he terms. when they are not also divided by D suggests himself, counter his own Why jettison democracy because of different economic interests.' (TheEye of argument when he points out that the divisions deliberately introduced and the Needle, p.70) And elsewhere: 'Con­ blacks are as politically divided as whites sustained by apartheid? Steve Biko, for flict will not end until the grievances and and that it is not known how Indians and example, categorically rejected the con­ the privileges end. But once these have 'coloureds' will vote. cept of'so-called guarantees for minority ended, there is no basis in race difference In that case, who constitutes the rights', precisely because of the echoes of for further conflict. That is, there is no minority about whose rights he is con­ apartheid inherent in it: 'guaranteeing reason why whites should expect to be cerned? They are not an ethnically or minority rights implies the recognition discriminated against in a democratic culturally homogeneous group; they are of portions of the community on a race South Africa because of their whiteness'. people who differ politically from the basis. We believe that in our country Neither do we have any right to expect ruling group elected by the equally there shall be no minority, there shall be special treatment. heterogeneous majority. They are The no majority, just the people. Creating an egalitarian society will Opposition' in an 'ordinary democracy'. But perhaps that is too liberal even for not automatically bring about 'non- There is no reason for anybody to 'ride Liberals. racialism as an attitudinal predisposi­ roughshod' over them. And they are Concern for minority rights serves tion'. But politics are not about attitudes; quite able to become the majority if they only to perpetuate the divisions which they are about actions. As Sivanandan can persuade enough people that they presently exist in South African society. has written, 'People's attitudes don't can represent their interests better than It thus becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy mean a damn to me, but it matters to me the existing majority; though they would that democracy will not work. It is if I can't send my child to the school I then, of course, not be a minority. apartheid which has created the ab­ want to ... if I can't get the job I'm In Britain, the Labour Party, the normal society in which David Welsh qualified for and so on. It is the acting Liberals, the Social Democrats, the claims 'ordinary democracy' cannot out of racial prejudice and not racial Greens, the Monster Raving Loony work. The obvious solution is to get rid prejudice itself that matters.' People can Party and numerous other minority of apartheid and thus create a normal be as 'race-conscious' as they like but if groups have not been able to do this for society; then we can have an 'ordinary they have no power to do anything the past thirteen years. Should they too democracy'. about it that is not a cause of social give up the pursuit of democracy? Getting rid of apartheid means conflict. Prejudice is, in any event, the Britain is just as divided a society as righting the economic inequalities and product, rather than the cause, of a South Africa. London schools, for compensating for the past inequities and discriminatory society. That is as true example, have children with well over a iniquities. That is a prerequisite for, not of religious prejudice in Northern hundred different home languages. But a consequence of, democracy. And it is Ireland as it is of racial prejudice in the basic divide, not as pronounced as in something that should be being done South Africa. South Africa, is between the haves and now. But it isn't. Concern for the future HITES HAVE reaped the benefits the have-nots. People vote according to seems to make people forget the past and of 300 years of minority rule. Are their perceived economic interests, not W neglect the present. Any effort made we now to cry 'foul' at the prospect, according to their language or ethnicity. now to redress the balance would im­ albeit still distant, of majority rule? Of On the other hand, the inter-black prove the chances of a future 'ordinary course whites will suffer, whatever the solidarity and their alliance with the democracy'. ethnic composition of the majority. But white working class in the 1970s was we will be losing privilege not rights. fragmented by both Tory and Labour T IS apartheid's apologists who would have us believe that 'race' and There is no way in which our past, and governments' emphasis on ethnicity. I even current, life-style can, or should be, They may have learnt the lesson from ethnicity are in themselves causes of division and conflict. Apartheid made protected while millions are hungry and the Nationalists; or perhaps it was a homeless and will continue to be even British colonialist idea in the first place. them so. But as Rick Turner, to whom nobody (apart perhaps from those who under majority rule. We cannot have our HAVE no doubts at all about David killed him) really listened, said many cake and eat it: be rid of what we have Welsh's commitment to anti-racism, years ago, 'the major cause of conflict is always known was a totally immoral I system and yet not pay any price. The but I do think that he is implicitly the unequal distribution of wealth. majority have already oversubscribed assuming the validity of apartheid's Neither cultural nor racial differences their contribution. definitions of people and of groups. A are in themselves inherently causes of person's culture and ethnicity (I do not social conflict ... if the wealth gap is To argue for a 'power-sharing coali­ believe that the concept 'race' has any done away with, there will no longer be tion' because the Nationalists 'will not acquiesce in a majoritarian system' is validity) are very important but it is any inherent reason for conflict. Cultural apartheid which defines people in those or racial groups can and do co-exist Cont. on Page Nineteen wmm^^-

PAGE ELEVEN MISERY IN HAPPY

VALLEY Dejection, anger and indifference

WENDY LEEB hoped that simply by being shacks she and the others monitoring thereto witness the forced removal of 40 the event would prevent more violence, families and the demolition of their Here is her account of what she saw.

