Executive Master in Art Market Studies University of Zürich, May 2013

Indian Art Deco An Ambivalent Feeling Towards Western Modernity Denise Marroquin

This work has been supervised by Ghislaine Wood, Senior curator at the Victoria & Albert Museum and Dr. Nicolas Galley, Director of the Executive Master in Art Market Studies, University of Zürich. Executive Master in Art Market Studies

University of Zürich

I hereby certify that this Master’s Thesis has been composed by myself, and describes my own work, unless otherwise acknowledged in the text. All references and verbatim extracts have been quoted, and all sources of information have been specifically acknowledged. This Master’s Thesis has not been accepted in any previous application for a degree.

Geneva, June 2013 Denise Marroquin

2

Table of Contents

Acknowledgements 4

Introduction 5

Chapter I The Dissemination of the Art Deco Style 1.1. Art Deco as an international phenomenon 7 1.2.The spread of the style in India: an attempt at explaining 14 1.3 The commercialization and the public 22

Chapter II The Modern Style “Made in India” 2.1. Designers and manufactures 32 2.2. Major references: European and Americans 42 2.3. “Westernization” in the applied arts: press’ reception 67

Chapter III The Indian Manner1 3.1 A quest for national identity 69 3.2 Jewellery, fashion, silver and bidri 74 3.3 Furniture and carpet 89

Conclusion 102

Bibliography 104

List of Illustrations 125

1 Expression borrowed to the following article: Alida 1937 Alida “Modern Decoration in the Indian Manner”; in: The Illustrated Weekly of India, October 3rd 1937, p. 61.

3 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I am very grateful to Ghislaine Wood MA, Senior Curator, Research Department at the Victoria & Albert Museum; Dr. Amin Jaffer, International Director of Asian Art at Christie’s; Dr. Nicolas Galley, Director of the Executive Master in Art Market Studies, University of Zürich; Vincent Krenz MA, Senior Specialist & Lecturer in the Executive Master in Art Market Studies Program, University of Zürich; Michael Backman from Michael Backman Ltd.; Prof. Rahul Mehrotra, Graduate School of Design, Harvard University; Prof. Partha Mitter, Oxford University; Ayesha Abdur-Rahman, Founding Director at Lanka Decorative Arts; Prof. Sunil Sharma, Boston University, Saffronart; Issa Farooq from Philipps Antiques; the British Library; the Newspaper Library; the Art National Library; the Indian Office Records and the Rietberg Museum Library; the Wolfsonian Museum and Anuita Woodhull for the lecture and corrections to the text, which gave it clarity and legibility.

4 INTRODUCTION

“Why not in India?”2

Today, there are countless publications devoted solely to the study of Art Deco. However, these predominantly cover Art Deco in France and the United States. Published works on Art Deco in Germany and Italy remain scarce, which could be explained by the nature of the political regimes in these countries at the time. Still less has been published about Art Deco in Latin America and Asia. The research undertaken for this thesis shows that Art Deco was strongest in France and influenced the art and design of many countries, including Italy, Germany, many in North and Latin America, Japan, China and finally India.3 The various manifestations of an Art Deco style in each of these geographical areas are related by a common syntax stylistically, but differ in the details.

In his publication Art Deco Style, Steven Escritt observed, “in India too the Modern Movement was having a limited impact”.4 Escritt’s observation of a “limited impact” is questionable. It may be true that little has been written about Art Deco in India and there are no publications dedicated solely to the study of Indian Art Deco. However, there is some writing on Art Deco as it appears in numerous aspects of Indian design and architecture. In the area of architecture, scholars such as Sharada Dwivedi and Rahul Mehrotra (1995), as well as Norma Evenson (1989) were interested in the influence of Art Deco especially in the architecture of Bombay. John Alff (1997 & 1998), David Vinnels and Brent Skelly (2002) in particular, have examined the Art Deco style in the architecture of film theatres. There have been monographs dedicated to artists and designers active in India. These include a study about Eckart Muthesius by Reto Niggl (1996), a collection of articles as well as a documentary about Stefan Norblin in India (1996 & 2012) and a study of the jewellery of Ambaji Shinde by Reema Keswami (2004). Others have focused their research on particular palaces, one notable study being on the Umaid Bhawan Palace by Fred Holmes and Ann Newton Holmes (1995). In contrast, in the Indian decorative arts,

2 Heading of an article in: The Illustrated Weekly of India, April 24th 1938, p. 41. 3 Benton/ Wood 2010 [2002] Charlotte Benton, Tim Benton and Ghislaine Wood, Art Déco 1910-1939; Bruxelles, Renaissance du Livre, 2010. 4 Hillier/ Escritt 2000 [1997] Bevis Hillier and Stephen Escritt, Art Deco Style; London, Phaidon, 2000, p. 204.

5 almost nothing has been written on the influence of Art Deco with the exception of Amin Jaffer’s article “Indo-Deco” (2002). Today there is an emerging interest in this particular period of Indian art and design history. For instance, some citizens groups and civic authorities are looking to have it declared that the Art Deco buildings in Bombay are protected UNESCO world heritage sites. To this end, there have been panel discussions, modest exhibitions on the subject and more Art Deco objects are appearing in the market.5 Notwithstanding the relative scarcity of published work on the subject, there can be no doubt that the Modern Movement had a strong influence on art and design in India. One of the aims of this thesis is to show the deep impact of the Art Deco style in India on the applied arts: jewellery, silver, fashion, furniture and carpets.

I have used an approach inspired by Amin Jaffer’s publication Furniture from British India and Ceylon in which the author posed a list of questions that work well as a structure for this study: “Who produced such things and where? How did the makers obtain the designs on which the furniture is based? Was there direct European involvement in the production of such objects? What sort of people owned such furniture and how was it regarded? How was it acquired?”6

One major difficulty was finding sufficient objects. Some work is held in museums, and from time to time, Art Deco pieces surface at auctions and through art dealers. As far as I am aware, there is no substantial public collection on which this work could be based. Nevertheless, I believe there is enough material to advance the research in this area.

As a starting point, it is important to explore how the Art Deco style reached India and how it was spread. This leads to focusing attention on local designers in India and how their style was influenced by Art Deco and its dissemination. Finally, it is considered how, in spite of a common language with the West, the adoption of the style in India gave birth to its own unique and differentiated Indian Art Deco style.

5 In January 2013, a panel discussion was organized in Bombay on the topic; in addition a small exhibition was planned by the conservator Mahendra Doshi & Family called “The Return to Innocence” displaying colonial & Art Deco furniture in the Prince of Wales Museum, from 23-27 February 2013. Furthermore, an auction of Art Deco items was held by Saffronart Mumbai from 31st October -1st November 2012. 6 Jaffer 2001 Amin Jaffer, Furniture from British India and Ceylon; London, V&A publications, 2001, p. 14.

6 CHAPTER I

THE DISSEMINATION OF THE ART DECO STYLE

1.1. Art Deco as an international phenomenon

The arrival of the Modern Movement in India was a direct result of the extraordinary expansion and influence of the “French style” in the international arena. How is the successful expansion of French Art Deco qualified throughout the world and by what means was it achieved? Understanding the historical and economic background of the French nation at that time is essential to understanding the spectacular spread of the Art Deco style, including the various specific circumstances that helped precipitate the adoption of the style all over the world.

France in the 1920s, was still a country crippled by the devastation of two wars: the Franco-Prussian War (1870), when it was humiliated by the loss of the Alsace-Moselle territory, and the First World War (1914-1918) which left it an economic ruin. In this post war period of rebuilding, France was not only striving to revive its culture and “national identity of Frenchness”,7 but, also crucially, to recover its economic strength. From this came a rise in French nationalism. Like a phoenix that had risen from the ashes, the words in the Guide Album de l’Exposition Internationale des Arts Décoratifs et Industriels Modernes of 1925 announced a renaissance in France: “la guerre […] a indirectement preparé le relèvement par le prestige extraordinaire qu’elle a donné à tout ce qui est français.”8

The Exposition Internationale des Arts Décoratifs, first scheduled to take place in 1916 had to be postponed in the face of the First World War and was eventually held in 1925. From the very beginning, the intention was that it was to be an international exhibition where France would demonstrate to the world that it was recovering its status as a world power both politically and commercially.

7 Lebovics 1994 [1992] Herman Lebovics, True France. The Wars over Cultural Identity 1900-1945; Ithaca Cornell Paperbacks, 1994, p. xii. 8 Kind 1925 Paul Kind, “L’expansion du Goût Français dans le Monde”; in: Guide Album de l’Exposition Internationale des Arts Décoratifs et Industriels Modernes, Paris, Edition Moderne, 1925, p. 7. “the war […] has indirectly prepared the rebirth by the extraordinary prestige that it has given to everything which is French”

7 Art and the aesthetics were the chosen medium for the French political and economic crusade. This idea was aptly expressed in the title of Paul Kind’s article – “L’expansion du goût Français dans le monde”9 – included in the Guide Album de l’Exposition Internationale des Arts Décoratifs et Industriels Modernes. It was imperative for France to recover following the economic devastation caused by the war: “[…] le commerce des objets d’art tout particulièrement – et par objet d’art, j’entends tout produit manufacturé qui porte la marque du goût français – la guerre a eu une influence désastreuse […].”10

Paul Kind’s contemporaneous account of the 1925 exhibition perfectly captures the political thought, nationalist feeling, sovereignty aspirations and propaganda campaign of this grand exhibition. It is clear that in the French context, a work of art was regarded both as a seductive aesthetic tool and as a political symbol in this ambitious period of economic growth.

Walter Benjamin’s essay The Work of Art in the Age of the Mechanical Reproduction, written in 1936, eleven years after the 1925 exhibition, explained the nature of art works of the inter- war period, in a way that is consistent with the views of Paul Kind.

Benjamin’s essay provides an indirect key to Paul Kind’s text. Both texts show, how in the 1920s and 1930s, art takes on another dimension. According to Benjamin, a work of art is “authentic” by essence. Once a work of art is mechanically reproduced, it loses its innate “ritual” function and assumes a political function:

Diese Zusammenhänge zu ihrem Recht kommen zu lassen, ist unerläßlich für eine Betrachtung, die es mit dem Kunstwerk im Zeitalter seiner technischen Reproduzierbarkeit zu tun hat. Denn sie bereiten die Erkenntnis, die hier entscheidend ist, vor: die technische Reproduzierbarkeit des Kunstwerks emanzipiert dieses zum ersten Mal in der Weltgeschichte von seinem parasitären Dasein am Ritual. […] In dem Augenblick aber, da der Maßstab der Echtheit an der Kunstproduktion versagt, hat sich auch die gesamte soziale Funktion der Kunst

9 Ibid., p. 7. “The Expansion of the French Taste in the World” 10 Ibid., p. 7. “[…] the particularly trade of the works of art – and by works of art, I mean every manufactured product branded by the French taste – the war had a disastrous influence […]”.

