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The Varying Economic Meaning of “Left” and “Right” in Latin America

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The Varying Economic Meaning of “Left” and “Right” in Latin America For reasons stated below, we limit our focus to assessing cross-national differences in the economic component of the left-right semantics. Given research suggesting that individual capacities for ideological thinking vary, we also explore variation within countries by level of political knowledge. The data we use are from the 2008 round of the Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP) surveys.2 In this survey 37,035 respondents from 22 nations in * AmericasBarometer Insights: 2010 (No.38) Latin America and the Caribbean were asked the same question:3 The Varying Economic Meaning of “Left” and L1. Now, to change the subject.... On this card there is a 1‐10 scale that goes from left to right. “Right” in Latin America Nowadays, when we speak of political leanings, we talk of those on the left and those on the By Elizabeth Zechmeister and Margarita Corral right. In other words, some people sympathize [email protected] [email protected] more with the left and others with the right. Vanderbilt University According to the meaning that the terms ʺleftʺ and ʺrightʺ have for you, and thinking of your he terms “left” and “right” are widely own political leanings, where would you place used to describe politics around the yourself on this scale? Tworld. But what do these terms mean to citizens in the Latin American region? On the one hand, there is widespread agreement that Figure 1. Left‐right Distribution in Mexico and ideological labels can be useful tools (often Central America, 2008 called “cues”) with which individuals can make sense of and communicate about the complex 100% 7.0% 13.8% 15.2% world of politics (see Fuchs and Klingemann 18.5% 20.0% 28.3% 27.2% 1990). On the other hand, however, research in 80% 23.6% 15.4% 13.2% 26.4% 15.3% a number of countries (Inglehart and 8.2% 18.6% Klingemann 1976) including those in Latin 60% 32.4% America (Zechmeister 2003, 2006b and chapter 3 46.2% 33.1% 43.5% 40% 35.7% 55.1% in Kitschelt et al. 2010) has shown that the 39.2% 14.1% 9.0% significance of the terms “left” and “right” 20% 15.5% 12.5% 15.8% 6.1% 8.3% varies across individuals and across countries. 21.7% 21.4% Percent of Respondents by Category 8.6% 10.7% 5.5% 8.8% 5.9% The purpose of this new AmericasBarometer 0% or s d ma 1 Rica mala va dura Insight Series report is to examine the extent to Mexico te l n ta a Pana u l Sa Ho Nicaragua os which understandings of the left-right labels G E C Ideological Self-placement vary from country to country, and from person Source: AmericasBarometer by LAPOP left center left center to person, in Latin America and the Caribbean. center right right * The Insights Series is co-edited by Professors Mitchell A. Seligson and Elizabeth Zechmeister with administrative, 2 Funding for the 2008 round mainly came from the United technical, and intellectual support from the LAPOP group at States Agency for International Development (USAID). Vanderbilt. Important sources of support were also the Inter-American 1 Prior issues in the Insights Series can be found at Development Bank (IADB), the United Nations http://www.vanderbilt.edu/lapop/studiesandpublications. Development Program (UNDP), the Center for the Americas The data on which they are based can be found at (CFA), and Vanderbilt University. http://www.vanderbilt.edu/lapop/datasets 3 Non-response was 21.25% for the sample as a whole. © 2010, Latin American Public Opinion Project, “Insights” series Page 1 of 10 www.AmericasBarometer.org Across the 22 countries in the sample, citizens in variable by regions and allow us to see Latin America and the Caribbean place differences among countries despite the fact that themselves on average in centrist positions on the mean is usually at the center. Considering the left‐right scale. The mean in each country Figures 1 and 2, countries with more people falls between 5 and 6 on the 1‐10 scale except for placed on the left (left+center left) include El the Dominican Republic where the national Salvador and Nicaragua (see Figure 1) and average falls to the right, at 7. Given that Uruguay (see Figure 2). In contrast, in Mexico, averages do not allow us to see differences in Costa Rica, and Colombia, the tendency is to the distribution of responses, we created a new self‐place on the right; in each of these three scale, compressing the original one into five countries, around 40% of the population falls categories: left (1‐2), center‐left (3‐4), center (5‐6), into the center right and right