June 9, 1992 from established residents; no theft; no T THIS point, it becomes difficult trouble; in fact, the established residents A to describe what I saw, because I Y DAY began like any other day, supplied them with water. want to do it for you as accurately as I M no premonitions, no feeling that So what was the problem? Nothing can, and I am, against my inclination, something different could happen. While other than that the authorities decided going to use racist terms. I drove to the I was in the bath the phone rang; they should move; that they were a place, accompanied by another monitor, dripping, shivering and cursing, I went public nuisance. How the city councillors both of us realising that there was to answer. The voice on the other end of Pietermaritzburg came to the decision nothing we could do other than to asked me to come quickly, the Happy is a mystery. None of them lived near present a presence which would, hope­ Valley squatters were being forcibly there, none of them came to see the fully, prevent violence from either side. removed. I went. carrying out of their decision, none of We were basically witnesses. As I All of us know about forced removals, them seems to have cared. They also scrambled down the bank I heard the all of us know about "squatters", but seem to have forgotten the real responsi­ protestations. Of course, I was fore­ what most of us don't know is how it bility of government; if you sign the warned. There had been the riot-police really is when it happens. execution order you should be prepared and their vans on the side of the road, I have seen people forced to flee their to watch the execution. there was a Pietermaritzburg Corpora­ homes; I have dealt with refugees; I have tion truck and various other corporation seen people, in the heat of the moment, OWEVER, I digress. What is vehicles were parked nearby. force other people out of their areas, but H a forced removal like (and do I saw black municipal policemen strip­ never before have I seen seemingly cold­ remember that the group areas act has ping the plastic off the wattle pole blooded officials carry out their orders gone)? Before I try to tell you I must structures. Standing by were five riot- by destroying peoples' houses. remind you that this is not an objective policepeople dressed in camouflage, and I had been out to this community on account. I can only write from the three white plain clothes people, one Saturday. There had been an intimation position of what I saw, what I felt and with a radio (walkie-talkie). Around that the destruction of this settlement what others who shared the experience them stood a group which consisted of would take place. There were barricades said they felt. It is strangely impossible women, very young children, a few youth on the road — erected NOT by the to be objective about watching peoples and a few old men. In addition, on the "squatters" but by the "legitimate" homes and possibly, their lives, des­ road had been a pick-up truck (mello- residents around them in order to stop troyed. One must remember that these yellow), and numerous other riot police- the "squatters" removal. are materially poor people, people who people. One needs to know the circumstances. were forced to flee from established There was an air of unreality. Both Forty families; refugees from the homes because of violence, people who sides knew this shouldn't really be violence in another area; small children just want to survive. They are people happening, and both sides knew who and dogs and puppies; settled in plastic, who work hard to get through a lifetime stood to lose — them and South Africa. cardboard, and if they were very lucky, of setbacks and problems. They are But the script had been written and it corrugated iron shacks; there for three people who want to have more but who had to be acted out. The "squatters", years, no expansion, no problem; council cannot afford it and therefore try to justifiably, were extremely angry. Every land — a slope dotted with wattle and make the best of what they've got. last shred of their privacy was being blue-gums that couldn't be used for Unfortunately, today what they've got anything else; allegedly no complaints became what they had.

PAGE TWELVE From Page Twelve now, they never would again. Next wall that precludes us, whoever we are, from down (another house), revealed a coffee understanding, from caring and from violated. The white officials could simply table, covered in a beautifully crocheted identifying. And I end with an anecdote reiterate their excuses: "We are simply white cloth, with three carefully culti­ from today: following orders — don't talk to us — vated pot plants, each surrounded by The person in charge was an "elderly" talk to Pat Cornell and the city council." tinsel. white man, complete with radio (walkie- The riot-police were under orders not to With the destruction of each wall talkie). He was under orders, and he talk at all — someone knows that if they more and more was revealed. The per­ took, I think, more strain than he would talk they may begin to feel . . . and we fectly packed nappy-bag with four have had the Council appeared. None­ need to think very carefully about that. napkins, two baby-grows, and two theless he stood by his orders. And he The beginning of the nightmare jerseys, all clean to start with, but all too "did his job". For hours he was harassed, happened next. Black municipal police soon to end up as rags in the rubble. importuned, insulted — and he simply began systematically to demolish the Women wept and cursed, much to the stood by his orders. On the other hand shacks, most made of gum-pole uprights disgust of a police lieutenant who there was another old man (a kehla, an and plastic or cardboard walls. As they believed that the swear words being used old man of the people who simply crashed down, one young boy aged should not either be uttered by or before watched). And then he said to the official: about thirteen, very dirty, and obviously women. What he simply couldn't know "You obviously don't know Jesus — mentally retarded, fell onto a piece of is that these women had gone beyond you don't know what he wants people to IBR plastic, and crouching down, began convention into the realm of desperation. do. You wouldn't do this if you knew". to wail — "waiouu waiouu". For him, Their homes and their lives were being Very shortly after this interchange that this was the end of existence. While this destroyed; their children were at school particular official left. child was howling his desolation, and for the first time; their men were at work; I am not a Christian, but I believe that while the other "squatters" were express­ and the women were witnessing the not a "sparrow falls" that is not recorded ing their frustration, the white officials destruction of the framework they had somewhere. What happened today is in and the riot-policemen laughed. Only and have worked so hard to achieve. my memory, in yours if you read this, in the black municipal policemen showed One could go on and on forever. every person who was there, no matter any sign of empathy. There are no limits to what we witnessed. on what side. But, one of the things that sticks in my * * • HILE WE, and the officials, mind is the fact that every one of those W watched, the destruction con­ shacks was a home. Every single place June 10,1992 tinued. At one point, I asked a woman belonged to someone, every wall that whether I might hold her baby, and she came down had something stuck to it. E WERE called out again today. gave her to me. Here was this little thing, Each part was personal. There were W When we got there we found not maybe five months old, dressed in a paper roses, Johnny Walker magnum only the riot police, the municipality beautifully crocheted little white dress, whisky bottles from a decade gone by, security forces and their police, but a and wearing a clean white nappy. One the interior spinner of a washing professional and militant private security must remember that there is no running machine, rags and tatters. And each force called COIN. Immediately we went water in the area and then realise that thing had a use and a meaning, every­ on to the site it seemed that the 30 to 40 this baby is as loved and cared for as any thing was cherished and used, and all of black members of this force were not of yours or mine. This led me to really that was dissipated and destroyed. Why? South African, and couldn't speak a look at what was happening. This was South African language. The white HAVE a theory, and as I told you not about politics, this was not about members were totally uncommunicative. before, I am not objective. It is power, this was about people being I The uprights of the peoples' shacks, because of power and ownership and totally insensitive, uncaring, oblivious standards and a whole lot of language about other peoples' feelings, needs and humanity. This was the Third Reich all over again. Just as ordinary people, acting under Hitler's orders, killed the Jews, so, too were these officials acting against their fellow people on* other peoples' orders. Who is to blame?