8 umgewälzt. An die Stelle ihrer Fundierung aufs Ritual tritt ihre Fundierung auf eine andere Praxis: nämlich ihre Fundierung auf Politik. 11

Kind understood the significance and importance of the large scale “serial production” and the possibilities that could be exploited:

[…] nous ne savions pas produire bon marché, en séries, nous ne nous renseignons pas suffisamment sur les goûts particuliers des autres peuples et aussi, il faut bien l’avouer, nous n’innovions pas suffisamment, notre art avait tendance à se traîner dans des chemins battus et rebattus.12

In his essay, Walter Benjamin observed that the success of contemporary art could be attributed to the fact that it embodied elements of and involved several aspects of life including politics, culture and economics. This also explains its appeal to and adoption by a wide range of individuals. Stephen Escritt noted that the exploration of those notions is of a paramount importance.13

Kind’s and Benjamin’s texts help us to better understand the success and worldwide impact of the Paris Exposition of 1925 and consequently, the diffusion of the Art Deco style.14

In the context of this French policy of expansion, the exhibitions became a way of diffusion for Benjamin: “ Mit den verschiedenen Methoden technischer Reproduktion des Kunstwerks ist dessen Ausstellbarkeit in so gewaltigem Maß gewachsen, […].”15 Moreover, related to this context, what Kind describes as a diffusion programme is of true significance:

11 “Paying proper attention to these circumstances is indispensable for a view of art that has to do with work of art in an age when it can be reproduced by technological means. The reason is that they herald what is here the crucial insight: its being reproducible by technological means frees the work of art, for the first time in history, from its existence as a parasite upon ritual. […] However, the instant the criterion of genuineness in art production failed, the entire social function of art underwent an upheaval. Rather than being underpinned by ritual, it came to be underpinned by a different practice: politics.” Benjamin 2008 [1936] Walter Benjamin, The Work of Art in the Age of the mechanical reproduction; London, Penguin Books, 2008, chapter IV, p. 11-12. 12 Kind 1925 (cf. note 8), p. 7. “[…] we didn’t knew how to produce cheap, in large-scale, we didn’t learn enough about the particular tastes of the other nations and, we have to admit that, we didn’t innovate enough, our art tended to drag the beaten and well- worn tracks” 13 Hillier/Escritt 2000 [1997] (cf. note 4), p. 168. 14 Walter Benjamin was regularly living in France and Paris and his essay is a witness of the period of such interpretation that needs to be developed in order to better understand the diffusion of the style at a worldwide level. 15 “With the various methods of reproducing the work of art by technological means, this displayability increases so enormously […].” Benjamin 1936 (2008) (cf. note 11), chapter V, p. 13.

9 Cet élargissement consistera dans l’édition de publications de propagande en langues étrangères, soigneusement et luxueusement présentées, atteignant la clientèle à l’étranger. Ces publications feront connaître le goût français, ressortir l’excellence de la fabrication française et auront pour tâche de combattre la propagande à l’étranger.16

But diffusion alone was not sufficient. Demand, among international clientele had to be created according to Benjamin: “Es ist von jeher eine der wichtigsten Aufgaben der Kunst gewesen, eine Nachfrage zu erzeugen, für deren volle Befriedigung die Stunde noch nicht gekommen ist.”17 In order to create demand, desire had to be aroused guided by ideology. Anatole de Monze, spokesman of the “Société des Artistes Décorateurs” suggested:

Totalitarian regimes inspire a totalitarian art, symmetrical, geometrical, uniform, and obedient art submissive to the disciplines of economy and the rules of commerce, if not tradition. Decorative Art presupposes the expression of needs, of desires, emanating from divergent personalities. Its fate and its growth depend on the yearning of individuals.18

In order to achieve Benjamin’s diffusion and demand, the public was important: “Die Masse ist eine matrix, aus der gegenwärtig alles gewohnte Verhalten Kunstwerken gegenüber neugeboren hervorgeht.”19 In other words, France had undertaken a political war through culture and commerce: “Alle Bemühungen um die Ästhetisierung der Politik gipfeln in einem Punkt. Dieser eine Punkt ist der Krieg.”20

Political, ideological and most of all economic reasons, were some of the prime motivators of the 1925 Exhibition. Paul Kind wrote: “[…] nous devons reconnaître que la France n’est plus assez riche pour négliger une pareille source de profits et une si belle occasion de relever le change de notre devise. 21 This was observed even in the Indian press:

16 Kind 1925 (cf. note 8), p. 7. “This extension shall consist in promoting publications edited in foreign languages, carefully and luxuriously presented, reaching clients abroad. Those publications will celebrate the French taste, highlight the French manufacturing excellence, and will have for mission to fight the foreign propaganda.” 17 “It has always been among art’s most important functions to generate a demand for whose full satisfaction the time has not yet come.” Benjamin 1936 (2008) (cf. note 11), chapter XIV, p. 30. 18 Anatole de Monze quoted by Hillier/ Escritt 2000 [1997] (cf. note 4), p. 112. 19 “The mass is a matrix from which currently all customary responses to works of art are springing newborn.” Benjamin 2008 [1936] (cf. note 11), chapter XV, p. 32. 20 “All efforts to aestheticize politics culminate in one point. That one point is war.” Ibid., Afterword, p. 36. 21 Kind 1925 (cf. note 8), p. 7. “[…] we have to admit that France is no longer wealthy enough to neglect such a source of profit, and so great an opportunity to rise the rate of our currency.”

10 […] everyone hopes it will be a phenomenon of success. Behind this gay appearance, they have, like Becky Sharp of old, awkward anxieties of their own. Debt is heavy and creditors are pressing – especially the United States. The value of currency is depreciating, and every day, when a Frenchman opens his newspapers, he looks anxiously at the rate of exchange.22

Novelty and modernity were among other key elements expected to bring financial and economic success:

Sont admises à l’Exposition les œuvres d’une inspiration nouvelle et d’une originalité réelle exécutées et présentées par les artistes, artisans, industriels créateurs de modèles et éditeurs et rentrant dans les arts décoratifs et industriels modernes. En sont rigoureusement exclues les copies, imitations et contrefaçons des styles anciens.23

In the end, the success, which had been hoped for was achieved. The Exhibition was widely commented upon, even reaching the Indian Press, and the general perception was that it demonstrated great progress in the post war period:

Taken as a whole the Exhibition is a thing of immense interest, if not wholly beauty. […] is not full of novelties in art; it is also the outward and visible sign of the new Europe which has sprung out of the Great War and whose progress during the brief six years of peace is so encouraging an omen of the future world.24

This new aesthetic era was characterized as decorative and luxurious. Paris and France became the world’s “gold standard” in matters of taste. The “style moderne” was recognized as a truly new idiom. It employed a wide range of decorative motifs taking inspiration from diverse sources, periods, civilizations such as the Egyptian and Maya, cultures from Africa and Asia and media including painting, technology and fashion.

22 Cardew 1925 Sir Alexander Cardew, “The Paris Exhibition – 1925 and 1867”; in: The Indian Review, vol. XXVI, no. 7, July 1925, p. 482. 23 AA.VV., Exposition Internationale des Arts Décoratifs et Industriels modernes. Catalogue Général Officiel; Paris, April-October 1925, p. 18. & Escritt 2000 [1997] (cf. note 4), p. 27 “Works admitted to the Exposition must show new inspiration and real originality. They must be executed and presented by artisans, artists and manufactures who have created the models, and by editors, whose work belongs to modern decorative and industrial art. Reproductions, imitations and counterfeit of ancient styles will be strictly prohibited.” 24 Cardew 1925 (cf. note 22), p. 482.

11 In the same way that the association of the couturier with the artist by Paul Poiret enhanced and added value to both disciplines, so did the association between the decorative arts and fashion.25 Tag Gronberg made the comment that the ephemeral was an inherent feature of fashion: “Le principe […] de la mode, est de faire toujours du nouveau”.26 In the 2nd of December issue of The Times of India of 1933, an article entitled the “Latest Fashion Notes from Paris. What is Chic?”27 exemplified how Paris was followed and considered a reference on a worldwide level. Therefore, the “Expansion du Goût Français dans le Monde” was achieved through several means: • Initially, the Exhibitions were powerful platforms of political ideals (which would be emphasized by the Paris Exposition Coloniale Internationale of 1931, for example) displaying imperialistic attitudes, attracting people from all over the world and simultaneously diffusing ideas and products. • Ocean liners such as the mythical Normandie were “movable monuments” as well as promoters of French taste. • Other media such as the press and the advertisements provided great publicity. • The film industry was certainly playing a major role in the diffusion of the style. See Walter Benjamin: “so wird die Kunst deren schwerste und wichtigste da angreifen, wo sie Massen mobilisieren kann. Sie tut es gegenwärtig im Film.”28 A whole French “empire of taste” developed, underpinned by the style capital of Paris,29 which increasingly saw the fashionable decorative arts30 becoming of great commercial importance.

Evidence of this can be seen in different shopping guides in circulation, such as the one of Thérèse and Louis Bonney, A Shopping Guide to Paris, (1929) or Le livre d’adresse de Madame (Annuaire de la Parisienne) edited by Mme J. de Bredeville in a trilingual version (French,

25 “Visit the great dressmakers, and you will not feel that you are in a shop, but in a studio of an artist, who intends to make of your dresses a portrait and a likeness of yourself” extracted from Paul Poiret, My First Fifty Years; London, Victor Gollancz, 1931, p. 295 and quoted by Gronberg 1998 Tag Gronberg, Design on Modernity, exhibiting the City in 1920s Paris; Manchester, Manchester University, Press, 1998, p. 27-28. 26 Gronberg 1998 (cf. note 25), p. 30 & AA.VV. 1977 [1925] AA.VV., Encyclopédie des Arts Décoratifs et Industriels Modernes au XXème siècle; New York London, Garland, 1977, vol. 9, p. 73. 27 Germaine 1933 Germaine, “Latest Fashion Notes from Paris. What is Chic?”; in: The Times of India, December 2nd 1933, p. 28. 28 “art will attack the most difficult and crucial of them where it is able to mobilize masses. It is currently doing so in film.” Benjamin 2008 [1936] (cf. note 11), chapter XV, p. 35. 29 Gronberg 1998 (cf. note 25), p. 156. 30 It is interesting to note again the article’s title which shows the transposition of fashion to the applied art field: “The Fashion in Furniture”; in: The Times of India, December 2nd 1933, p. 28.

12 English & Spanish) just to mention a few examples. In addition, mail order through catalogues was an alternative way to purchase French wares. The market found a new sector of customers – the female gens31– and sold to them through exclusive Boutiques mainly for selected and wealthy customers or department stores for a more “democratized luxury”.

As a consequence, cosmopolitanism, internationalism and economic prosperity were invading Paris as the Maharani of Kapurthala wrote in her memorandum:

Money was flung about as if it had no meaning at all and to the Parisians, who have some frugality no matter how wealthy they are, the Americans and South Americans, freely throwing about their money as if it had no value, were a strange and weird new species. Money was at a premium to the French.32

Roberto Papini’s book, Le Arti d’Oggi, published in 1930 was dedicated to “Benito Mussolini, cittadino onorario di universa.” This book, by displaying decorative arts in the modern aesthetic, implicitly suggested that Mussolini supported the style.33 The Art Deco style, with its neo-classical influences, was to become the official art of Mussolini’s regime.

The Americans were attracted to the style for its glamorous, chic and luxurious image. While in the Netherlands the contemporary style was associated with the popular masses.

Art Deco style is in some ways an oxymoron having a contradictory appeal across its “audience”. It has been perceived as elitist and democratic; nationalist and cosmopolitan; fascist and democratic; luxurious and simple; industrial and artisan-crafted. At the same time it was guided by supra-concepts such as modernity, novelty and progress, appealing to people from different horizons and systems of thought. Its versatility may be one of the reasons why the style was embraced in India.

How and through which media was the style spread in India?

31 Gronberg 1998 (cf. note 25), p. 24-25. 32 Kapurthala/ Williams 1955 Her Highness Maharani Brinda of Kapurthala and Elaine Williams, The Story of an Indian Princess; New York, Henry Holt and Company, 1955, p. 149-150. 33 Papini 1930 Roberto Papini, Le Arti d’Oggi; Milano, Casa editrice d’Arte Bestetti e Tumminelli, 1930, p. 5.

13 1.2. The Spread of the Style in India: an attempt at explaining

The Limited Role of the British Raj: British Conservatism

It would be easy to make the assumption that Great Britain played a major role in the dissemination of the style during the British Raj (1858-1947). However, this first hypothesis should be reconsidered for several reasons.34

During this period, British art showed a general conservatism. Novelty and innovation were not primary considerations. The English Pavilion at the 1925 Paris exhibition, designed by the architectural firm, Easton & Robertson, celebrated the Historicism Movement rather than a modern one. The Pavilion was presented in the form of a church with an apparent nave, a transept, an apse, a steeple and stylistically, it was a mixture of “neo-roman” sobriety with “neo-gothic” elements. While the terms and conditions for entry to the 1925 exhibition expressly required modernity, the English Pavilion was far from modern in design. Sir Alexander Cardew commented in the Indian Review of the 1925 exhibition: “Great Britain […] makes a desperate attempt to look fashionable. Other countries, innumerable, have each their own design.”35 By highlighting the variety in designs of other nation participants, Cardew’s remark draws attention to the strong British attachment to the Historicist Style.

