Mathematics and War
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ABSTRACT Title of Document: JAPANESE and US MEDIA COVERAGE of the IRAQ
ABSTRACT Title of Document: JAPANESE AND U.S. MEDIA COVERAGE OF THE IRAQ WAR: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS Kazuhiro Maeshima, Ph.D., 2007 Directed By: Professor Miranda Schreurs, Department of Government and Politics This study investigates the relationship between the media and politics by analyzing the Iraq War coverage of two leading U.S. and Japanese newspapers: the New York Times and the Asahi. This dissertation reveals that these two print media, although both liberal in their general orientation, treated the Iraq War differently. First, it quantitatively finds that they are quite distinctive in their choice of main topics. During the run-up period to the war, the Asahi put more focus on the role of the United Nations while the majority of the stories appearing in the New York Times addressed U.S. decisions about Iraq. Second, the dissertation’s qualitative analysis of editorials reveals that a different emphasis on who the “evil” doers in the war are. While the New York Times treated the oppressive Saddam Hussein regime and terrorists as the “evildoers,” the Asahi portrayed the U.S. as the big evil doer. Further, content analysis of articles written by embedded journalists who were with coalition forces in Iraq revealed that the two newspapers’ articles showed significant disparities in the degree of sympathy they showed to the forces. Numerous background factors have influenced this media content. Interviews with Japanese journalists and scholars revealed that the cultures of anti-militarism held by Japanese that originated from Japan’s defeat in World War II remain firm within Japanese news organizations. -
Durable Democracy: Building the Japanese State NO
ASIA PROGRAM SPECIAL REPORT NO. 109 MARCH 2003 INSIDE Durable Democracy: JOHN W. DOWER Democracy in Japan Building the Japanese State page 4 DONALD L. ROBINSON ABSTRACT: The three essays in this Special Report look at Japanese democracy from a his- Building a Democratic torical perspective, from its roots in the Meiji era to the present day. John Dower of the State in Postwar Japan Massachusetts Institute of Technology examines the virtues and flaws of Japan’s democratic sys- page 9 tem, and reflects on how the Japanese public came to accept and support the postwar reforms. He challenges the oft-made claim that Japanese democracy is inherently “dysfunctional.”Donald FRANZISKA SERAPHIM Robinson of Smith College discusses why state building was so successful in Japan, and what les- Participatory sons can be applied to similar endeavors elsewhere in the world. He examines the importance Democracy and Public of factors from military force to a positive spirit of cooperation. Franziska Seraphim of Boston Memory in Postwar College explains how the new constitutional democracy became the framework within which Japan different war memories competed. She describes how Japanese people made democracy their own through political participation in the decades following the U.S. occupation. page 13 Introduction enrich our understanding of what is involved in Amy McCreedy the Herculean task of state building. Japan is the most successful case of democratic Second, the essays in this Report can offer state building that the world has ever seen. insight into current discussion over Japanese From the rubble of World War II, Americans governance. -
The Historical Significance of Japanese Grassroots Cooperation for the Support of Korean Atomic Bomb Survivors
CONFRONTING COLONIAL LEGACIES: THE HISTORICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF JAPANESE GRASSROOTS COOPERATION FOR THE SUPPORT OF KOREAN ATOMIC BOMB SURVIVORS BY ÁGOTA DURÓ DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Peace Studies in International Studies in the Graduate School of Hiroshima City University, 2017 Hiroshima City, Japan Doctoral Committee: Professor Robert A. Jacobs, Chair Associate Professor Itsuki Kurashina Associate Professor Michael Gorman TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .......................................................................................... vii INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 HISTORICAL OVERVIEW ........................................................................................ 26 SECTION ONE: SON JIN-DOO’S LEGAL SUPPORT IN JAPAN ................ 36 CHAPTER 1: SIGNIFICANCE OF SON JIN-DOO’S LEGAL CASE AND THE EMERGENCE OF HIS SUPPORT MOVEMENT ................................... 40 Raising awareness in Japan .......................................................................................... 40 Son’s story prior to 1970 .............................................................................................. 44 Son’s undocumented entry in 1970 .............................................................................. 47 News coverage of Son’s case ....................................................................................... 49 Formation of the -
Politics of Immigration Control and Detention in Post-War Japan the Mobility Experiences of Koreans
Politics of Immigration Control and Detention in Post-war Japan The Mobility Experiences of Koreans Yongmi Ri Hitotsubashi University, Tokyo, Japan Abstract This paper examines the institutionalization of the post-war Japanese border control system through an analysis of the international origins of the Ōmura Detention Camp (hereafter “the Ōmura Camp”)1, which was established in Japan under the Allied Occupation. In its origin, the Ōmura Camp was aimed not for confining people who committed illegal entry but just for offering a temporal waiting station for newly arrived immigrants. Nevertheless, the function of the Ōmura Camp began to deviate from its expected purpose and gradually started to play its unexpected role as a long term detention house exclusively for the detainee from the Korean peninsula or Korean residents in Japan, in accordance with the strained international situation around Japan. By focusing on the functional transition of the Ōmura Camp from a “normal” immigration control center to the detention camp which aimed to intern a specific national group, this paper reveals the political oscillation of the Japanese migration control system and evaluate its international origins in the post WWII and the early Cold War period. Keywords the Ōmura Detention Camp, Japanese immigration control during the Korean War, Korean residents in Japan (Zainichi Koreans), refugeeism in Japan YoNgmI RI: PolITIcS of ImmIgratioN coNTRol UNITAS 153 April, 1969 A demonstrator with a board “Japan’s prison, Stop-Omura Camp” (Photo: Nakatani Yoshitaka/Ryozan) April, 1969 Beheiren’s members walking around the wall of the Omura camp (Photo: Nakatani Yoshitaka/Ryozan) April,1969 Talk through a wall (Photo: Nakatani Yoshitaka/Ryozan) April, 1969 Oda Makoto put a bullhorn to his mouth (Photo: Nakatani Yoshitaka/Ryozan) Though plenty of studies have treated on the post-war Japan’s immigration control administration, the slightest attention has paid on the history of the Ōmura Camp, one of the largest detention centers in Japan. -
