Four Colours and the Visual Separation of Adjacent Areas: Lessons from Mapping and Ancient Paintings
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Abraham (Hermit) 142F. Aristode 160 Acacius (Bishop Atarbius (Bishop Of
INDEX Abraham (hermit) 142f. Aristode 160 Acacius (bishop Atarbius (bishop of Caesarea) 80f., 86f., of Neocaesarea) 109f., 127 91 Athanasius 63, 67ff., 75 Acacius (bishop Athanasius of Balad 156, 162 of Beroea) 142ff. Athenodorus (brother Aelianus 109 of Gregory al-Farabi 156 Thaumaturgus) 103, 105, Alexander (bishop 133 of Comana) I 26f., 129, Athens 120 132 Augustine 9-21, 70 Alexander (of the Cassiciacum Dialogues 9, 15ff. "Non-Sleepers" Corifessions 9-13, 15, monastery) 203, 211 18, 20f. Alexander (patriarch De beata vita 16ff. of Antioch) 144 De ordine 16ff. Alexander of Retractions 19 Abonoteichos 41 Soliloquies 19f. Alexander Severus Aurelian (emperor (emperor 222-235) 47 270-275) 121 Alexandria 37, 39f., 64, Auxentios 205 82, 101, 104, 120, Babai 172 n. II, 126f., 129 173ff. n. 92, 143, Babylas 70 156, 215 Baghdad 156 Alexandrian Christology 68 Bardesanism/Bardesanites 147 Amaseia 128 Barhadbeshabba 'Arbaya 145 Ambrose 70, 91 Barnabas 203 n. 39 Basil of Caeserea 109f., 117, Anastasios (monk) 207 121ff., 126f., Anastasius (= Magundat) 171 131, 157, Ancyra 113 166 Andrew Kalybites 207 Basilides 32, 37ff. Andrew the Fool 203 Beroea 141, 142 Annisa 112f. Berytus 101, 103f., Antioch 82, 105, 120 I I If., 155, 160, 215 Caesarea (Cappadocia) 129 Antiochene theology 72f., 143 Caesarea (Palestine) 80ff., 87, Antiochos the African 205 91, 92, 100, Antony 63,69f., 101, 103ff., 75f. 120 Antony / Antoninus Cappadocia 46ff., 53, (pupil of Lucian) 65 122 Apelles 51 Carpocrates 32, 39, 41 Arius/ Arianism/ Arians 65ff., 80ff., Carthage 47,49, 51, 92, 148 53ff., 57f. 224 INDEX Cataphrygian(s) 50ff., 56, 59 David of Thessalonike 205 Chaereas (comes) 140 Dcmosthenes (vicarius Chalcedon 75 of Pontica) III Chosroes II 17Iff., 175, Diogenes (bishop 177, I 79f., of Edessa) 144 182, 184, Dionysius (pope 259~269) 106 188 Doctrina Addai 91 n. -
Royal Power, Law and Justice in Ancient Macedonia Joseph Roisman
Royal Power, Law and Justice in Ancient Macedonia Joseph Roisman In his speech On the Crown Demosthenes often lionizes himself by suggesting that his actions and policy required him to overcome insurmountable obstacles. Thus he contrasts Athens’ weakness around 346 B.C.E. with Macedonia’s strength, and Philip’s II unlimited power with the more constrained and cumbersome decision-making process at home, before asserting that in spite of these difficulties he succeeded in forging later a large Greek coalition to confront Philip in the battle of Chaeronea (Dem.18.234–37). [F]irst, he (Philip) ruled in his own person as full sovereign over subservient people, which is the most important factor of all in waging war . he was flush with money, and he did whatever he wished. He did not announce his intentions in official decrees, did not deliberate in public, was not hauled into the courts by sycophants, was not prosecuted for moving illegal proposals, was not accountable to anyone. In short, he was ruler, commander, in control of everything.1 For his depiction of Philip’s authority Demosthenes looks less to Macedonia than to Athens, because what makes the king powerful in his speech is his freedom from democratic checks. Nevertheless, his observations on the Macedonian royal power is more informative and helpful than Aristotle’s references to it in his Politics, though modern historians tend to privilege the philosopher for what he says or even does not say on the subject. Aristotle’s seldom mentions Macedonian kings, and when he does it is for limited, exemplary purposes, lumping them with other kings who came to power through benefaction and public service, or who were assassinated by men they had insulted.2 Moreover, according to Aristotle, the extreme of tyranny is distinguished from ideal kingship (pambasilea) by the fact that tyranny is a government that is not called to account. -
The Nature of Hellenistic Domestic Sculpture in Its Cultural and Spatial Contexts