Indeed, this attitude can be seen in the British response to the rules for admission to the 1925 Paris exhibition, which required modernity in design from the participants:

It is laid down in the French authorities’ regulations that the exhibition is confined to articles of modern inspiration and real originality. These words do not mean that exhibits will only be admissible if they are entirely novel in design. Originality, it is clear, may be displayed as much as in the development of existing art forms as in the invention of the entirely new. The term (originality) should, therefore, be interpreted in a liberal sense, as indicated above.36

34 Jaffer 2010 [2002] Amin Jaffer, “Indo-Déco”; in: Art Déco 1910-1939, (cf. note 3), p. 383. 35 Cardew 1925 (cf. note 22), p. 481. 36 From the Department of the Overseas Trade, “Reports on the present position and tendencies of the Industrial Arts as indicated at the International Exhibition of Modern Decorative Arts and Industrial Arts”; London, DOT, 1925, p. 9 quoted by Hillier/ Escritt 2000 [1997] (cf. note 4), p. 144.

14 This statement clearly reveals a conservatism in their vision of art and a preoccupation with borrowing and mixing historical styles to achieve the “new”.

This artistic conventionalism continued over the inter-war years. One edition of The Indian Ladies Magazine in 1934 has the following comment: “The furniture in a recent exhibition of the Maurice Adams show rooms in Grandville Place, London all shows simple lines, but not too modern”37

Market Demand as the impetus for change

In contrast, the commercial activity of certain English enterprises such as Army & Navy Co. in Bombay, Calcutta and New Delhi seems to suggest an approach, which embraces modernity. We only need to look at the advertising campaign of the Army & Navy Co in the Journal of the Indian Institute of Architects during the second half of the thirties. These advertisements show interiors in the pure French Art Deco style. It is quite possible that purely commercial reasons, driven by local demand, compelled them to adapt to the Indian market. The Army & Navy Co Price List of 1939-1940, which was probably distributed in India (given the mention of the Indian addresses) carried few items in the Art Deco style, with the exception of jewellery and watches.38 It appears that the British were, for market expediency, followers rather than leaders in the dissemination of the style.

The impetus for British traders to adopt the Art Deco style did not come from innovation in British art and design but rather from a need to respond to trends and demand from their markets and customers abroad. For instance, the British firm, Warring & Gillow, hired a Frenchman, Paul Follot as their official designer for their Champs-Elysée showroom in Paris. This is an example of adapting their business and products to their local market. It is telling of the British attitude that they justified the choice of designer by describing him as being on the “conservative wing of modernity”.39

37 Paddy 1934 Paddy, “Household Hints. Modern Furniture Fashions”; in: The Indian Ladies’ Magazine, vol. VIII, no. 2, March-April 1934, p. 82. 38 Army & Navy, Stores Limited. General Price List no. 104., 1939-1940; 105 Victoria Street London SW1, passim. 39 R.E. Gane Ltd. Catalogue E.K. Cole Collection; Victoria and Albert Museum quoted by Hillier/ Escritt 2000 [1997] (cf. note 4), p. 158.

15 The need to adapt to the modern style as a commercial necessity for British firms is articulated by this comment from the 1935 Carpet Annual: “No Manufacturer […] can afford himself the luxury of refusing to recognize the modern carpet design as he could twenty years ago” 40

The prestige of things “Western”

European goods were widely considered to be of better quality than goods produced on Indian soil. They carried with them a prestige, and were a mark of good taste and wealth.41

While some British companies adapted to local demands, other British companies with established branches in India such as Hamilton & Co (Calcutta), Lazarus & Co. (Calcutta), J. E. Tomlin & Co (Calcutta),42 Mappin & Webb (Bombay), Garrard & Co. (Calcutta), P. Orr & Sons (Rangoon, Madras, Ootacamund)43 continued supplying European goods. Indian customers could also purchase Western wares through mail order catalogues.

These European traders, motivated by business expansion played an important role in the dissemination of the style. Demand for these “high-end” imported products came from a section of the Indian population, which seem to have had unlimited resources:

While we hear a great deal about the poverty prevailing in India, we hear little about the vast wealth possessed by Indian potentates. It is […] suggested that there are more millionaires in India than in America.44

40 P. Meyer, “Modern Carpet Design”; in: The Carpet Annual, 1935, p. 29 quoted by Hillier/ Escritt 2000 [1997] (cf. note 4), p. 160. 41 Giriraj 1982 Shah Giriraj, The Indian Heritage; New Dehli, Abhinnav Publications, 1982 p.18-19 & Jaffer 2001 (cf. note 6), p. 43. 42 Raulet 1997 Sylvie Raulet, Maharaja’s Palaces. European style in Imperial India; London, Philipp Wilson, 1997, p. 23. 43 Jaffer 2007 [2006] Amin Jaffer, Fastes Occidentaux de Maharajas. Créations Européennes pour l’Inde Princière; Paris, Citadelles & Mazenod, 2007, p. 18 & 58; Gere/ Culme 1993 Charlotte Gere and John Culme, Garrard. The Crown Jeweller for 150 years: 1843-1993; London, Quartet Books, 1993, p. 57. 44 Modern India; Berlin-Schöneberg, Langenscheidtsche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1930, p. 132.

16 Elite Social Groups

The Maharajas, as well as other elite social groups like the Parsis, were certainly important figures in the Indian scene in the implementation of the style. These politically and economically powerful sections of society were more influenced by Western ideas and tastes because they had a higher level of exposure and access to these new Western ideas due to their education and wealth.

The Maharajas

The Imperial British Raj declared it compulsory that future rulers of India receive a British education. In 1930, when the mother of Rajagopala Raja of Pudukkottai, insisted upon a Hindu education for her son, the British authorities intervened. The same situation occurred with the Rajaram of Kolhapur. Notwithstanding a few exceptions of education rebellion, it became commonplace among the Maharajas to be educated in the West.

Since 1902 when Maharaja Sawai Madho Singh dared to cross the ocean in order to attend the coronation of Edward VII in London, the Maharaja class progressively lost their fear of crossing the Kalapani (the ocean which was said to make them lose their caste status).45 Western ocean liners, such as the De Grass, the Europa, the Lafayette, the Normandie and the Queen Mary were making their journeys more comfortable and fashionable. Thanks to the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869, travelling distances were shortened.

A Maharaja such as Rao II Holkar of Indore (1908-1961) had the opportunity to be educated in the Cheam School in Charterhouse and at Christ Church College in Oxford.46

Less common, but increasing over the years, was the education of the future Maharanis in continental European schools. It was the case, for the Maharani Gayatri Devi (1919-2009) who studied in the Glendower Preparatory School in London, London School of

45 Patnaik 1985 Naveen Patnaik, A Second Paradise. Indian Courtly Life 1590-1947; New York, Doubleday & Company Inc., 1985, p. 174. 46 Jaffer 2007 [2006] (cf. note 43), p. 17.

17 Secretaries, Brillantmont School in Lausanne and Monkey Club in London; and the Maharani Brinda of Kapurthala (1890-1962) who was educated in France.

The new generation welcomed this foreign education with excitement. This sentiment was expressed in Brinda Maharani of Kapurthala’s autobiography: “I am going to be a little European girl now”.47 This new Western education demanded changes in the rules of living: “Had I not spent long, torturous hours with several governesses practising how to sit at a dinner table, use the strange implements of the Western World, and conduct myself as a young lady?”.48

Once the new customs were assimilated, the passion and fascination for the western culture was fed by frequent travel and the high consumption of European wares. As commented by Naveen Patnaik: the Rolls Royce or Hispano-Suiza were “the mechanical elephants of the Occident”.49

The Maharaja class were becoming good clients of firms such as Cartier, Boucheron, Chaumet, Mauboussin, Garrard & Co., Louis Vuitton, Hermès, Jaeger-LeCoultre, Armstrong Whitworth & Co, Alfred Dunhill, Holland & Holland etc.50 and in the course of this they naturally adopted the Art Deco style and brought it back with them to India. However, the migration of artistic taste went both ways and there were mutual exchanges between the East and the West. An example of the reciprocity in influence can be seen in the French Art Deco Tutti Frutti jewellery models, which were inspired by Indian models.51 Josephine Baker, who visited India with her company in 1934 was photographed wearing a sari by Murray Korman in his New York studio.52

The Maharajas and Maharanis were becoming great patrons of the style in Europe as well as in India. In architecture, palaces in the Art Deco style were commissioned by some Maharajas:

47 Kapurthala/ Williams 1955 (cf. note 32), p. 42. 48 Ibid., p. 44-45. 49 Patnaik 1985 (cf. note 45), p. 173. 50 The fascination for the West of the Indian rulers was extensively documented by Jaffer 2007 [2006] (cf. note 43); Prior/ Adamson 2000 Katherine Prior and John Adamson, Bijoux de Maharajas; Paris, Assouline, 2000; Stronge 1989 Susan Stronge, A Golden Treasury. Jewellery from the Indian Subcontinent; London, Victoria & Albert Museum and Mapin Publishing, 1989. 51 Jaffer 2007 [2006] (cf. note 43), p. 59. 52 Josephine Baker went to India with her company in 1934 cf. in: The Illustrated Weekly. Late News Supplement, February 25th 1934, p. 1.

18 • the Chittar Palace ordered by Umaid Singh of Jodhpur (1903 –1947) and built by Henry Vaughan Lanchester (1863-1953) between 1929 and 1944 with Stefan Norblin’s (1892 –1952) and Alistair Maynard interiors.53 The project was undertaken in a period of economic difficulty, marred by drought, in order to create employment.54 • The Manik Bagh Palace assigned by Maharaja Yeswant Rao Holkar II of Indore (1908 –1961) to Eckart Muthesius (1905-1989) was designed with furniture conceived by the architect and made in Berlin, while others were brought directly from France (Le Corbusier & Perriand, Jacques-Emile Ruhlmann, Eileen Gray, René Herbst, Marcel Breuer).55 • The Morvi Palace, built between 1931-1944 and requested by Lakahdhirji, decorated by Stefan Norblin, is another example underlining the implementation of the style on Indian soil. • This patronage is also sustained by the Maharaja of Baroda with the construction of the recreation centre Maharaja Pratapsinh Coronation Gymkhana by M. K. Jadhav, an Indian and state architect of the “Modern Baroda”.56 The same Maharaja, in the late 1920s and 1930s, assigned Oomersee Mawjee’s sons, as court silversmiths.57 It is of interest to mention them because they produced pieces in the Art Deco style.

The Parsis of Bombay

In a similar way, the Parsi community with their wealth and spending gave a new impetus to the city of Bombay in matters of Art Deco taste.58 Their input, in the dissemination of

53 The furnishing was initially coming from the London Maples’ firm. The ship carrying the merchandise sank in the sea, hence Stefan Norblin got in charge of the decoration of the palace. Refer to Holmes/ Newton Holmes 1995 Fred Holmes and Ann Newton Holmes, Bridging Traditions. The making of the Umaid Bhawan Palace; New Delhi, Bayan Books, 1995, p. 73-77, p.102; Jaffer 2010 [2002] (cf. note 34), p. 394. 54 Holmes/ Newton 1995 Ibid., p. 75 and Jaffer 2010 [2002] ibid., p. 391. 55 Niggl 1996 Reto Niggl, Eckart Muthesius. The Maharaja’s Palace in Indore. Architecture and Interior; Stuttgart, Arnoldsche, 1996; Jaffer 2007 [2006] (cf. note 43), p. 229 and Pica 1979 Agnoldomenico Pica, “Eckart Muthesius in India 1930-1934”; in: Domus: Monthly Review of Architecture, Interiors & Design, no. 593, April 1979, p. 1-12. 56 Jadhav 1942 M. K. Jadhav (State Architect, Baroda), “The Maharaja Pratapsinh Coronation Gymkhana Baroda”; in: Journal of the Indian Institute of Architects, January 1942, p. 248. 57 Wilkinson 1999 Wynyard Russell Theon Wilkinson, Indian Silver 1858-1947. Silver from the Indian sub-continent and Burma made by local craftsmen in Western Forms; London, Chameleon Press, 1999, p. 69. 58Dwivedi/ Mehrotra 1995 Sharada Dwivedi and Rahul Mehrotra, Bombay. The Cities Within; Bombay, India Book House, 1995, p. 226 and Windover 2009 Michael Windower, “Exchanging Looks: “Art Dekho” Movie Theatres in Bombay”; in: Architectural History, vol. 52, 2009, p. 213.