A Report from the Japanese New Left
PNPO A Report from the Japanese New Left 8 to's return: u day of mourning AMPO 70, part 2: The Deal 2 From the Sato-Nixon Joint Massive Armed Uprisings Mark Communique 8 Sato's Departure for U.S 3 14,202 Students Arrested 9 AMPO Interviews Yoshikawa 4 Self-Defense Forces 10 Crisis in the Courts 5 Deportation of Political Student Murdered by Riot Police...6 "Undesirables" 10 AMPO 70 Part 2 : THE DEAL The signing of the Nixon-Sato joint statement in pointed out that Japan lacked its own foreign ministry. Washington on November 21 puts the finishing touches Yet the Yoshida strategy was not to rely on American on the imperialist camp's strategic reorganization of military power indefinitely. Despite* the constitu the Pacific by restoring Japan to the status of a full- tional prohibition against rearming, using the pretext fledged imperialist power. The mass media and of the Korean War, the Japanese government began to government propaganda in Washington and Tokyo, insist train its own military force. Until recently, the ing that the basic issue is the "return of Okinawa to Japanese Self-Defense Forces were.considered supple Japan," have hailed Washington's vague, condition- mentary to American military forces in Japan and ridden promise to return Okinawa to Japanese sovereign neighboring Asia. The latter was the mainstay of the ty in 1972 as a triumph of Japanese statesmanship and imperialist police force responsible for preserving the American largesse. Yet analysis of the joint state economic and political framework of capitalism and ment confirms that its major preoccupation is not the repressing revolution throughout Asia. -
Historical Dictionary of United States-Japan
American History • U.S. Diplomatic History Historical Dictionaries of U.S. Diplomacy, No. 4 SANT VAN SUGITA MAUCH HISTORICAL DICTIONARY OF “This is a superb, authoritative, and comprehensive guide and dictionary, indis- pensable for pivotal individuals, as well as for events, treaties, even debates in the extraordinary—and extraordinarily revealing—150 years of relations between Japan and the United States.” —Walter LaFeber, Tisch University Professor, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York T HISTORICAL he most important bilateral relationship in Asia since the end of World DICTIONARY War II is assuredly between the United States and Japan, the world’s two largest OF economies. Despite the geographical and cultural differences between the nations, as well as bitterness lingering from the war, they have developed an amicable and STATES– UNITED prosperous relationship. As the 21st century progresses, continuing goodwill is of the utmost importance, as the peace and stability of the Asia–Pacific region depends on cooperation and efforts to contain destabilizing factors in the area. RELATIONS Historical Dictionary of United States–Japan Relations traces this 150-year rela- JAPAN tionship through a chronology, an introduction, appendixes, a bibliography, and cross-referenced dictionary entries on key people, places, events, institutions, and organizations. Covering everything from Walt Whitman’s poem "A Broadway Pageant" to zaibatsu, this reference is an excellent starting point for the study of Japan’s dealings with the U.S. UNITED JOHN VAN SANT is associate professor of history at the University of Alabama– Birmingham. PETER MAUCH is a post-doctoral fellow at Kyoto University, Kyoto, Japan. YONEYUKI SUGITA is associate professor of American history at Osaka STATES–JAPAN University of Foreign Studies, Osaka, Japan, and author of Pitfall or Panacea: The Irony of US Power in Occupied Japan, 1945–1952 (2004). -
A ¥EN to CONTROL? Or-^Law and Order in Asia..." CHRONOLOGY
JAPAN-US A ¥EN TO CONTROL? or-^Law and Order in Asia..." CHRONOLOGY 1945 August-September U.S. defeats and occupies Japan. 1949 October 1 People's Republic of China established. 1950 June 26 Korean War begins. July 75,000-man Japanese National Police Reserve established. 1951 September 8 Peace Treaty with Japan signed at San Francisco. Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security between Japan and U.S. also signed. 1954 May 1 400,000 Japanese demonstrate against rearmament. June 2 Japanese Self-Defense Forces created. 1960 January 19 Revised Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security signed. May 16 Over 3 million Chinese demonstrate against the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty in mainland Chinese cities. May 20 Lower House of Japanese Diet passes Security Treaty after police evict Socialists trying to block vote with sit-in; thousands demonstrate outside Diet. May 26 Hundreds of thousands demonstrate against Treaty in Tokyo. June 16 Demonstrators protesting Treaty charge Diet compound; 870 injured; one killed. President Eisenhower agrees to Japanese request that his visit to Japan be postponed. June 19 Treaty ratification becomes effective automatically as Socialists block Liberal Democrat efforts to vote approval in Upper House. Thousands demonstrate against the Treaty. (continued inside back cover) 1967 November 6-12 Zengakuren demonstrators attempt to prevent Prime Minister Sato's departure for the U.S. 1968 January Violent demonstrations against entrance into the port of Sasebo of the nuclear-powered USS Enterprise. October 21 International Anti-War Day. Massive demonstrations against Sato Government's support of U.S. policies: 200,000 demon strators halt train service at Shinjuku Station, national railway center; 1,000 members of Zengakuren attack offices of Self-Defense Agency.