S THE shacks began to be dis­ A mantled, the life of the people in the shacks began to be apparent. Every shack was somebody's home. The walls went down and I saw a piece of green Christmas tinsel hanging from the roof struts, brave and wonderful — but no, the strut was demolished. Another wall went down, and there was somebody's bed — made of thin wattle strips with a half inch mattress; someone had made their bed so they could lie in it — and In the final stages the uprights» ooff alall l ththee shack shackss araree brokebrokenn dowdownn

PAGE THIRTEEN Fourth Reich blues OUIS TRICHARDT is set in the 'real Africa'. It is a number of pure boere Hocking across to the shops in the L bushveld town of mopani and baobab, with the Indian area. Forgotten were the pleas for support to the occasional kiepersol, in a landscape of elephant grass and 'brotherly' white businessmen. These emanated, inter alia, rock and red soil. It nestles against purple mountains of pine from the ultra conservative dominee. He turned his back on and shadows. It happens to be a true 'Voortrekker' bulwark, the Dutch Reformed Church, and started his own fire and or perhaps 'Dwarstrekker' bulwark would be a more appro­ brimstone version of a holy sect, where a white skin is priate description. It was established many years ago, when paramount for membership. He is considered by his many lion, elephant, buffalo, rhinoceros, and various kind of followers to be a true prophet, nearly in the same league as antelope roamed the plains, and the Boer and Matebele killed former dominee Andries Treurnicht. and former nobody each other in great numbers, not to mention nearly annihila­ Eugene Terreblanche. ting the beasts in unison, and harmony? It is also a town of extremes. Winter is lovely. While most N THE entertainment field, a good time is fcboeremusiek' in South Africa are reaching for electric blankets, warm I by Oom Japie and his merrimen. The folk dances the water bottles, for their wives, this town rejoices in springlike 'sakkic-sakkic'. a shuffling of feet, which resembles a South days and cool nights. But then, summer arrives, and the heat African Bureau of Standards test to ascertain the durability is a constant reminder of the concept Abaddon. Thunder­ of certain brands of footwear. Lots of pugilistic activities in storms luckily intervene on a regular basis, providing some between lighten up proceedings, ek se, to the delightful heaven-sent relief, while at the same time destroying crops. squeeling of women and girls, and chanting of men and boys. Blame for this latter phenomenon must be allocated, and As the evening progresses, and the alcohol Hows, hysterical to whom else but the Government. What with its integration, laughter, or gratifying screams, can intermittently be heard, a flagrant disregard of God's word. as rear ends and other body parts are squeezed by over zealous young men and fcoomies' alike. A good time is also Otto Karl's German Oempha band, OUIS TRICHARDT hosts around 9000 pale skinned playing march music. The purists motivate themselves inhabitants, a big town by South African standards. L clamorously for the future armed struggle, which will return Most of these souls are pure Afrikaner stock, with pedigrees to the white man the power to absolute rule. to match. They come in all shapes and sizes, although an The non-purists, and believers in human equality, more awful lot of men look like honorary members of the Charles than often stare at themselves in the mirror the next day, Glass society. asking why they did not speak up, why they even agreed, why Louis Trichardt counts many times more black people. they shov. \\ guts. They are only considered part of the town's population for as far as they render services to the cash How. The same applies to the 'kypies\ or coloureds. MUSICAL performance by Bles used to be the high­ The wkerriegatte\ or Indians, pose a problem. They are A light of the year when even ultra conservative tannics also not regarded part of the town, yet they own half the real behaved like groupies. But then Bles caused terrible pain. He estate. The town council, in it's infinite wisdom, once passed left his lovely wife for a harlot. And was it not he who a motion that Indians were not allowed to operate businesses preached of love, commitment, God and love, in his, oh so in the white area. The ironical, if not comical, result was a fair very romantic, songs?

From Page Thirteen Yes, there were weapons. The police after two or three hot, futile and fruitless and the municipal police were armed to hours the plan was abandoned. The which had been left intact the day before, the hilt. The people armed themselves "squatters" hung their washing out, and had been demolished, and the place was with sticks and bottles and pieces of began rebuilding their shacks. Life went in chaos. aluminium and bricks. Both sides were on. People were even more angry, if that restrained, and it became obvious that was possible, than the day before. They neither side really wanted blood shed. had survived a night, without shelter, in The security forces withdrew, including HAT WE need to think about is sub-zero temperatures; and now all hope the security firm which then regrouped why and for what purpose are of rebuilding was being removed. They W on the road and gave a military show these things happening, and why are we concluded that the members of the which would have done justice to any allowing them to happen? security firm were not South Africans, state occasion. It seemed, for the time and resented this fiercely. They resented If we are people who care; if we are being, the people had won. the guns being pointed at them, but most people who want a new South Africa of all they resented their perception that In a gesture that could only be inter­ that is equitable; if we want to change the their vision of hope in a new South preted as spite, bravado or pure foolish­ ravages of the apartheid system which Africa had been betrayed, and that they ness the municipality then proceeded to we all, including the government, were helpless and powerless. demonstrate their supposed power by acknowledge as wrong; can we afford to Again, through sheer power of will, cutting down trees in the area. Presum­ let our fellow people suffer both by being they forced the authorities out of the ably this was to remove all possible forced to be perpetrators and being area. reconstruction material. Needless to say perpetrated against again and again? •