19 style and ideas, was various and considerable. The Parsis were at the forefront of trade development between Europe and India through Bombay. They were largely responsible for the foundation of the banks (Government Bank of Bombay, Oriental Bank, Asiatic Banking Corporation, Central Bank of India) and were greatly invested in the cotton and steel industry. All this activity helped to make Bombay an economic and financial centre of India.59

Indeed, the Parsi community was so intertwined with business and commerce that the 1931 Census of India described trade as being the “traditional occupation” of the community.60 They were said to be the “wealthiest class in India” as well as “the most progressive”.61

During the 1930s and 1940s, the enterprises of the Parsis were responsible for the visual changes in Bombay, which became a cosmopolitan and modern city. The style euphoria among the affluent classes became a must around the Malabar Hill, Back Bay and Marine Drive areas.62

Perhaps the most significant contribution of the Parsi community in spreading the modern style was their support and investment in the cinema industry. They built Film Theatres in the pure Art Deco style.63 The French had formerly dominated the film industry during the era of silent movies. The Americans surpassed this dominance with the advent of “talkies” due to a common language with British India. American cinema, in the English language, became even more successful than Indian films, which were not always easy to diffuse given the multiple different local languages.64

59 Kulke 1978 Eckehard Kulke, The Parsees in India. A Minority as Agent of Social Change; New Delhi, Vikas Publishing House PVT LTD, 1978, p. 121-122 & 126-127. 60 Census of India, vol. VIII, Part. I, p. 282 quoted by Kulke 1978 ibid., p. 50. 61 Fritz 1932 Patrick Fritz, Gateway to India; 1932 Bombay documentary. 62 Evenson 1989 Norma Evenson, The Indian Metropolis a View Toward the West; New Heaven & London, Yale University Press, 1989, p. 174. 63 In 1933, the Parsi’s Regal cinema was completed and in 1938 the Eros. Ref. Windover 2009 (cf. note 58), p. 213. 64 Vinnels/ Skelly 2002 David Vinnels and Brent Skelly, Bollywood Showplaces. Cinema Theatres in India; Cambridge, E. & E. Plumridge Ltd, 2002, p. 62.

20 The Impact of Hollywood

The increasing popularity of the cinema in India was such that whole newspaper pages were dedicated to announcing the latest “talkies” giving special attention to American films.65 By the end of the 1930s the American film industry was quite well established in Bombay and Calcutta where Hollywood Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer cinemas had opened their own cinemas.66

Hollywood was phenomenally influential in the dissemination of the Art Deco style. What is particularly relevant to highlight is that Cedric Gibbons, Art Director and production designer for MGM films, had attended the 1925 Exposition in Paris. He introduced the decorative arts in the new style in his film sets.67 The sets reflected the taste of his time including French Art Deco, Bauhaus and American decorative arts.68

The elegance, glamour and fashion of Hollywood movie stars and film theatres were a wonderful marketing tool.69 The Times of India carried this headline: “What The Film Fan will Find at The Metro/ Luxury the Keynote.”70 From this point there was only a step to skip between the style of Hollywood films and its adoption in contemporary homes.71

65 See, for instance, in The Illustrated Weekly of India, the article entitled ““Broadway”: A Super-Talkie booked for India”; October 6th, 1929, p. 27 where the qualities of those kind of films were promoted to the public. The diffusion was ensured by local companies, here the Universal Pictures Corporation of India. 66 Windover 2009 (cf. note 58), p. 208. 67 Edwards 2006 Anne Edwards, “Designing Films. The Art Deco Years. Shimmering Sets that capture the Moderne Glamour of the 1920s and 30s”; in: Architectural Digest, March 2006, p. 90. 68 Myers/ Mandelbaum 1985 Eric Myers and Howard Mandelbaum, Screen Deco; Bromley, Columbus Book, 1985, p. 35-36. 69 Ibid., 1985, p. 1. The film stars were considered as taste references, in matter of interior decoration, as it was revealed in: The Times of India, November 3rd 1937 issue, p. 23: “With the aid of painted walls Miss Maureen O’Sullivan. Metro-Goldwin-Mayer star obtains the effect of being on the boat deck of a liner in her sitting room.” 70 In: The Times of India. Metro cinema supplement, June 8th 1938, p. 12. 71 Myers/ Mandelbaum 1985 (cf. note 68), p. 4.

21 1.3 Commercialization and the Public

The Bombay Exhibition 1937

The Ideal Home Exhibition held in Bombay in November 1937, was the first of its kind in India. It was organized by the Indian Institute of Architects and attracted 10’000 visitors.72 It was a perfect showcase for increasing visibility among both producers and consumers in the main stream, which would then promote commercialization of the style in India. The exhibition also gave Bombay “its proper recognition and the publicity it deserves.”73 in the area of commercial design.

In 1937 the Times of India acknowledged: The object of the Exhibition is to encourage Indian Industries and arts and to make people more conscious of the possibilities of Indian materials and workmanship for the improvement of their living conditions and the beautifying of their homes.74

The target audiences for the exhibition, as mentioned in the Times of India, (Issue 3, November 1937) were homeowners, architects, as well as merchants.75

The exhibiting participants were architects, design firms, manufacturers and producers of the products displayed. No accreditation was given to specific designers or interior decorators (décorateur or ensemblier).

Held twelve years later, the Bombay Exhibition was very much modelled after the French 1925 Exposition: “Bombay seems to have become very “Ideal Homes” conscious lately.” 76 The Bombay Exhibition was presented as a series of rooms: a library (fig. 31) and a living room designed with chromed tubular steel furniture brightened up with a feline skin,

72 “The Ideal Home Exhibition. Town Hall, from 3rd to 15th November 1937”; in: Journal of the Indian Institute of Architects, January 1938, vol. IV, no. 3, p. 319. 73 “Architects give Bombay a New Show: The First Ideal Home Exhibition”; in: The Times of India, November 3rd 1937, p. 15. This assertion is of interest. Given the major role of the Parsis, in Bombay, in the commercial activities and in the journalism, it makes sense. 74 Ref. “Improving Indian Homes. Exhibition in Bombay Town Hall”; in: The Times of India, November 25th 1937, p. 14. 75 “Architects give Bombay a new show. The First Ideal Home Exhibition” 1937 (cf. note 73), p. 15. 76 “Improving Indian Homes Exhibition in Bombay Town Hall” 1937 (cf. note 74), p. 14.

22 bedrooms (fig.1) and a dining room (fig. 2) with simple and sober wood furniture, accompanied with carpets using the geometric rigour of the Art Deco taste.

Figures 1-2 Ideal Home Exhibition, Bombay, 1937: bedroom (stand 15) & dining room (stand 4) in The Journal of the Indian Institute of Architects, January 1938 (vol. IV, n°3, pp. 325 & 320)

23 It is worthy of notice that the “European style interiors” section of the exhibition, featured only furniture, carpets and lighting. With the exception of the dining room, where a ceramic service was displayed, there were no other representations of ceramics, glass, silver objects, or sculptures, contrary to the 1925 French Exhibition.77

Media Coverage

The Times of India as well as The Indian Institute of Architects’ magazine covered the event extensively. The organisers and producers appreciated the importance of the press media in publicising and as a direct effect of this, promoting the sales of such products “[…] the Press who gave us that publicity which is nowadays so essential a feature of such exhibitions.”

It is notable that following the 1937 Bombay Exhibition, the Times of India and The Illustrated Weekly of India began including regular articles in their female section about interior decoration and the latest novelties from Europe. This was a new type of feature. Clearly, there was a rapidly growing interest in this area.

Advertising

Advertising aimed at the female public increasingly appeared in newspapers and magazines. Ranabir Ray Choudhury observed in the Statesman’s newspaper that between 1875 and 1925, advertising in the press media became an important and efficient medium for promoting and selling.

Advertisements themselves grew from relatively small items to substantial features that were sometimes several pages long.78 The increase in scale and substance of advertisements

77 According to the article “Improving Indian Homes. Exhibition in Bombay Town Hall” ibid., p. 14 there was also a “typical Indian drawing-room” with more native decorative arts such as hookahs, Hala pottery of the Sind region, “Sankhaba work of Baroda”, “lac(quer) [sic] work from Bombay” and a “standard lamp in hala”. 78 Choudhury 1992 Ranabir Ray Choudhury, Early Calcutta Advertisement 1875-1925; Bombay, Nachiketa Publications Ltd, 1992, p. vii.

24 shows that vendors realised that the greater the visual and aesthetic appeal of an advertisement, the more likely it was to attract and stimulate desire for their products.79

Figure 3 Narotamdas Bhau’s advertisement in The Illustrated Weekly of India

This can be seen in the advertising material of the Indian jeweller, Narotamdas Bhau. At the end of the 1920s, his very modest advertisement comprised the name, address and telephone number of the business and a basic drawing of a ring and a cufflink in the style of “Indian taste” (fig. 3).80 By the end of the thirties, his advertisements became more and more stylised and aesthetically attractive, using for instance a graphic design in the Bauhaus style and progressively featuring diamonds, jewellery and watches in the Art Deco style (figs 4-5).81

Figure 4 Narotamdas Bhau’s advertisements in The Times of India, 15th of June 1938, p. 4

79 Sparke 1995 Penny Sparke, As Long as it’s Pink. The Sexual Politics of Taste; London; Harper Collins, 1995, p. 128- 129. 80 Narotamdas Bhau’s advertisement in: The Illustrated weekly of India, January 6th 1929, p. 69. 81 Narotamdas Bhau’s advertisement in: The Times of India issues: June 15th 1938, p. 4, June 22nd 1938 p. 5, March 11th 1939, p. 20, March 25th 1939, p. 5.

25

Figure 5 Narotamdas Bhau’s advertisements in The Times of India, 22nd of June 1938, p. 5

Roland Barthes raises the following:

Pour obnubiler la conscience comptable de l’acheteur, il est nécessaire de tendre devant l’objet un voile d’images, de raisons, de sens, d’élaborer autour de lui une substance médiate, d’ordre apéritif, bref de créer un simulacre de l’objet reel, en substituant au temps lourd de l’usure, un temps souverain, libre de se détruire lui-même par un acte de potlatch annuel.82.

82 Barthes 1967 Roland Barthes, Le Système de la Mode; Paris, Du Seuil, 1983, p.10. Translation: “In order to blunt the buyer’s calculating consciousness, a veil must be drawn around the object – a veil of images, of reasons, of meanings; a mediate substance of an aperitive order must be elaborated; in short, a simulacrum of the real object must be created, substituting for the slow time of wear a sovereign time free to destroy itself by an act of annual potlatch.” Barthes/Ward/ Howard 1967 [1983] Roland Barthes, Matthew Ward and Richard Howard, The Fashion System; New York, Hill and Wang, 1983, p. xi-xii.