categories. center‐right (7‐8), and right (9‐10). Figures 1 to 3 show the distribution of responses on this Figure 2. Left‐right Distribution in South America, 2008 100% 5.6% 10.2% 8.4% 9.7% 11.0% 10.0% 12.1% 11.5% 10.6% 22.0% 16.0% 15.7% 21.9% 80% 17.2% 18.7% 16.6% 14.1% 17.6% 22.9% 20.3% 60% 34.4% 41.4% 46.3% 42.4% 46.2% 48.4% 51.8% 46.8% 41.3% 40% 38.2% 23.0% 16.4% 13.8% 20% 18.9% Percentage of Respondents by by Category Respondents of Percentage 16.7% 16.2% 13.9% 12.0% 17.7% 20.8% 14.9% 16.4% 15.6% 7.5% 10.4% 8.6% 7.9% 8.7% 6.6% 4.8% 0% a y la a a ay e u razil u Peru gu Chile g z ntin Bolivia B ra ne ge Ecuador Uru e Colombi Pa V Ar Ideological Self-placement Source: AmericasBarometer by LAPOP left center left center center right right © 2010, Latin American Public Opinion Project, “Insights” series Page 2 of 10 www.AmericasBarometer.org Figure 3. Left‐right Distribution in the Caribbean, 2008 For two reasons, we consider here the degree to 100% Ideological Self-placement 7.4% which economic policy preferences predict left‐ 13.1% 10.8% left center left 25.5% center right stances. First, as Inglehart (1997) suggests, 37.7% 80% 25.5% 18.8% center right 24.5% right 7.4% classic conceptions of the left‐right semantics see 60% 22.3% the terms as distinguishing between those who 33.8% 24.9% 44.5% 42.4% prefer more (left) or less (right) state 40% 11.5% 16.9% intervention in the economy. Second, Kitschelt 22.2% Percentage of Respondents by by Category Respondents of Percentage 20% 14.6% 10.3% 33.3% et al. (2010) identify the economic‐distributive 14.7% 10.3% 11.1% 5.3% 11.3% divide as the strongest dimension of 0% Dominican Republic Haiti Jamaica Guyana Belize Source: AmericasBarometer by LAPOP programmatic party competition at the turn of the century in Latin America. Thus, there is reason to suspect that left‐right placements will As Figure 3 depicts, the Caribbean shows even and should be associated with economic policy more heterogeneity in left‐right distribution. On preferences. However, given past research and the one hand, the majority of people in recent shifts in the party systems and in salient Dominican Republic place themselves to the issues, the debate is open regarding the right. On the other hand, citizens in Haiti and economic significance of these labels in Belize on average are more likely to lean left. contemporary Latin America. In order to assess the content that Latin Examining the Relationship Americans assign to left‐right labels we consider between Left‐right Self‐Placement preferences over the role of the state in the economy and, as well, preferences for/against and Economic Policy Preferences free trade. We begin with the assumption that, to the degree to which the terms “left” and What do people have in mind when they place “right” are understood as indicators of an themselves on the left‐right scale? To some economic issue divide, people’s stances on people, the terms “left” and “right” refer to economic policies should predict their left‐right policy stances, while to others they signify self‐placement. something else such as political objectives (e.g., ending poverty), political parties, groups (e.g., We first make use of three questions in the 4 rich and poor), or politicians. AmericasBarometer that measure preferences over the role of the State in the economy: 4 whether the State, more than the private sector, Still others may have less clear political conceptions of the terms, or no understanding altogether. In fact, the high non‐ should be responsible for ensuring the well‐ response rate for the question (see Footnote 3) suggests that being of people (ROS2), creating jobs (ROS3), as many as twenty percent of people in the region lack an and implementing strict policies to reduce understanding of the terms that is sufficient enough to income inequality (ROS4).5 We examined the facilitate their own placement on the scale (or are unwilling to disclose those views to the interviewer). Although this non‐response level is high, it is worth noting that, according revealed that the less educated, women, the poorer, and to data from the 2002 Eurobarometer, a similar percentage of people living in small cities or rural areas are more likely to European survey respondents does not answer the left‐right not place themselves on the left-right scale. question. There does, though, exist greater variation across 5 The questions were the following: ROS2. The (Country) countries in the Americas as compared to Europe; in the government, more than individuals, is the most responsible former, the lowest percentage of non‐respondents is 8% for for ensuring the well-being of the people.
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