PAGE FOURTEEN Also high on the list of popularity, is Danie Botha. He is a Kallie's Chinese take-away, with a variety of dishes that true 'boerseun', and perfect husband for a lot of Getruidas 'skrik vir inks'. and Hetties and Annas. Then there is Carike Keuzenkamp. OR THE 'true liberals', there is the Bergwater Hotel, Her husband is a Nationalist, but she can hardly be held Fwith an owner who admittedly votes National Party. responsible for his ignorance, ek se. Also Ken Mullen. Okay, The hotel is theoretically open to all races. In practice, a so he's a krooinek\ but he surely makes the ovaries flip, from k coloured person will not enter the public bar, not unless he a woman's point of view. And then, the Griekse boertjie'. He wants to get seriously hurt by the blue blooded 'Afrikaner is a genuine convert to the Afrikaans faith. seuns' who frequent the place. The a la Carte restaurant is The Afrikaans new wave, Johannes Kerkorrel. and the also not open for coloured people, by management order. If a Gereformeerde Blues band, Koos Tonteldoos, Nataniel, etc. coloured person should want to stay for the night, a room, are what was termed 'hippie music' a few years ago. separate from those of the white people, will be allocated. Classical music, 'Bach se gelag', is for most a noise not Politics for most is hating anybody who differs with the unlike 'tannic' Annatjie's chickens make, when they realize Conservative Party. Jaap Marais. the AWB, ov in the case o! they're being chased for ultimate feasting purposes. For an the Wit Wolwe, if you can Find them. The fraternity that beds elect few, it is cultural enlightenment, to possess classical black women now and then, write it off as a little indiscretion, music, to display it where everybody can see it. never to listen and keep it secret at all costs. Often the same people boast to it. about how many 'swartgatte' they nearly killed, and describe in detail what the black's fate will still be. EADING is not a high priority, and that is putting it Politics is also big 'Afrikaner seuns' hitting small black R lightly. It includes the two local newspapers, which are Sunday school children having a picnic in a park, with largely anti-government in their approach. For the woman sjamboks. The excuse for this action; they will grow up to be literary works are still Susanna M. Lingua, C.F. Beyers terrorists one day Boshoff, Konsalik, Edgars' newest fashions magazine, Political rallies are a chance for the guys, especially those Russclls" monthly furniture offerings and some articles in the with 'kwaai vrouens', to break away for a while. Huisgenoot. Those few ignorami who read the perverse Johannesburg English dailies are automatically communists, CONCLUSION: atheists or traitors, or a combination of these. Imagine some ERHAPS, I have not presented a balanced picture of of the reactions to Andre P. Brink, Etienne le Roux, Breyten Louis Trichardt. This is not for lack of trying. The simple Breytenbach etc. P fact is that, the more I searched for this balanced picture, the Going to the movies is impossible, the movie house now more worms I uncovered. being a second hand furniture store. There are four video I do not for one moment suggest that Louis Trichardt has shops. As far as these go, videos in which Arnold not got any decent and clear-thinking people. There are Schwarzenegger, Rambo, Claude van Damme, or lately indeed a lot. Unfortunately, they are more than often George Segal, display their pugilistic prowess will always be overrun. I believe the Afrikaans proverbs apply. *nStii bek is popular. The more gore, the merrier. 'n heel bek' and 'Lievver bang Jan as dooie Jan.' Theatre is a visit by Mike Schutte, or Martino, or the Finally a reminder, albeit cliched: A small rotten spot on Alabama student choir. "Hey, ek se, old Mike can not only an apple will eventully spread, and decay will set in over the wrestle, he tells lekker jokes too, huh?" "That Martino is a whole apple. The fruit will have to be thrown away. Louis genius. How else can he shoot that chick from the canon into Trichardt, and a lot of corresponding towns, especially in the the kas'?" Transvaal, have grown alarmingly big rotten spots. • Dining out is the Spur, for a kingklip measuring ten by ten centimetres (it lost some of its juice en route), or 'Oom' -JOHANG.CPIEK

projects and various specialised agencies trapped and vulnerable in their cars and were arriving. That was why we were rickshaws. The ghastly, misshapen FAMINE there — to assist the Bangladesh Rice bodies of children deliberately maimed Research Institute in developing the tech­ at birth crawling or wheeled in carts E DID not realise that we were to nology for greater food production. chanting for baksheesh. Gaunt figures W witness a famine. It was 1274, a We were living in Dhaka and slowly straining every fibre as they pedalled few short years after the emergence of coming to terms with the pervasive rickshaws overloaded with people or the state of Bangladesh. The country was poverty which reached right up to our goods for a daily pittance. Long queues still grappling with staggering problems garden walls. Clusters of emaciated of the poor squatting patiently in the inherited from colonial times including families living in the streets. Solitary road for a meal of rice and vegetables the disastrous 1947 partition of the women with baby on hip begging for offered by a sympathetic Bengali family. Indian subcontinent into a disparate food. Swarms of beggars on street Children, scrawny cattle and wretched Moslem nation of two widely separated corners, at traffic lights and on river pyedogs scratching and sniffing together parts — Western and Eastern Pakistan ferries pleading for alms from travellers through piles of garbage tipped on — and the largely Hindu India. The vacant lots. This was the reality of eastern wing which comprised most of by Dhaka, this was the normal situation. the former Bengal was to last just 23 Dr David UT IT was to get much worse. As years before it seceded from Pakistan the famine took hold and people in after a bitter and bloody liberation Catling B the countryside were denied even a struggle. But in early 1974 relief opera­ of the Land Development Unit, University of the Western Cape tions were giving way to development