THE NATURE OF HELLENISTIC DOMESTIC SCULPTURE IN ITS CULTURAL AND SPATIAL CONTEXTS DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for The Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Craig I. Hardiman, B.Comm., B.A., M.A. ***** The Ohio State University 2005 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Dr. Mark D. Fullerton, Advisor Dr. Timothy J. McNiven _______________________________ Advisor Dr. Stephen V. Tracy Graduate Program in the History of Art Copyright by Craig I. Hardiman 2005 ABSTRACT This dissertation marks the first synthetic and contextual analysis of domestic sculpture for the whole of the Hellenistic period (323 BCE – 31 BCE). Prior to this study, Hellenistic domestic sculpture had been examined from a broadly literary perspective or had been the focus of smaller regional or site-specific studies. Rather than taking any one approach, this dissertation examines both the literary testimonia and the material record in order to develop as full a picture as possible for the location, function and meaning(s) of these pieces. The study begins with a reconsideration of the literary evidence. The testimonia deal chiefly with the residences of the Hellenistic kings and their conspicuous displays of wealth in the most public rooms in the home, namely courtyards and dining rooms. Following this, the material evidence from the Greek mainland and Asia Minor is considered. The general evidence supports the literary testimonia’s location for these sculptures. In addition, several individual examples offer insights into the sophistication of domestic decorative programs among the Greeks, something usually associated with the Romans. -
Teachers' Pay in Ancient Greece
University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Papers from the University Studies series (The University of Nebraska) University Studies of the University of Nebraska 5-1942 Teachers' Pay In Ancient Greece Clarence A. Forbes Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/univstudiespapers Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University Studies of the University of Nebraska at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Papers from the University Studies series (The University of Nebraska) by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. Teachers' Pay In Ancient Greece * * * * * CLARENCE A. FORBES UNIVERSITY OF NEBRASKA STUDIES Ma y 1942 STUDIES IN THE HUMANITIES NO.2 Note to Cataloger UNDER a new plan the volume number as well as the copy number of the University of Nebraska Studies was discontinued and only the numbering of the subseries carried on, distinguished by the month and the year of pu blica tion. Thus the present paper continues the subseries "Studies in the Humanities" begun with "University of Nebraska Studies, Volume 41, Number 2, August 1941." The other subseries of the University of Nebraska Studies, "Studies in Science and Technology," and "Studies in Social Science," are continued according to the above plan. Publications in all three subseries will be supplied to recipients of the "University Studies" series. Corre spondence and orders should be addressed to the Uni versity Editor, University of Nebraska, Lincoln. University of Nebraska Studies May 1942 TEACHERS' PAY IN ANCIENT GREECE * * * CLARENCE A. -
Niobid Painter, Argonaut Krater
• Cleanthes of Corinth- first outlines • Cimon of Cleonae – katagrafa (engraving) Foreshortening Effects of Gravity Veins, wrinkles Cleanthes of Corinth may have done things like this! Cimon of Cleonae might have done something like This. Polygnotus of Thasos Ca. 440 B.C. in Athens Diaphanous drapery for women Several levels used- large and majestic Beginnings of expression and teeth shown Large and majestic plus foreshortening used 4 color- white, red, black, yellow Figures at top not smaller- no perspective Niobid Painter, Argonaut Krater Agatharkos of Samos • Scaenographia for Aeschylos • Perspective and single point perspective • 430 B.C. • Centrum constitutum centro loco-Vitruvius Single Vanishing Point Roman Theatrical Image, Pompeii Heroon at Gjolbaschi-Trysa in Lycia New Kind of Perspective? Zeuxis of Heraclea • From South Italy but works at Ephesus • The Ionic School- what was it? • Use actual models • Tempera on wood panels • Exaggerated heads and limbs • Rich, haughty, elegant monogrammed robe • Dies laughing at