26 This approach was also reflected in and “articulated by the language”83 in Indian advertisements and articles.

Initially, advertisements used the artistic and craftsmanship aspects of their products as a selling point84 to “Improve the Indian Homes”85: “[…] with chromium-plated tubular furniture [is] as one of the most outstanding features of furniture art.”86 Craftsmen, cabinetmakers and designers were valued for their expertise, refinement and skilful knowledge as well as the notions of luxury, uniqueness and individuality of their work (fig. 6):87 “Women of refined taste buy their jewellery at Pohoomulls who have a reputation for the fine workmanship […] Every piece of the ornament is a glowing tribute to the designers’ skill.”88

Figure 6 Pohoomull Jewellery’s advertisement in The Times of India, 1938

83 Ibid., 1983, p. 8. 84 Sparke 1995 (cf. note 79), p. 129. 85 Expression borrowed from the heading “Improving Indian Homes Exhibition in Bombay Town Hall” 1937 (cf. note 74), p. 14. 86 See “Beautiful Homes of To-morrow. New Ideas and Suggestions at The Ideal Homes Exhibition, Olympia”; in: The Illustrated Weekly of India, May 13th 1934, p. 23. 87 Sparke 1995 (cf. note 79), p. 130. 88 Pohoomull’s advertisement in: The Times of India, June 17th 1938, p. 20.

27 “Frenchness”, in general was used as a reference point for good taste. The Excelsior Trading Co insisted in its publicity that the models were made “[…] in the latest French style!”89 Penny Sparke notes that advertisements used the idea of novelty as shorthand to denote that a design was highly fashionable.90 Some advertisements proclaimed the technological aspects of products to win the confidence of the buyer: “Godrej works […] is extensively equipped with the latest special-purpose machinery and processes by costing lakhs of rupees, and is manned by experts who have developed over a dozen striking patent methods of construction.”91

Other features of production, which were thought to add value, were highlighted in the Steel Furniture Office Equipment advertisement such as the idea of:

[…] craftsmanship […] be[ing] put into mass production”,92 “By the First Art Metal Craftsmen to make steel Office equipment in India. Steel furniture and office equipment is healthier, more labour-saving, more economical, more sanitary than any other make known. It is strong … comfortable…93

Raghunath Shripad Deshpande, an advocate of the modern style in his numerous publications about homes and furnishing, approved the choice of modern furniture as being more hygienic as it was easier to clean not having carving where dust and dirt could settle.94 The cleanliness principle had been much discussed since the end of the 19th century with the “germ theory”. Dust and “household pests” were seen as dangerous, so much so that R. Binnie and J.E. Boxall, authors of a book entitled Housecraft: Principles and Practice devoted a whole section to the topic.95

The efficiency of the modern furniture was an eloquent and powerful argument directed towards employers and office managers. Thanks to the swivel chairs, filing-cabinets with

89 In: The Illustrated Weekly of India, November 1st 1936, p. 68. 90 Sparke 1995 (cf. note 79), p. 131. The Raval Tiles and Marble Ltd’s advertisement illustrates this purpose “Latest Novelties varied selection of Murano crystal, ceramic…”; in: The Times of India, September 20th 1941, p. 12. 91 Refer to the Godrej Steel Furniture’s advertisement in: The Times of India, November 4th 1937, p. 13. Lakh is a unit equal to 100’000. 92 Young 1930 F.H. Young, Modern Advertising Art; New York, Covici Friede Inc., 1930, p. 117 quoted by Sparke 1995 (cf. note 79), p. 135. 93 Steel products advertisement in: The Statesman, September 10th 1933, p. 22. 94 “In order to be conducive to sanitation, it should be free from any carving, which does not make comfortable, but only increases the cost and further acts as a depository for dust and dirt.” Extracted from Deshpande 1939 Raghunath Shripad Deshpande , Modern Ideal Homes for India; Poona, Aryabhushan Press, 1939, p. 91. 95 See Binnie/ Boxall 1926 Ruth Binnie and Julie E. Boxall, Housecraft: Principles and Practice; London, Sir Isaac Pitman and Sons, 1926, p. 131 source mentioned by Sparke 1995 (cf. note 79), p. 82.

28 organized and automatic locking drawers, the employee was more efficient and “save[d] the employer money and br[ought] in better results.”96

The qualities of robustness and durability were particularly needed in a tropical country. In their advertisement, Allwyn Modern Furniture described steel furniture as a kind of investment: “Each piece is scientifically fitted and proofed against dust, vermin, climate and fire. Thief Proof/ Vermin Proof/ Damp Proof.”97 The rhetoric of advertising was almost endless: the use of new materials,98 the ease of transportation,99 the furnishing as a reflection of the owner’s personality,100 the idea of progress101 and simply because “it’s trend” can also be added.

Products were given new values, qualities and advantages by advertising, which distracted from the producers the basic commercial purpose of selling to the consumer:

La raison en est, on le sait, d’ordre économique. Calulatrice, la société industrielle est condamnée à former des consommateurs qui ne calculent pas; si producteurs et acheteurs de vêtements avaient une conscience identique, le vêtement ne s’achèterait (et ne se produirait) qu’au gré, fort lent, de son usure […].102

It was probably to encourage export, that Gazdar, a jewellery and silver firm, mentioned in his advertisement that he was a “European Setter.” (fig. 7).103

96 Please refer to Godrej & Boyce Mfg. Co. Ld. advertisement in: The Modern Review, August 1938, vol. LXIV, no. 2, p. 261 and the article by Foley 1937 J.W. Foley, “Efficiency through Furniture & Equipment. Discomfort reduces Office Output”; in: The Times of India, November 3rd 1937, p. 23. Other articles concerning light are going in this same direction see Lumens 1937 Lumes, “Better Light means better Sight”; in: The Times of India, November 3rd 1937, p. 19. 97 Allwyn Modern Steel Furniture in: The Illustrated Weekly of India, April 30th 1939, p. 5. 98 “Architects give Bombay a New Show. The First Ideal Home Exhibition” 1937 (cf. note 74), p. 16. See also Deshpande 1939 (cf. note 94), p. 92-93 who underlines that “The use of bakelite and glass in the furniture is a very great advance […].” 99 “[…] the movable pieces of furniture so few that all the goods and chattels of a fair-sized family will be transportable in one pantechnicon.” extracted from: “The Fashions in Furniture. What the Future will bring” 1933 (cf. note 30), p. 28. 100 “Your home should match your personality as perfectly as your suit of clothes.” from Kamdar’s advertisement in: The Times of India, January 13th 1945, p. 7. The comparison between clothes and furniture is of interest. First its implicit connotation with fashion is relevant. Second, the idea of image projected through the commodities is underline. Third, using this formula they perhaps seek to raise attention among the female-targeted group. 101 The Allwyn Steel Furniture’s advertisement in: The Times of India, November 3rd 1937p. 15. It associates the steel furniture with the idea of progress by depicting an airplane figured next to a carriage. 102 Barthes 1967 (cf. note 82), p. 10. Translation: “The reason is, of course, an economic one. Calculating, industrial society is obliged to form consumers who don’t calculate; if clothing’s producers and consumers had the same consciousness, clothing would be bought (and produced) only at the very slow rate of its dilapidation…” Barthes/Ward/ Howard 1967 [1983] (cf. note 82), p. xi. 103 Gazdar’s advertisement in: The Times of India, March 6th 1939, p. 16.

29

Figure 7 Gazdar’s advertisement in The Times of India, 1939

It is notable that Indian made silverware did not have any particular standard of purity, while everywhere else, it was a requirement to mark silver products using standards such as sterling (925), first title (950) or second title (800).104

In their promotion and advertisements traders often claimed that they offered the best prices “Top quality at popular prices”,105 or “The expense problem is solved with these new and exclusive designs in rolled gold.”106 During the 1930s, this appeal to economical shopping was a tricky assertion to make, due to the economic depression.

In 1931, the Indian Institute of Architects reported that 75% of the population were living in single-room dwellings. The Art Deco style, which required more space in which to

104 Wilkinson 1999 (cf. note 57), p. 2. 105 Sunderdas Saw Mills advertisement in: The Times of India, March 21st 1939, p. 21. 106 Excelsior Trading Co., in: The Illustrated Weekly of India, April 22nd 1934, p. 46.

30 decorate, was therefore exclusively aimed at the elite.107 The Times of India in its special issue dedicated to the Ideal Home Exhibition, reported some interesting figures on this point. The heading of the article was “Furnishing Four Rooms For Rs. 2’000.”108 It gives a breakdown of the price of each room in the exhibition: the living-room with a large sofa, two easy chairs, two low bookcases, four small peg tables and a bureau costs Rs. 610; the dining- room with its dinning-table, six chairs, a sideboard and a silver cabinet was worth Rs. 312; finally the bedroom comprising a dressing-table, a wardrobe, a tallboy, two divan beds, one chest of drawers, two side tables, two chairs and a stool makes a total of Rs. 485.109

Considering that the poorest lived in a room of around 3.5 m2 and were earning between Rs. 50-60 per month with a rental of Rs. 10,110 this gives some idea of the comparative standard of living of the elite.

Ironically, steel furniture, contrary to the Bauhaus principles, was more expensive than wood. A steel wardrobe at Rs. 160 in 1939 was considerably more expensive than the Rs. 90 for a wooden model in 1937.111 Narotamdas Bhau had posted prices of some of its silver pieces: a silver cocktail shaker, pint size, cost Rs. 55; a lacquered dinner gong was sold for Rs. 18, and a picnic case for 6 persons for Rs. 50.112 The rings displayed by Surajmal Lallubhai & Co., depending on the models with diamonds, rubies, onyx and emeralds range from Rs. 51 to Rs. 301.113

For a poor man, those objects represented a month of income for simple pieces, and years for furnishing. The Maharajas, the Parsis and the upper class could easily afford items that were considered unattainable by 75% of the population.

107 The Ideal Home Exhibition was subject to criticism because of his lack of interest to improve the slums and chawals. Ref. “The Ideal Home Exhibition. Town Hall from 3rd to 15th November 1937” 1938 (cf. note 72), p. 321 & 342. 108 From the November 3rd 1937 issue of the Times of India, p. 18 109 ibid., p. 18 110 Figures taken from the article “Improving Indian Homes Exhibition in Bombay Town Hall” 1937 (cf. note 74), p. 14. 111 For the prices please refer to the Allwyn Modern Steel Furniture’s advertisement (cf. note 97), p. 5. 112 Narotamdas Bhau advertisement in: The Illustrated Weekly of India, April 10th 1938, p. 8. 113 Surajmal Lallubhai & Co., Bombay in: The Illustrated Weekly of India, December 24th 1933, p. 53.

31 CHAPTER II

THE MODERN STYLE “MADE IN INDIA”

2.1. Designers and Manufacturers

To date, there has been little interest in Indian designers and manufacturers producing the Art Deco style in India. In contrast, foreigners active in India are better known.

Foreign Designers in India

Eckart Muthesius, of German Werkbund parentage from his father Hermann Muthesius (1861-1927), came to India to construct and furnish the Manik Bagh Palace commissioned by the Maharaja Yeshwantrao Holkar II in 1930. He designed the equipment and part of the furnishings, most of which was made in Berlin and the rest acquired elsewhere in Europe.114 Nevertheless, although design and production were not carried out in India, Muthesius collaborated on this project with Ernest F. Messerschmidt, a German professor of applied painting from Berlin, who later was to design interiors and furniture in India.115

Little is known about Messerschmidt’s career. It is known that after the collaboration, he joined the Kamdar’s firm (founded in Bombay in the early 1930s) first as an associate interior architect, and then as a head of the design department.116 Some of his creations can be seen in newspaper articles on the topic,117 and possibly in the advertisements of Kamdar

114Please refer to Pica1979 (cf. note 55), p. 1-12; Niggl 1996 (cf. note 55); Michell/ Martinelli 1994 George Michell and Antonio Martinelli, The Royal Palaces of India; London, Thames & Hudson, 1994 and Sotheby’s Parke-Bernet Monaco Sa, Mobilier Moderniste provenant du Palais du Maharaja d’Indore; May 25th 1980, passim. 115 Niggl 1996, ibid., p. 32. 116 Ref. Kamdar Ltd website: and http://www.kamdarfurniture.com/. The drawing illustrated here betrays its period, middle of the 50s, especially by the copy of HE 103 Eichenberger’s chair. Ref. Frey 1986 Gilbert Frey, Mobilier Suisse creation de 1927-1984; Museum für Gestaltung, Zürich, 1986, p. 93. 117 Please refer to the illustration of the article “India needs Planned Houses. The Architect’s forethought will increase the Value of Flats”; in: The Times of India, November 3rd 1937, p. 17.