PAGE FIFTEEN From Page Fifteen the relationship of food with people. The the hardest to reach and often the first to basic cause of famine is that the poorer be affected by local food shortages. This sections of society are unable to get happens even when there is sufficient enough food. That is, food entitlement food available in the region as a whole — works against the poor and the system and in Southern Africa there is a shortage Tails to deliver food to them. Farm of between seven million and 10 million labourers and the rural landless suffer tons of food grain. the most because while the food price Thus the first priority is to mount a rises, the wage rates fall in absolute campaign to provide food relief for the terms. The poorest sections of the poor in remote country areas. It may be community then die quietly of starvation necessary to subsidise the cost of food Dr Catling who worked in and disease — sometimes alongside large grain to hungry, destitute populations Bangladesh from 1974 to 1981 and stores of grain. It is now generally and take strong measures to control India from 1986 to 1988 for the accepted that the main cause of the 1943 prices. The region's transportation and International Rice Research Insti­ famine were the increase in the rice price communication systems must be geared tute and the Overseas Development due to inflation in the booming war up to handle the passage of the largest Administration of the UK. economy; an uneven expansion in tonnages of incoming grain ever to be income and purchasing power; specula­ transported in Southern Africa. minimum diet they descended on Dhaka tion and hoarding; and administrative South Africa's existing infrastructure in ever increasing numbers in the hope of panic and failure to import food from and expertise must not only be used to finding food, shelter and work. Thou­ other provinces. bring relief to her own people, but sands occupied the verandahs of old should also be made available to her houses, railway platforms and any open HE OFFICIAL death toll in Bangla­ neighbours whose systems are far space. Whole families settled along the Tdesh's 1974 famine was put at weaker. We must make great efforts to capital's main roads and thoroughfares, 26 000 but the true number was un­ curb hoarding and profiteering —always jampacking the broken pavements in doubtedly higher and may have exceeded liable to flourish during such desperate huddles of bodies and meagre 100 000. Thus compared to the past this times. Lastly, food aid must be chan­ possessions. Some survived on food was a minor famine. Some authorities nelled through proven, experienced from official soup kitchens and private still contended that the primary cause organisations which are directly in handouts. But many, particularly the was the severe floods which affected the contact with the poorer in society. young, the old and the disabled did not. three annual rice crops: winter rice, pre- monsoon rice, and wet monsoon rice. * * * * N THE longer term it is essential to Indeed the 1974 floods were the highest develop a national food security for 50 years. But once again, as the rice I NTIL FAIRLY recently famines scheme fully integrated with the existing price soared the wages fell and it was the U were inherent in the Indian sub­ network in the SADCC countries to the farmworkers and small farmers who continent. In the 19th century, seven north. An early-warning system for spot­ suffered the most. Hoarding and great famine affected more than 200 ting incipient food shortages is absolute­ profiteering pushed up the price and million people. The severe famine of ly necessary and a national food grain corruption was rife. 1876-1878, believed to have resulted in reserve of at least one million tons more than five million deaths, finally Famine beckoned again with the even should be established. prompted the British administration to higher floods of 1987 and 1988 but Greater public awareness of the food develop an appropriate strategy for com­ prompt and effective distribution of security question is necessary. It will be bating famine; the comprehensive Bengal massive supplies of food relief and mutually advantageous to pool the Famine Code still serves as a guide for medicine by the military government — region's agricultural know-how on basic handling relief. under the watchful eye of international food crops. South Africa can contribute The Great Famine of 1943 in which observers — averted large-scale starva­ its valuable knowledge of commercial one million to two million people tion. So hopefully the terrible famines of agriculture while the other countries perished in Bengal remains a contro­ the Indian subcontinent, where have much to offer concerning small­ versial issue to this day. Of this tragedy thousands or even millions of people holder agriculture. All of these objectives much has been written which is emotive perished, is now a thing of the past. could be served by forming a strong and misleading. What does emerge clear­ * * * * regional NGO. This body should include ly is first, that the famine was mainly a representatives from all famine-prone rural phenomenon and second, that O THE severe crises of economic sections of society so that they can be deaths were not from starvation alone. Trecession, the AIDS epidemic and involved in policy and strategy decisions. Many died from epidemics of cholera, political instability as democratic Surprisingly, some positive features malaria and smallpox. The shortage of reforms sweep across our subcontinent, may yet emerge from the present situa­ food grains was variously ascribed to now comes drought and famine of tion. The famine throws the spotlight on excessive monsoon rains, an outbreak of cataclysmic proportions. the region's agricultural sector — an ice disease, an inefficient war-time What are the lessons for South Africa area often misunderstood and sometimes administration and corrupt officials. from the Indian and Bangladeshi ex­ overlooked by some government Research has shown that there was in perience? planners and many economists. And fact enough food in the region to feed all It is common to most or all famines inevitably the tragedy will bring together the people. The traditional explanation, that farm tenants, the rural landless and Southern Africa's previously embattled known as food availability decline small farmers, especially those in remote countries and demonstrate their unavoid­ (FAD), does not take into consideration areas, are the most vulnerable. They are able interdependence. •