own amusing painting! Parrhasios of Ephesus • The great rival of Zeuxis • Psychische- nuance, emotion • Dainty and rounded • Later becomes Athenian citizen • 4th century B.C. • Claims descent from Apollo!! • Painter as superstar! The Sikyon School • Precision, linearity, clarity, sobriety • Eupompos of Sikyon • Pamphilos of Macedonia • Pausias- Master of Encaustic • Cera Punica- white wax mixed with oil • Heat and burn onto surface Encaustic • Encaustic is a beeswax based paint that is kept molten on a heated palette. It is applied to a surface and reheated to fuse the paint into a uniform enamel-like finish. The ancient Greeks developed encaustic over 2,000 years ago. The word encaustic derives from the Greek word enkaustikos, meaning “to heat” or “to burn”. -
Homer in Philo: Scylla's Myth in Philonic Philosophical Context
Chapter 10 Homer in Philo: Scylla’s Myth in Philonic Philosophical Context Marta Alesso The Homeric hypotext emerges in Philo by way of quotations or allusions on approximately sixty occasions. Homer is mentioned by name five times.1 Philo was not the only one to use Homer for his purposes of allegorical reading as a method. In the Hellenistic period, two ways of dealing with the problem of the apprehension of the meaning of a sacred text are foremost used. On the one hand the understanding of the Homeric poems under the light of a monotheis- tic perspective and, on the other, the reading of the Pentateuch illuminated by Greek philosophy. This practice, as a manner of understanding both the Bible and Homer’s poems, becomes after a few centuries a mode of interpretation of every text, when we arrive at Christian allegorism. Paradigmatic examples will be the Christian allegorism of Clement, who applied to Jesus the same argu- ments that Philo had used on Moses without mentioning his source; of Origen, in the polemic against Celso; of Ambrose, the bishop of Milan who practically plagiarized the Philonic texts. Ideas about Greek cosmology and cosmogony, genetically illuminated by etymologies, constitute the main instrumental basis of the exegetical method of Heraclitus (Homeric Problems), Lucius Annaeus Cornutus (Compendium of Greek Theology) and the Ps. Plutarch (On Homer), whose main objective is not to reveal the deep meaning of proper names and epithets (in the Stoic way) but to analyze extensive mythical episodes maintaining the coherence between the allegorical reading and the epic narrative, in order to demonstrate that Homer is the first and most enlightened enunciator of all philosophical conceptions about the physis of the universe. -
The Reception of Alexander in Hellenistic Art
chapter 6 The Reception of Alexander in Hellenistic Art Olga Palagia Introduction Alexander appears to have invented his own image as a youthful ruler who preserved his young looks by shaving his chin contrary to usual practice, and by growing his hair longer than average, swept up from the forehead to form an anastole. In addition, he was said to have a melting gaze and crooked neck.1 Alexander’s own favourite artists, the sculptor Lysippus, the painter Apelles and the gem-cutter Pyrgoteles, disseminated his official image during his lifetime. Other artists, like Leochares and Euphranor of the Attic School, also attempted his portrait, not least during the lifetime of his father, Philip ii, when Alexander was crown prince.2 None of these works has come down to us. The only inscribed portrait of Alexander is the Azara herm of the Roman period, which is heavily restored.3 It is thought to reflect an original by Lysippus though this is sometimes disputed. It does, nevertheless, provide a blueprint for Alexander’s appearance enabling us to recognize his image. The Hellenistic period begins with Alexander’s death in Babylon in 323 and ends with Cleopatra vii’s death in Alexandria in 30bc. Shortly after his death in 323, Alexander’s empire disintegrated and was divided into the kingdoms of the Successors.4 Each one of them claimed him in some manner and depended 1 On the physical characteristics of Alexander, see Plut. Mor. 180b and 335a–b; Alex. 4.1–7; Athen. 13.565a; Ael. vh 12.14. T. Hölscher, Ideal und Wirklichkeit in den Bildnissen Alexanders desGrossen (Heidelberg: CarlWinter, 1971), 24–42; A. -