32 (fig. 8),118 while the interior watercolour projects were probably used for client work rather than being publicised (fig. 9).119

Figures 8-9 Kamdar Ltd’s advertisement in The Times of India, 1945 & E. F. Messerschmidt, bedroom project

118 Kamdar’s advertisement in Times of India issues of June 27th 1938 and January 13th 1945, p. 7. 119 Refer to Kamdar’s Website: http://www.lemonluck.com/kamdar/portfolio-view/heading-services- 2/#!prettyPhoto/0/

33 In 1942, Kamdar Ltd was commissioned, along with other manufacturers, to carry out work on the interiors for the Recreation centre Maharaja Pratapsinh Coronation Gymkhana in Baroda by the project architect, M.K. Jadahv.120 Other projects led by Kamdar were the ballroom and interiors of the Taj Mahal Hotel, the Governor’s Pavilion in the Cricket Club of India and residential flats for the Parsis families such as Jehangir Ratanji Dadabhoy Tata and Nowroji Saklatvala.121

Another known foreign artist working in India was Stefan Norblin (1892-1952). A Polish painter, he is mostly known for his murals in the Morvi Palace under the patronage of the Maharaja Kumar Mahendrasinghji of Morvi between 1943 and 1944. Around 1943, he was commissioned by the Maharaja of Jodhpur to produce mural paintings for the Umaid Bhawan Palace. Given that the all furnishing ordered from London never arrived, Rao Raja Narpat Singh, in charge of the finish, engaged Norblin to complete the job. His watercolour interior projects, preserved today in the Umaid Bhawan Palace, are in the pure Art Deco style. As a reference point for his work, Norblin used the drawings made by the firm Maples and other catalogues showing furniture in the style moderne (fig. 10).122

Figure 10 Probably from Stefan Norblin, furniture detail, Umaid Bhawan Palace, Jodhpur

120 See Jadahv 1942 (cf. note 56), p. 250-251. 121 Dwivedi/ Mehrotra 1995 (cf. note 58), p. 229. It is not surprising in the case of Jehangir Ratanji Dadabhoy Tata, if he chose Art Deco furniture, given that he born and lived in France and London before moving to India. 122 Holmes/ Newton Holmes 1995 (cf. note 53), p. 102.

34 Norblin’s designs for these local projects were constructed by native craftsmen, and with local materials. After that, he was put in charge of the furnishings for the Royal Hunting Lodge Sardar Samand in Jodhpur. This is revealed by the perspective drawings preserved. For his services, Norblin received a letter of recommendation by the Maharaja of Jodhpur, (dated August 7, 1946), in which he was described as the artistic adviser to “His Highness”. Soon after, he left for America.123

Others, such as the Czechoslovakian Karl Schara, worked on the designs for the Regal Cinema and the Cornaglia ballroom and tearoom; Angelo Molle on the Broadway Cinema at Dadar and Frietz von Drieberg on the Eros and New Empire film theatres.124

Local Production

As for the local production of furniture, no manufacturer, including Kamdar Ltd, credited their designers by name. Some suggested in advertising, as a selling point, that their companies were in the hands of certain types of professionals: Kamdar Ltd mentions the role of “interior decorator”; Godrej & Boyce MFG. Co. Ltd, Premier Furnishing Co. and Steel Products Ltd refer to the “experts”, while Noble Steel Products Ltd speaks of “exquisite design”; Jayanand Khira & Co and G. Sajan & Co. mentioned only their use of “Cabinetmakers”.125

Furniture

In 1930, the Times of India Directory listed sixty-one furniture dealers and manufacturers for Bombay.126 As the advertisements suggest, they produced interiors in the Art Deco style in

123 Kasprazk-Miler, Agnieszka, “Stefan Norblin – Designer of Royal Residences”; in: Stefan Norblin. A Master of Many Arts, 2011, p.56. Claus-Ulrich 1996 Simon Claus-Ulrich, “Stefan Norblin a Biography that should be rewritten”; in: Art Deco for the Maharajas. Stefan Norblin in India, 1996 p. 4-6. 124 Dwivedi/ Mehrotra 1995 (cf. note 58), p. 229. 125 Please refer to the Kamdar’s advertisement in: The Times of India, January 13th 1945, p. 7; Godrej Steel Furniture in: The Times of India, November 4th 1937, p. 13; Premier Furnishing Co. in: The Times of India, November 16th 1937, p. 18; Steel Products Ltd in: The Statesman, 1933, (cf. note 93), p. 22; Noble Steel Products Ltd in: The Times of India, September 24th 1941, p. 5; Jayanand Khira & Co in: The Times of India, March 9th 1939, p. 3 and G. Sajan & Co. in: the Times of India, November 3rd 1937, p. 18. 126 Times of India. Directory of Bombay, Bombay, The Times of India, 1930, p. 740-741.

35 the tradition of such cabinetmakers as McKenzies Ltd., G. Sajan & Co; Jayanand Khira 127 as well as machine made furniture as that stipulated by Sunderdas Saw Mills manufacturer’s publicity.128

Traditionally, it was commonplace among those who could afford it to commission furniture. Ready-made furniture was also available in wood and mostly in steel. In both cases, local materials were used. In spite of its high cost, teak was used extensively because of its resistance to humidity, heat and vermin. Other timbers, such as padouk, birchwood, walnut from Kashmir, mahogany, Indian ebony, sycamore and silver oak were also employed. Solid woods were recommended and preferred to the veneered wood for climatic reasons.129

The steel industry remained in Bombay because of the Parsi community. Tata Steel, was certainly the main supplier for manufacturers such as Allwyn and Co., Noble Steel Products Ltd., Godrej & Boyce Mfg. Co. Ltd. Probably, given their involvement with commerce and industry, the Parsis facilitated the development of this modernist and functionalist furniture.

Jewellery

Silver and jewellery in the Art Deco style was produced in India, but few names of the designers and manufacturers of these pieces are known and very little documentation is available to date. While further research in this area has yet to be done, what is known can be explored. Fifty-seven jewellers, silversmiths and dealers were listed in the Directory of Bombay in 1930.130 Narotamdas Bhau, one of the most influential, was known for his silver pieces, accessories, jewellery and watches. With the strong presence of his work in the media

127 McKenzies Ltd in: The Times of India, November 3rd 1937, p. 23 and J.E. Tomlin & Co. in: The Illustrated Weekly of India, February 24th 1929, p. 35. 128 Sunderdas Saw Mills in: The Times of India, March 21st 1939, p. 21. 129 “Welcome Back Decoration! “Functionalism” Dies and Ornament is born”; in: The Times of India, November 3rd 1937, p. 22. 130 For an extensive list please refer to Directory of Bombay, 1930 (cf. note 126), p. 761-762.

36 through advertising, he seems to have been quite successful.131 Narotamdas Bhau was founded in 1864 in Bombay and was passed from one generation to the other.132 The Maharajas, as usual, were great patrons of precious metals and stones. The Maharaja of Porbander, Dhar and Sayajirao Gaekwad of Baroda commissioned sumptuous jewellery pieces from Noratamdas Bhau.133

Ambaji Shinde (1917-2003) internationally known for his designs for Harry Winston in New York, started his career at Narotamdas Bhau in 1937 and worked until 1941 as a jewellery designer. Later on, he was hired by Nanubhai Jhaveri, another renowned jeweller in Bombay, producing luxurious pieces for royal families such as Aga Khan III and his begum, Maharaja of Gwalior, Palanpur, Kutch, Travanacore, Bhavnagar, Jamnagar, Darbhanga, the Eminency of Nepal, the Emperor of Ethiopia, the industrialist Ramnarain Ruia, etc.134

Gazdar, established since 1933 in Bombay and founded by Dinshah and Rusi Gazdar, chose the Taj Mahal Hotel, to set up its outlet which still today supplies a national and international clientele, including for example the Maharajas of Hyderabad, Nawanagar, Palitana, Patiala and Jawaharlal Nehru.135

Pohoomull in Bombay seems to have adopted the Art Deco style in his publicity, as has Gulanchand N. Javeri (Bombay) introducing jewellery with pearls as well as Surajmal Lallubhai & Co. (Bombay) by displaying a wide range of ring models with diamonds, rubies, emeralds and onyx. They had branches in Madras, Rangoon, Trichy, and even in Antwerp.136

131 Refer to The Illustrated Weekly of India, January 6th 1929, p. 69; The Illustrated Weekly of India, April 10th 1939, p. 8; The Times of India, June 15th 1938, p. 4; The Times of India, June 22nd 1938, p. 5; The Times of India, March 11th 1939, p. 20; The Times of India, March 25th 1939, p. 5; The Times of India, October 11th 1941, p. 1 and The Times of India, January 6th 1945, p. 1. 132 Sotheby’s catalogue entry: lot 148 Narotamdas Bhau, pair of ruby and diamond earrings, from the 17th November 2009 Geneva’s auction and advertisement found in: www.advertisementsindia.com/2011/05/narotamdas-bhau-jeweller/ 133 Keswani 2004 Shinde Keswani, Shinde Jewels; New York, Assouline, 2004, p. 8. 134 Ibid., p. 9-10. 135 Christie’s catalogue note for Gazdar lot 253, a ruby and diamond necklace, 16th November 2012 Geneva’s auction and see the advertisement in: The Times of India, March 6th 1939, p. 16; The Illustrated Weekly of India, January 2nd 1944, p. 48 and “Old-time Jeweller unlocks his Treasury of Memories”; in: The Times of India, web page, June 22nd 2003, http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2003-06-22/mumbai/27197773_1_jeweller-maharajas-taj-mahal-hotel 136 Pohoomull advertisement in: The Times of India, June 17th 1938, p. 20, Gulanchand N. Javeri, Bombay, in: The Illustrated Weekly of India, November 1st 1936, p. 68 and Surajmal Lallubhai & Co., Bombay, in: The Illustrated Quartely of India, p. 53.

37 Indian Silver

Thanks to Wynyard Russell Theon Wilkinson’s research, we have some knowledge in this area. Some regions were renowned for the European influence in their production such as Bombay, Burma, Calcutta, Kutch, Kashmir, Lucknow and Madras.137 The locally produced silver was not always marked, and often when it was marked, it carried a workshop mark like “OM” for Oomersee Mawjee, “NB” or “NAROTAMDAS BHAU” for Narotamdas Bhau and “GAZDAR” for Gazdar.138

As mentioned above, these companies had an eminent clientele. Bombay, as a port city, benefited from high levels of trade and exchange with the West and was therefore largely influenced by the European trends.139

Carpet Design

Carpet design in India was also influenced by Art Deco patterns. The documentation available here is vague. However, it is known that the carpets in coir came from Kerala and those made of jute from around Calcutta.140 They were certainly commercialized in Bombay as can be seen by the number of dealers (nine in 1930 according to the Directory of Bombay).141 The manufacturers’ names that are known are Pitchu Iyer & Sons Ltd in Allepey producing coir carpets and Birla Jute Manufacturing Co. Ltd specialised, as the name says, in jute.142

137 Wilkinson 1999 (cf. note 57), p. 3. 138 Ibid., p. 69. Please refer for the Narotamdas marks’ to the Sotheby’s jewellery catalogue from Geneva, November 17th 2009, lot 149 and for Gazdar to the Christie’s King Street’s sale on June 15th 2006, lot 381. I am very grateful to Amy Silverman, Assistant Registrar of the Wolfsonian Museum to send me the marks of Narotamdas Bhau’s gazelle service. 139 Wilkinson 1999 (cf. note 57), p. 23. 140 “History of Coir”; in: CCRI Library, p. 3 and the advertisement of Birla Jute Manufacture in: The Illustrated Weekly of India, July 20th 1947, p. 4. 141 Directory of Bombay 1930 (cf. note 126), 1930, p. 714. 142 For Pitchu Iyer & Sons see the carpet projects in the Victoria & Albert Museum ref. numbers E. 326.2012; E. 327.2012. For Birla Jute Manufacturing Co. Ltd. the publicity displayed in: The Illustrated Weekly of India, July 20th 1947, p. 4 and July 27th 1947, p. 24.