PAGE SIXTEEN SANCTIONS COLIN LEGUM welcomes the international community's switch to the use of sanctions as the most civilised way of dealing with gross offenders of human rights. HE CONVERSION of the inter­ and Pretoria, both of which openly the use of sanctions is an idea whose time Tnational community to the idea of flaunted their breaching of sanctions. has come, however briefly. It hardly sanctions as a weapon against govern­ Despite these obvious weaknesses in the needs arguing that a non-lethal economic ments whose behaviour is condemned sanctions net, the embargo did help in weapon is a more civilized way of dealing by a majority of UN members is as the end to bring down the Smith regime with offenders against internationally- sudden as it is welcome. for two reasons other than the mounting accepted codes ofconduct — such as the Sanctions are the most civilised way of pressures of the liberation struggle: while Charter on Human Rights and the UN dealing with gross offenders of human the regime could maintain its trade, it declaration against recognising conquest rights; but are they the most effective? suffered twice — because the sanctions- of territory through aggression — then That still remains to be tested in three busters paid below world prices for going to war against them. latest decisions — against Libya, Iraq Rhodesian exports and charged extra for The tragedy of the Gulf War was that and Serbia. Sanctions against South imports; and because one sanctions' American and Saudi impatience led them Africa, though crumbling, still carry UN measure was effective — the Smith to war against Iraq before giving the endorsement. regime remained internationally isolated, decision on sanctions time to work. It even from Lisbon and Pretoria. was just because the stupendous military Why this sudden, almost universal, attack on Iraqi was only half successful turning to sanctions to bring errant Although not comprehensively ap­ that recourse was subsequently taken to governments to heel? Thirty years ago plied, sanctions against South Africa sanctions to complete the punishment of when my wife and I wrote a book, South were marginably one of the major factors Saddam Hussein. African Challenge to the West, in which that finally undermined apartheid, which Now that sanctions promise to be a we argued the case for sanctions as a was recently admitted by Pik Botha. key element in the slowly evolving new means of averting violence and embitter- They brought about the country's cold international order, it is vitally important ment in the struggle against apartheid, isolation in the world community; closed that they should be applied only under we were roundly criticised by the same down its participation in international the right conditions. There are three leaders and opinion-makers who are sport; deprived the country of essential absolute prerequisites. now most vociferous in calling for military supplies, especially aircraft and First, that sanctions should be applied sanctions against the Libyan, Iraqi and naval defences; diminished the volume only through a UN decision. Serbian authorities. of exports; encouraged disinvestment (an unfortunate development), and con­ Second, that they should be made Three main arguments have been tributed to the failure to attract new binding on all UN ^members through deployed over the years against sanc­ investment. invoking Chapter 7 (Article 41) of the tions. It was wrong, argued Mrs Thatcher UN Charter which make it mandatory and her successors in the present British Now, when the sanctions measures for members to observe the decision. Government, to use economics as a were adopted against the Libyan, Iraqi Third, that they should be comprehen­ weapon — meaning, of course, that it is and Serbian regimes nothing was said sive and enforceable. bad for trade. They and successive about the unwisdom of using an It is ridiculous, for example, to have American administrations, argued 'economic weapon' (i.e. trade) or the made the decision to invoke sanctions further that sanctions would impose hardship that would be suffered by the against Libya without including an hardship on those least able to bear it. weakest; nor were we told that 'sanctions embargo on its oil (as in the case of both And, finally, the crunching argument never work.' Iraq and Serbia). The only reason oil was was that 'sanctions have never worked.' Zimbabwe — the current African excluded in the case of Libya is because The example of failure usually quoted member of the Security Council — was an embargo would have short-term was the supposed oil sanctions by the alone with China in abstaining on the effects on the economy of Germany, League of Nations against Mussolini's Serbian decision; that was not because Italy and France. Yet, oil is the Achilles Italy over the Invasion of Ethiopia. This the Mugaba Government is against the heel of the Libyan economy; by exclud­ juicy red-herring ignored the fact that principle of sanctions or sympathetic to ing it, the pressures on Gaddafi have the Anglo-French decision to apply an 'Slob' Milossovic's repugnant policy of been greatly reduced. oil embargo was, in fact, never implemen­ 'ethnic purification', but because of its Finally, it is important to recognise ted: no wonder it failed. resentment of what it sees as the hypo­ that sanctions work slowly and require Later, when there was a clamour to crisy of those major powers who had patience to allow time for attrition. impose comprehensive sanctions against been reluctant sanctioneers when it came Unless nations (especially the United the Smith regime over UDI in Rhodesia, to meeting African demands but who States) are prepared to be patient and to there was a slow and half-hearted turned their own arguments on their accept the need for a long rather than a response. The flawed weakness of the head when it came to issues affecting short haul, they should not venture on campaign against Rhodesia was that its direct European and American concerns. the path of sanctions. borders with Portuguese Mozambique Nevertheless, Zimbabwe was wrong Sanctions as a non-violent means of and South Africa were never closed, and to have abstained on behalf of Africa maintaining world order are too impor­ no action was ever taken against Lisbon over the decision against Serbia because tant to be allowed to fail. •