The Scenery of the Greek Stage
THE SCENERY OF THE GREEK STAGE. WHILE most of the dispositions of the ancient Greek theatre have been submitted in recent years to a searching examination, the question as to the scenery used as a background to plays has been somewhat neglected. It seems to me that a fresh enquiry on this particular point may be of service. I must preface this enquiry by a statement of the view which I adopt as to the presence or absence of a raised stage in the Greek theatre, since it is obvious that any theory as to scenery must depend in a great degree upon the solution of the stage question which is adopted. It is quite impossible on this occasion to discuss fully the question whether the place of the actors in Greece was the orchestra or the Xoyelov. I can only say that I assume the latter view to be correct. I think that from the time of Aeschylus onwards the stage, which had at first been a low platform of varying size, grew steadily in height as the part of the actors in the performance grew more important, and their independence of the chorus more complete. And as the stage grew higher it also grew narrower by an obvious necessity, until we have the long narrow stone stage of the Hellenistic age, which exactly corresponds with the assertions of Vitruvius and other ancient authorities. * In the last few months a fresh piece of evidence, which tends strongly to confirm this view, has been brought forward. Mr. Fossum,1 who was engaged in 1891 on behalf of the American School of Athens in excavating the theatre at Eretria, has now declared his conviction that he discovered there remains of the elcricvic\r)/ji,a, a pair of parallel lines of slabs of bluish marble on which the eicicv/c\7)/Aa ran backwards and forwards between the skene' and the proscenium. -
Greek Color Theory and the Four Elements [Full Text, Not Including Figures] J.L
University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Greek Color Theory and the Four Elements Art July 2000 Greek Color Theory and the Four Elements [full text, not including figures] J.L. Benson University of Massachusetts Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/art_jbgc Benson, J.L., "Greek Color Theory and the Four Elements [full text, not including figures]" (2000). Greek Color Theory and the Four Elements. 1. Retrieved from https://scholarworks.umass.edu/art_jbgc/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Art at ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Greek Color Theory and the Four Elements by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Cover design by Jeff Belizaire ABOUT THIS BOOK Why does earlier Greek painting (Archaic/Classical) seem so clear and—deceptively— simple while the latest painting (Hellenistic/Graeco-Roman) is so much more complex but also familiar to us? Is there a single, coherent explanation that will cover this remarkable range? What can we recover from ancient documents and practices that can objectively be called “Greek color theory”? Present day historians of ancient art consistently conceive of color in terms of triads: red, yellow, blue or, less often, red, green, blue. This habitude derives ultimately from the color wheel invented by J.W. Goethe some two centuries ago. So familiar and useful is his system that it is only natural to judge the color orientation of the Greeks on its basis. To do so, however, assumes, consciously or not, that the color understanding of our age is the definitive paradigm for that subject. -
The Attitude of Marcus Tullius Cicero to Greek Art*
Elżbieta Woźniak Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej, Lublin THE ATTITUDE OF MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO TO GREEK ART* This great orator, philosopher, scholar and at the same time a statesman, is one of the best-known figures in the period of the Late Republic owing to the fortunate preservation of his rich and diverse works until the present time. That is why ancient historians refer to his testimony in many of their studies. When investigating the problems connected with the Late Republican art, it is essential that we focus attention on the views and attitude of this eminent representative of nobilitas towards Greek art. In his