38 Glass and Ceramics

The biggest absence of the Art Deco style in the area of applied arts in India is in the field of glass and ceramics. It can easily be explained as was emphasized in the Journal of the Indian Ceramic Society. There was simply almost no organized modern ceramic production. Most of the Indian ceramic production of the period sponsored by the British, seems to have been mainly focused on eclectic and “pseudo local” or “panoriental” styles. Earthenware were largely imported from Europe and Japan, which together represented 32% of the total imports in India.143

However, they were not completely absent and ceramics by Indian artists did exist such as the one illustrated in the Exhibition of Drawings, Paintings, Engravings, Pottery and Leatherwork by Rabindranath Tagore in Calcutta in 1932, a terracotta vase designed and painted by Tagore (fig. 11) as well as a drawing with an anthropomorphic vase (fig. 12).144

Figure 11 Rabindranath Tagore first and only pottery work

143 Please refer to the articles: Michael, Kristine, “Eathen Jewels: Pottery Treasures from the Hendley Collection”; in: Treasures of the Albert Hall Museum Jaipur, Mapin Publishing Gp Pty Ltd, Jaipur, 2009, pp. 48-58; “Editorials. Ceramic Education and Research”; in: Journal of the Indian Ceramic Society, vol. 1, no. 2, November 1928, p. 38; Patna 1929 S. Deb. Patna, “The Present Position of the Ceramic Industries of India”; in: Journal of the Indian Ceramic Society, vol. I, no. 4, August 1929, p. 128. There has always been this tradition to import porcelain, Chinese, since the Mughal. 144 Exhibition of Drawings, Paintings, Engravings, Pottery and Leatherwork by Rabindranath Tagore; Calcutta, Government School of Art, 1932, figs. 176 & 265.

39

Figure 12 Rabindranath Tagore, anthropomorphic vase project

The same applied to glasswork. However, even if there was a growing demand, the lack of investors needed in order to provide the equipment necessary to replace the blowing labour work, made large-scale production difficult.145 Evidently, there were local producers, such as Ogale Glass Works Ltd manufacturing glass, lamps, chimneys and globes, glass tiles, jars, dishes, plates, etc., but in the absence of surviving pieces it is difficult to say if they adapted their wares to the Art Deco style.146 Nevertheless, the importation of glass ware in the Art Deco style filled the gap in local production: Balsara and Co. (figs 13-14) and Terra Trading

145 Related articles: Talwakar 1930 T.W. Talwakar, “Editorials. Quo Vadis?”; in: Journal of the Indian Ceramic Society, vol. II, no. 4, September 1930, p. 121; Kale 1931 M.G. Kale, “My Visit to the German Glass Works”; in: Journal of the Indian Ceramic Society, vol. III, no. 2, October 1931, p. 63-64; “Can Machine replace Manual Labour in India?”; in: Journal of the Indian Ceramic Society, vol. III, no. 3, 1931, p. 94. 146 The Ogale Glass Works Ltd. in: Journal of the Indian Ceramic Society, vol. II, no.1, May 1930, n.p.

40 Corporation offered Austrian and Czechoslovakian chandeliers while The General Electric Co. Ltd imported English lighting.147

Figure 13 Balsara & Co in The Illustrated Weekly of India, 1940

Figure 14 Balsara & Co, A pair of glass and metal light chandeliers

Generally speaking, what is interesting to highlight is that all the different categories of decorative arts seem to have been organized and concentrated in certain areas of the city, like guilds. This stands out in the Bombay Directory of 1930.

147 Balsara & Co. Bombay in: The Illustrated Weekly of India, October 20th 1940, p. 40; Terra Trading Corporation Bombay in: The Illustrated Weekly of India, July 27th 1947, p. 59 and The General Electric Co. Ltd. Bombay in: The Times of India, September 10th 1941, p. 5.

41 The absence of local designers’ names remains difficult to explain at this stage. Is it because it was considered a craft, where anonymity traditionally prevailed? Or, did firms fear losing their best designers, given the strong competition in the cities? Was it simply not in their tradition to identify designers? Did the caste system have an influence here given that the wood workers were low in rank in comparison with the silversmiths, goldsmiths and jewellers? Is it because the applied arts were considered to be commercial art, as suggested by Bireswar Sen, in comparison with painting, architecture and lithography?148 Or is it that the lack of surviving information today prevents us from discovering who the designers were (for example in such scarce captions such as “Modern Indian Sitting Room Designed by V. R. Chitra, Madras School”, illustrating an article about an Exhibition in Madras, with a clear African influence).149 It is difficult to give answers at this point.

It goes without saying that the circulation of imported wares, films, magazines, as well as the presence of foreigners and at the same time, the travels of Indians to Europe, were the common means by which Indian artists, jewellers, designers, craftsman and manufacturers connected with the Art Deco style.

2.2. Major influences: European and American

Upon her first arrival in Paris, the Kapurthala Princess, commenting on French interiors with an Indian eye wrote, “There seemed to be so much furniture! From the starkness of India’s barely furnished rooms I had stumbled into a museum of objects.”150

Even in the first quarter of the twentieth century, having furniture in homes was relatively unusual and had a Western connotation.151 This is in spite of the fact that the Portuguese had introduced furniture to India as long ago as the sixteenth century, as did again later the

148 Bireswar 1924 Sen Bireswar, “Craft-Design”; in: Rupam An Illustrated Journal of Oriental Art, no. 17, January 1924, p. 22. 149 “Two Exhibitions in Madras”; in: Roopa-Lekha. An Illustrated Quartely. Journal of Indian Arts & Crafts, vol. III, serial no. 12, 1932, plate not numbered, follows p. 42. 150 Kapurthala/ Williams 1955 (cf. note 32), p. 46-47. 151 As commented by Her Highness Brinda Maharani of Kapurthala, the furnishing was not usual in the Indian customs: “Like all the houses and palaces I had ever lived in, inside it looked just the same. Although the floors were carpeted with rich and luxurious materials, hand-loomed by patient and skilfull fingers, there was no furniture in the rooms. This was in strict accord with Indian custom.” Ibid., p. 34.

42 Dutch, British and French.152 There is no doubt that the British played a role in the evolution and adoption of furniture into Indian interiors.153

The Parisian Influence

As discussed earlier in this thesis, the cosmopolitan and wealthy classes in India greatly looked to Paris in matters of taste. They were very well informed by the press, which extensively covered the 1925 Paris Exposition, pointing out the novelty of the furnishing displayed, and confirmed Paris as a worldwide reference: “we went to Paris, the fashion-city of the world.”154

The elite classes in India were already good consumers of French wares in the nineteenth century. In 1912 Alfred Chatterton commented:

The picturesque pageantry of the native courts has disappeared and the descendants of the old chieftains and princes adorn their reception rooms with gilt mirrors, glass chandeliers, and Parisian ormolou and bronzes. Musical boxes, mechanical toys and photographs excite their wonder and amuse their idle hours. The gilt and tinsel of European civilization attract them and they no longer appreciate the artistic productions in this country.155

In 1937, Paris, with its tradition of luxury goods was still the reference point for all that was fashionable. This can easily be inferred from the headline for an article featured in The Times of India, “Painted Furniture. The Latest Craze in Paris”.156

French expressions were also commonly used in the Indian press to describe the styles of furnishing such as “soign[é] sic furniture” and the “beautiful ensemble”.157 A comparison of furniture produced in India shows that they seemed to have directly reproduced features of French models. See for example the teakwood U-shape drawer

152 Jaffer 2001 (cf. note 6), p. 14. 153 Raulet 1997 (cf. note 42), p. 22. 154 Ratnam 1928 Cornelius Ratnam, “The West as I saw it”; in: The Indian Ladies’ Magazine, vol. II, no. 5, December 1928, p. 231 and “Furnishing in Paris. Thunder and lightning Designs”; in: The Times of India, April 4th 1925, p. 15. 155 Jaffer 2001 (cf. note 6), p. 16 and Chatterton 1912 Alfred Chatterton, “The Art industries of Southern India”; in: The Journal of Indian Art, XV, no. 119, July 1912, p. 43. 156 Ref. “Painted Furniture. The latest Craze in Paris”; in: The Times of India, November 11th 1937, p. 12. 157 Please find the expressions in the followings articles: Mar 1937 Helen Mar, “Why not colour your outlook? Making Embellishment Fit the Room”; in: the Times of India, November 3rd 1937, p. 28 and “Household Hints. Modern Living Rooms”; in: The Indian Ladies’ Magazine, vol. VIII, no. 3, May-June 1935, p. 105.

43 pedestal with radiating marquetry inlays applied to the drawer and brass drawer knob (fig. 15) compared with the Jules Leleu (1883-1961) Barbiere, stamped piece (fig. 16), or with a drawer pedestal by the same designer (fig. 17).158 The resemblance is striking. The main differences are in the use of materials: the Jules Leleu piece is made using amboyna and silver plated bronze for the fittings in the Barbiere; the drawer pedestal is of oak veneered amboyna and ivory is used for the drawer’s knobs.

Figures 15-16-17 A teakwood & brass drawer pedestal; Jules Leleu’s Barbieri; Jules Leleu’s drawers pedestal model

158 Duncan 2010 [2009] Alastair Duncan, Art Déco; Paris, Citadelles & Mazenod, 2010, p. 421.

44 Another example is the Indian made teakwood and rosewood rectangular dining table built with two imposing steel ringed legs standing on curved bases. Once again the comparison with Jules Leleu (1883-1961) reveals the strong resemblance of the Indian model with the French one (fig. 18). Again the materials used for the French one are more precious, but the main lines remain.159

Figure 18 A teakwood, rosewood and steel twin pedestal dining table

French inspiration is also seen in the side table with its glass tray standing on four arched legs shaping the gazelle horns finished by brass hoofs (fig. 19).

159 Jutheau 1989 Viviane Jutheau, Jules et André Leleu, Paris, Editions Vecteurs, 1989, p. 110.

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Figures 19-19bis A circular teakwood, glass and brass side table, Alfred Porteneuve after Jacques-Emile Ruhlmann, low pedestal table a rosewood and bronze occasional table, ca. 1935

As well as the twin bed with a fluting frame incorporating two cylindrical “en tambour” side tables (fig. 20).

Figure 20 A teakwood double bed

46 The cabinet of rectangular body decorated with applied longitudinal brass ornaments and footing on a curved base also reflects the French style (fig. 21).

Figure 21 A teakwood and brass cabinet

Figure 22 A 20th Century Agra Rug

! $'! The carpet, illustrated here and originating from Agra, is in the pure Art Deco style and reflects a French composition from the mid 1920s (fig. 22). The abundance of leaves, blooming flowers and roses (that recalls a pattern from Paul Poiret) are spangled on the surface. The refreshing colours such as rose, green, turquoise, orange and grey tones are reminiscent of the French style. The whole floral and classical composition brings to mind the chromatic palette, floral theme and layout (fig. 23) similar to the piece by Edouard Bénédictus made for the French Pavilion in the 1925 Paris Exhibition by Aubusson fabrics.160 The publicity for the 1925 Paris Exhibition, as well as the three published albums of his designs, made his models known.161

Figure 23 An Edouard Bénédictus, carpet, 1925

In the area of jewellery, producers such as Surajmal Lallubhai & Co. (Bombay) still looked to French style in designing their pieces and in the selection and combination of precious stones. Indian designs, after a certain time lag would follow the French style (fig. 24). The larger Indian firms were more up to date with the Western styles, while the smaller firms were slower to adapt their style and designs.

160 As regards the Edouard Bénédictus carpet refer to Day 2002 Susan Day, Tapis Modernes et Art Déco; Paris, Norma, 2002, p. 52. 161 Ibid., p. 51.