PAGE SEVENTEEN BOOKS THE S A POLICE : AMNESTY ALLEGES PARTISAN ROLE

SOUTH AFRICA: STATE OF FEAR. with the absence of Inkatha supporters issues that pervade the report, it is — A REPORT BY AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL in the area, police appear "to perpetuate however, impossible to ignore the blatant N ITS recent controversial report on conflict as a means of seeking to prevent flaws in Amnesty's analysis of the I security force involvement in the peaceful political transition." violence in South Africa. Amnesty violence, Amnesty International has appears to overlook a vital aspect of the documented a vast array of cases which transition process: the task for limiting N ITS conclusion, Amnesty makes presents policing of the discord as ineffec­ the conflict lies not with the police alone recommendations for measures that tive, partisan and a contributory factor I but with all the players in the contest, as the authorities could take for the preven­ to the violence. The report concludes pointed out by the Goldstone Com­ tion of this phenomenon, including that the failure of the police force to mission. independent investigations of police mis­ operate with impartiality and pro­ More importantly, Amnesty does not conduct as well as effective protection to fessionalism seriously threatens the concede that the effective restructuring individuals and communities in danger reform process and a democratic transi­ of the police force requires co-operation of attacks or extrajudicial executions. tion in South Africa. and involvement of political groupings Amnesty contends that, despite the The main body of the report outlines across the South African spectrum if it is reform process which began two years details of incidents involving security to be successful. ago, partisanship in policing is still highly force conduct which occurred between Another shortcoming is its failure to prevalent and stems from the campaign January 1990 and March 1992. It con­ acknowledge an obviously marked im­ of identifying the more "radical" groups tains a disturbing indictment of police provement of police conduct, especially as enemies of the State. They comment involvement in the conflict by detailing in the areas of mass demonstrations and on the "enormity of the gap between the patterns of police conduct which serve as riot control. While a great deal more intentions and pronouncements by examples of partiality. needs to be accomplished the recent officials, on the one hand, and the improvements have to be understood in The first chapter examines the ques­ conduct on the ground of the security the context of their dubious past to be tion of covert officially-sanctioned forces on the other." killings, which is essentially an analysis fully appreciated. If Amnesty's analysis of the perception of security force involvement in 'death Unlike in the past, mass demonstra­ of partisanship is true (it is a perception squads'. It also deals with the failure of tions and political meetings are being that South Africans are not unfamiliar the Harms Commission to 'accomplish allowed to take place and police restraint, with) it is inexcusable because active the vital task of restoring a sense of especially in crowd control situations, partisanship involves the police directly accountability to the security forces and has been evident. This should have been in criminal attacks and inaction is a so curbing their extra-legal activities', acknowledged by Amnesty. definite violation of the legal responsibi­ and the vindication of allegations of lities of the force. police involvement in political assassina­ Since its release the report has been tions by the Kriegler judgment. The HE ALLEGATIONS contained in criticized for its failure to document the chapter concludes with evidence of con­ the report are not novel. But now dual role played by both Inkatha and the T tinued political assassinations under that the point is made by a credible ANC in the violence, especially in view suspicious and unexplained circum­ international organisation the authori­ of the Goldstone Commission's second stances. ties appear to feel a need to respond. interim report on the prevention of However the shortcomings have pro­ The examples of partiality in the public violence and intimidation. policing of the conflict have taken the vided a convenient excuse for authorities Amnesty acknowledges in its report to dismiss the report as one-sided and following forms: a reluctance to investi­ that the ANC and its supporters have gate allegations, failure to prosecute partial. Amnesty's basic proposition that also been responsible for "deliberate and the failure of the police force to reform wrong-doers and active assistance to arbitrary killings," yet fails to document vigilantes where the police have escorted long established traditions will seriously any evidence of this assertion. As a result threaten the state's wider reform process them into areas prior to attacks and have one of the greatest weaknesses of the rendered actual assistance to them. The should not be underestimated. The report is that it can easily be dismissed as organisation's unfortunate failure to KwaZulu police are also implicated for a biased perception of the violence. complicity in killings and assaults, as provide a more balanced view of the well as for their unwillingness to investi­ dynamics surrounding the violence gate cases involving the assault and N SPITE of these limitations, the should not prevent recognition of this murder of ANC supporters. I report does, however, highlight some and other important questions raised in The systematic pattern of partisan of the most vital issues facing policing the report. • policing outlined in the report is further and should not be so easily shrugged - SARAS JAGWANTH illustrated by security force conduct in aside as malicious propaganda. Research Fellow, Centre for Criminal the "taxi wars" in Cape Town. Even While keeping in mind the serious Justice, University of Natal