speeches, and oratorical and philosophical works Cicero reveals two somewhat different attitudes towards art. When he tries to be more of an advocate and moralist in the spirit of Roman traditionalism and practicalism, he shows detachment from the matters of art. For example, he finds it right to worship the statues built in memory of the citizens who served the Republic well1 but he adds that the works of painters and sculptors are not essential for the fame of eminent people2. In another work he says that equally unreasonable are those who delight too much in statutes, paintings, decorative silver articles, Corinthian vases, and sumptuous houses3, even if they wish to emphasize their dignity and position in the State in this way. At this point he points to L. Mummius, who scorned all of Corinth4. This statement requires an extensive comment: Mum- mius spurned the magnificent works of art from Corinth, having kept nothing for himself but bringing these spoils to Rome to adorn the temples and squares in the capital. -
Tragic Themes in Large Paintings. from the Work on the New Overbeck
Hyperboreus Vol.16-17 (2010-2011) “VARIANTE LOQUELLA” 232 Bernd Seidensticker Bernd Seidensticker TRAGIC THEMES IN LARGE PAINTINGS. FROM THE WORK ON THE NEW OVERBECK Johannes Overbeck’s Antike Schriftquellen zur Geschichte der bildenden Künste bei den Griechen of 1868 has been – and still is – an essential work-tool not only for all disciplines of Altertumswissenschaften, but also for art history and many other areas of the cultural sciences. But time has taken its toll: After almost 150 years, the increase in the pertinent material and in our knowledge of Greek art and the considerable changes in the qualifi cations and needs of the different users call for a substantial philological and archaeological revision of the book to turn the collection of sources into a modern interdisciplinary research tool. A small group of philologists, archaeologists and epigraphers in Berlin1 have undertaken this task and are presently working to update – or perhaps rather to replace – the Old Overbeck. The most important steps of the revision are: 1. The addition of new or overlooked testimonia Overbeck has 2400 testimonia (plus a supplementum of about 100). We will be able to add approximately 500 new literary testimonia. They come from new texts, yet unknown to Overbeck, as e. g. Herondas’ Mimiamb IV (with the mention of the sons of Praxiteles and of Apelles) or the New Poseidippos which contains nine epigrams on masterpieces of sculpture, among them statues, about which we had no previous knowledge – like the Tydeus (or perhaps a group of the Seven against Thebes) by Myron (Nr. 69 AB), or the statue of the poet Philitas by Hecataeus (Nr. -
Aetion, Artist of the Age of Alexander
Искусство и художественная культура Древнего мира 103 УДК: 7.032 ББК: 85.103(0)32 А43 DOI: 10.18688/aa177-1-11 Antonio Corso Aetion, Artist of the Age of Alexander Aetion was a renowned painter of pictures who is known thanks to several passages of an- cient writers, especially of Cicero, Pliny and Lucian: these three authorities were quite learned in the realm of visual arts [7, pp. 257–263]. The chronologically first surviving testimony about this artist is Cicero,Paradoxa Stoicorum 33–38. In this passage the writer from Arpinum is criticizing the Romans who madly loved works of art by the greatest Greek masters, because they were not free but slaves of their pas- sions: “You stand gaping spell-bound before a picture of Aetion or a statue of Polyclitus. I pass over the question where you got it from and how you come to have it, but when I see you gazing and marveling and uttering cries of admiration, I judge you to be the slave of any foolishness. ‘Then are not those kinds of things delightful?’ Granted that they are, for we also have trained eyes; but I beg of you, do let the charm that those things are deemed to possess make them serve not as fetters for men but as amusements for children” (transl. Loeb with amendments). We argue from this passage that in late republican Rome pictures of Aetion were objects of deeply felt admiration. They were collected by private owners but were also disliked by the most traditionalist quarter of the Roman society.