PAGE EIGHTEEN Chilling insights into a sick society

IN THE HEART OF THE WHORE by Jacques Pauw, against opponents of apartheid, and of sequences of grossly distorted power (Southern Book Publishers, Half-way House.) the devious means used to destroy them relationships, and of the accompanying HE ANALOGY of the whore — a — at huge cost to the taxpayer — secrecy and lack of accountability on the Tdegraded and depersonalised victim through subjecting them to various forms part of such a government, and as such of society — is, in many respects, an of harassment, torture and death. It holds important lessons for the future. appropriate one for apartheid's death describes the impunity with which cross- There is, however, a glimmer of hope: squads. It is, however, not their bodies border attacks on activists were carried The book points to the way in which but their very humanity that these dealers out in total disregard for the sovereignty whites can be transformed through en­ in death prostitute. This book by Vrye of neighbouring states. It details, too, counters with 'the enemy', and the Weekblad assistant editor Jacques Pauw the deliberate destabilisation policy of the reconciliation which is still possible. tells the compelling story of these squads government, in its support of movements Dirk Coetzee, e.g. learns that ANC and, in the process, provides penetrating such as Renamo, and its manoeuvres to members are not the ogres he had been — and chilling — insights into the nature disrupt elections in Namibia. led to believe, and accept him in spite of of our sick society. The prevarications and blatant un­ what he has done. It is a journey into our very own heart truths of government ministers, and It also highlights the important role of of darkness. senior policemen, are laid bare. So too, is both good investigative journalism and The book opens with a familiar the way in which the judicial system of the courts in ensuring that justice is done. enough South African scene: Braai fires the country has been subverted, through at sunset on a river bank. It is, however, drawing convicted criminals into police HERE IS still a very long way to a braaivleis with a difference, for as operations, and the way in which police­ Tgo. The legacies of the past, Dr Van those assembled eat, drink and are merry, men themselves combined their political Zyl Slabbert warns us in the Foreword the bodies of two men who have just duties with illegal activities such as to this book, must be recognised and been cold-bloodedly 'eliminated' slowly diamond and pornography smuggling transformed if a new start is to be made. burn to cinders on their nearby pyre. The and car theft. The recognition has been but grudging story then moves to a different setting This strategy was rationalised by and partial, and there is little sign that with a graphic description of the brutal ingrained beliefs about the legitimacy of the necessary transformation process is assassination of lawyer Griffiths the task, and was facilitated by un­ taking place. The murderers and per­ Mxenge, the subsequent shooting of his questioning obedience to authority. jurers have still not had to face the wife Victoria, and the cover ups which consequences of their deeds. The EATH SQUADS operate in many accompanied these murders. 'country's madness', as Pauw calls it, is countries, but it is the national The ensuing chapters cover, in great D still upon us. The credibility of the police disease of racism, which permeates our detail, the stories of former security must be restored: Unless the perpetrators society, which gives the local version its policeman Dirk Coetzee and some of his of the ongoing violence are arrested and fellow hit men, the security structures of unique character. With notable excep­ brought to book, the transition our which they were part, and the events set tions the victims are almost all black. It society makes will,* to use Slabbert's in motion by their revelations, initially is inconceivable that so many whites words, be a 'gearshift into madness'. could have been murdered, or simply published in the Vrye Weekblad: The That gearshift must be avoided at all Government-appointed Harms Com­ disappeared, and nothing done (just as it costs. This book is a timeous warning mission of Inquiry, and the ensuing is inconceivable that the euphemism about the dangers of not knowing, and defamation case brought by General unrest would have been applied if over not wanting to know. It presents an Lothar Neethling against the newspaper, 6 000 whites had died in political opportunity to know. which finally vindicated Coetzee and violence in Natal). Its greatest strength — the pains­ those journalists who had dared, at As a result of the separation caused by taking documentation and attention to enormous risk, to publish the truth. apartheid, the majority of whites have detail — is also its major weakness for a neither known, nor even wanted to non-academic readership. Better, how­ T IS not a pretty story: It tells of the know, the realities of black life in this ever, to read even parts of it than nothing. way in which the government waged a I country. The central message of this massive disinformation campaign - MARYDE HAAS book is about the frightening con- From Page Eleven Mill also believed that there were 'excep­ rather spurious basis of individual tional individuals who instead of being stirely to bow to the continued tyranny human rights. But neither one's indivi­ deterred, should be encouraged to act duality nor one's minority status can be of the minority which we have had for differently from the mass'. Again, in the 300 years. So either way we will have a the basis for human rights. They are South African context, that doubtless tyranny. Is it perhaps the 'majority' both factors which separate one from means 'whites'. The proponents of rather than the 'tyranny' that is to be other people, whereas human rights are 'minority rights' seem to be claiming not feared? based on what we all have in common, equal but more rights for the minority The 'tyranny of the majority' as John our humanity. than for the majority. Stuart Mill noted (approvingly) was Nobody can enjoy them fully unless feared by 'thinkers' and the 'important The new-found concern for minority everybody does; and no individuals or classes'. (In South African parlance, I rights seems to me to be a thinly veiled groups can arrogate some to them­ presume, that would mean 'whites'.) attempt to protect white privilege on the selves. •

PAGE NINETEEN VIVA! VIVA! by DAVID BASCKIN

WHAT FOREIGN OBSERVERS CAN ADD TO viewed from the rear, the hundred a puff adder, the fifty THE NEGOTIATING PROCESS (soon to be the most common piece of paper in your wallet) a black rat, and the twenty a locust. Rumour has it that the ORD SOAMES, Grand Architect of the Lancaster entire printing of the new tens has already been bought out by L Agreement, had some unique perceptions of elections in a major confectioner as wrapping for bubblegum. Africa. In his view, they differed from the Western variety in this curious way. 'They (the voters of Africa) think nothing of sticking tent poles up each other's whatnot and doing WHAT WINE WAS THAT? filthy, beastly things to each other. It's a very wild thing, an election." OISONED BY drink from a night of cabernet excesses, I I can only say that, despite massive provocation, we of the Pwas secluded with my wordprocessor pounding the keys former Progressive Party never used to do this sort of thing at at random hoping that this column might just appear of its all. I remember once, in the company of some other own accord. After a few minutes of this I managed to open Highbury Old Boys, heckling a United Party candidate in my eyes. The screen offered no evidence of the power of such a way that inferences about his whatnot were drawn by automatic writing. Successfully hitting the delete button on every member of the audience. But heavens above, the very the third attempt, my wandering eye chanced upon an thought of tent poles never entered our minds. Apart from unopened bottle of something on the desk. Judging from the anything else, it violated both the letter and the spirit of the litter of similar empties on the floor, we had cracked a case of Qualified Franchise. whatever it was the night before. Closer examination revealed that it was not cabernet, but pinotage. A sip from a brimming glassful revealed the classic pinotage acetone nose with an TEN BUCKS EQUALS ONE RHINO aftertaste not dissimilar to that following an unsuccessful HAT WITH the buck in your pocket shrinking by the petrol siphoning attempt. W day, the SA Reserve Bank, in response to consumer Realizing that something definitely out of the ordinary was demand, is soon to issue new, improved bank notes. Not only in the glass, I carefully examined the label. The total lack of will they be bigger in a numerical sense, but that jolly Dutch Afrikaans was a dead-giveaway. This was not a genuine Cape imperialist Jan van Riebeeck is to vanish as decoration. In his wine! Despite the Reserve Superiour appelation, it came from place comes a whole game reserve of ideology-free animals Zimbabwe where it would seem that the local viticulturalists with a green ten rand note featuring a rhino; the brown have successfully hybridized the Cape Hermitage grape with twenty carrying a buffalo, the red fifty a lion, the cool blue maize. The resulting wine is a startling experience well up century an elephant and the orange two hundred a leopard. with the very best that Algerian and Bulgarian wines have to But sadly, all these giant animals are just part of the offer. But a small word of advice to the infant Zimbabwean general inflationary trend. In terms of the reality of purchas­ wine industry. Take a leaf out of the Austrian winemakers' ing power, different fauna would have been a whole lot more book and add a good dose of antifreeze to the mix. Believe suitable. The two hundred should feature a female baboon me, it can only improve the taste. •

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