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Figure 24 Surajmal Lallubhai & Co. in The Illustrated Weekly of India, 24th of December 1933, p.53

For the most important and prestigious Indian jewellers such as Gazdar, the more exclusive French firms such as Cartier, were very influential in their creations. A comparison of the Gazdar’s brooch (fig. 25) with the Cartier piece (fig. 26) reveals a certain relation in the combination of the stones, the mixture of the cuts and so on. Interestingly, the Cartier piece looks more Indian here than the Gazdar piece.

Figures 25-26 A Gazdar, sapphire and diamond clip brooch; a Cartier Tutti-Frutti dress clip

49 Gazdar very much continued to be guided by Western trends. In the late 30s and beginning of the 40s, this can be seen where Gazdar adopted more curved shapes and used foliage design bouquets as well as simplified forms showing movement which was right up to date with the current styles (fig. 27).

Figures 27 – 27bis Gazdar’s advertisement in The Illustrated Weekly of India, 2nd of January 1944, Design for a bracelet made by Van Cleef &Arpels 1936

50 Narotamdas Bhau also looked to the West for inspiration. This can be seen in their design of the Gazelle service, shaped as a moon and half-moon, standing on balled feet and rectangular base (fig. 28). The shape is reminiscent of a porcelain service by Clarice Cliff, shown in The Illustrated Weekly of India (fig. 29), while the Gazelle, a very popular motif, was part of the French classical and worldwide iconography inspired by its foreign origin.162

Figures 28-29 A Narotamdas Bhau, gazelle silver tea service; a Clarice Cliffe [sic], dinner service in The Illustrated Weekly of India

162 Clarice Cliff service illustrated in “Something New in Crockery”; in: The Illustrated Weekly of India, May 13th 1934, p. 71. Kamdar 1947 advertisement is displaying an interior in the French manner, depicting Gazelles in the walls in: The Times of India, January 13th 1945, p. 7.

51 Bauhaus and the German Influence

The Bauhaus approach was not unknown in India, first thanks to Rabindranath Tagore who visited the Weimar school in 1921. The following year, in December 1922, Bauhaus artworks were exhibited in Calcutta with the help of the Indian Society of Oriental Art.163 A similar exhibition was held again in December 1933, but it is difficult to know whether the applied arts were presented.164

The tubular steel furniture, produced in India is much closer to the Bauhaus spirit with its simple and light design (fig. 30).

Figure 30 Godrej & Boyce Mfg. Co. Ld’s advertisement in The Modern Review, August 1938, vol. LXIV, n°2, p. 261

The German presence in India might explain the movement in this direction. Eckart Muthesius, was a strong advocate of tubular furniture:

I can see my readers thinking: “steel furniture? Those horribly uncomfortable looking chairs? Those houses looking like a factory [of] sic [or] at best a sanatorium? And how unsuitable for

163 According to the articles covering the event, it seems that only European and Indian paintings were presented: “Indian Society of Oriental Art. Modern Painting”; in: The Statesman, December 15th 1922, p. 6. 164 Ref. Dasgupta/ Watson 2007 Anshuman Dasgupta and Grant Watson, “Bauhaus Calcutta”; in: Curating Subjects, 2007, p. 81-82.

52 India” […] the architect’s purpose is not to create something extravagant, but to plan a house that will be healthy, economical and pleasing to the eye.165

The list of exhibitors’ names for the 1937 Bombay Ideal Home Exhibition (printed in the Journal of the Indian Institute of Architects), includes the name Moderna who at the Bombay Exhibition produced the section showing a representation of a library (fig. 31) where a reproduction of the B 32 Breuer cantilever chair (fig. 32) could be seen and another piece in a similar style to the B 34 chair (fig. 33) as well as a desk inspired by the B 280 Thonet desk (fig.34).166

Figure 31 Ideal Home Exhibition, Bombay, 1937, library (stand 17) in Journal of the Indian Institute of architects, January 1938, vol. IV, n°3, p. 322

165 Muthesius 1934 Eckart Muthesius, “Housing India in Modern Style”; in: The Illustrated Weekly of India, p. 37. 166“The Ideal Home Exhibition. Town Hall, from the 3rd to 15th November 1937” 1938 (cf. note 72), p. 322 and Vegesack 1989 Alexander von Vegesack, Thonet Tubular Steel Furniture. Card Catalogue; Rhein, Vitra Design Museum,1989.

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Figures 32-33-34 Marcel Breuer B32 & B34 chairs for Thonet; Emile Guyot B 280 desk for Thonet

54 The Bauhaus approach is also seen in the ball shaker, which quotes the design of the one attributed to Marianne Brandt dated, circa 1930 (figs 35-36).167 The Indian specimen is not marked, whereas the German model is. Another variation to note is the material used: the Bauhaus one is in silver, whereas the Indian one is silver-plated.

Figures 35-36 An Indian silver-plated cocktail shaker; a Bauhaus silver cocktail shaker attributed to Marianne Brandt, ca. 1930

167 For the Indian shaker refer to Saffronart catalogue Art Deco, October 31st – November 1st 2012, lot 69. The one attributed to Marianne Brandt see AA.VV., Silver of a New Era: International Highlights of Precious Metalware from 1880 to 1940; Museum Boymans van Beuningen, Rotterdam & Museum voor Sierkunst, Ghent, 1992, p. 173, fig. 151.

55 American Influences

European influences were not the only ones. American style, thanks to the increasing popularity and spread of the Hollywood film industry was becoming enormously influential: “Modern interior decoration, however, is almost invariably European or American in inspiration”.168 American films showed the American way of life through their film sets: “Plain unpolished wood is favoured by Miss Gloria Stuart, the 20th Century Fox Film Star for her dining-room furniture.”169 The American style was easily adaptable to India:

An American, especially one from California, feels at home in any part of India. The climate is similar having months of brilliant sunshine, then enough rain to make it a bit cooler. Your home in India then should reflect as much brightness and colour as possible.170

This luxurious vanity dressing table, in a dark ebonized teakwood with a unique central compartment and a lighted mirror, including an upholstered seat with three brass tubes, (this pattern reflected in the dressing table base) provides an interesting contrast of colours and materials, and is worthy of a Hollywood film (fig. 37). The incorporation of the lights and the sharp contrast of colours suggest an American influence, but again the materials remain local.

168 Alida 1937 Alida “Modern Decoration in the Indian Manner”; in: The Illustrated Weekly of India, October 3rd 1937, p. 61. 169 “Welcome back Decoration! “Functionalism” Dies and Ornament is born”; in: The Times of India, November 3rd 1937, p. 22. 170 “Why not in India” 1938 (cf. note 2), p. 41.

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Figure 37 A teakwood, silver, brass & leather dressing table with bulb lights mirror

57 The skyscraper style in the taste of Paul-Théodore Frankl is seen in an Indian cupboard built on two levels, graduated like steps, alluding, in its main lines, to a skyscraper (figs 38- 39).

Figures 38-39 A skyscraper cupboard in The Illustrated Weekly of India, 25th of June 1939, p. 49; a Paul- Theodore Frankl, skyscraper chest of drawers, ca. 1930

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Figure 40 A teakwood rectangular mirror frame

The same influence can be seen in this teakwood and rosewood mirror frame, which combines elements of the modern age such as a power antenna and the crowning designs of certain emblematic American buildings (fig. 40).

Along the same lines, these two polished brass stepped wall sconces (fig. 41) reflect the American model (fig. 42) with slight differences.

59

Figures 41-42 A pair of concentric hemicircles brass wall sconces; an American metal wall sconce, ca. 1930

Another inference to American design is seen in the Penguin silver tea service, bearing the coat of arms of the Maharaja of Bikaner and marked with an unknown maker’s mark (fig. 43).171 The resemblance with the Penguin shaker made by Emile A. Shuelke (around 1936) for Napier, can be seen in the base drawing the feet, the wings, the body as a shaker and the Penguin’s beak (fig. 44).

171 This service was kindly mentioned, commented and illustrated by Michael Backman, Asian Art Specialist and London’s!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! dealer. Michael Backman suggests! that the service was made for Ganga Singh, Maharaja of Bikaner (r. 1887-1943) probably in Bombay.

! &+!

Figure 43 A silver penguin tea service for the Maharaja of Bikaner

61

Figure 44 An Emile A. Shuelke gilded and silver-plated penguin cocktail shaker, 1936

The Indian silver tea services shaped in geometrical forms with certain details, like handles and knobs, enhanced by the use of a red-ruby and green-apple Lucite, brought a colourful touch (figs 45-46). Instead of using precious woods or ivory, in the Anglo-Indian tradition, these Indian designs rather seem to refer to American aesthetics. The use of plastic in silver, instead of precious stones, was one of the most successful contributions of the American company Sheets-Rockford.172

172 Stern 2005 Jewel Stern, Modernism in American Silver 20th Century Design; New Heaven & London, Yale University Press and Dallas Museum of Art, 2005, p. 93.

62

Figures 45-46 Tea silver and Lucite services

63

Figure 47 A metal & Lucite tea service shaped as birds

The silver service in the shape of birds follows the similar lines with its Lucite handles (fig. 47). The Indian Press commented on the use of Plexiglas, which was considered to be the result of American innovation. It was available in a wide range of colours and used for its decorative quality of transparency.173

Other Influences

Notwithstanding the stronger influences of Western style, Chinese and African influences also found their way into Indian decoration. The Chinese influence can be seen in products aimed at women such as this drawing for a table with scrolls at both ends of the tray (fig. 48).174 It is also mentioned in the press:

173 “A Modern Marvel Plexiglas”; in: The Illustrated Weekly of India, October 27th 1940, p. 45 174 “Low tables are in fashion”; in: The Times of India, November 27th 1937, p. 19. In the 18th Century, Indian craftsmen had already being inspired by Chinese designs. The wood painted and varnished chest on stand from Bareilly attests this interest. ref. Jaffer 2002 Amin, Luxury Goods from India. The Art of the Indian Cabinet-Maker; London, V&A publications, 2002, p. 106-107.

64 Just as Chinese tapestries, pictures and objects d’art have been used with such success in interior decoration, so too can Indian paintings, hand-woven materials and arts and crafts selected with care be made to harmonise with modern furniture.175

Figure 48 Low tables in The Times of India, 27th of November 1937, p. 19

African art was also used for decoration in Indian interiors: “Occasionally creeping into the ultra-modern, there should be […] an[d] ancient African mask grinning from the wall of a modern lounge.”,176 thus obviously following the French trend of the time.

175 Alida 1937 (cf. note 168), p. 61. 176Gerrard 1939 Doris Gerrard, “Interior Decoration”; in: The Illustrated Weekly of India, June 25th 1939, p. 49.

65 Copying

Even if the significant pieces were imported from abroad, a large amount of Art Deco style products were made in India and supported by the local community such as the Parsis. Walter Buchler reported this in 1931:

As already mentioned, most of the furniture used in India is made locally. Those Indian going for modern-style furniture are thoroughly Westernized and they furnish their rooms in a manner similar to that current in America or Europe. Parsees in a particular, are very up-to- date, and very good examples of modern furnishing in the Western ways are also found in the homes of well-to-do Hindus ad Mohammedans.177

This strong influence –“Western in imitation” – in the furniture, made in India, leads us to the question of the copy. Copying foreign goods after a model or a catalogue was a usual custom, as was underlined in the Garlick & Co, Bombay advertisement: “See the modern bathroom and bedroom at the Ideal Home Exhibition. Copy it.”178 Copying and imitation was evidently a problem, as was suggested by Bomco Furnishing Fabric in Bombay: “And because all good things are imitated, see that you buy the genuine material. Warning – Beware of misrepresentation. We have no branches in market or anywhere else in Bombay.”179

The trend for making slavish copies of western products was extensively criticised in the press in 1937, as a negative practice having deplorable effects on the creativity of the local craftsman.180 Some critics saw the Westernization as a real threat to the native art and customs: “The charm of our Indian Jewellery is being lost in a blind imitation of Western Ornaments”.181

It seemed then, that the initial notion that all things Western were superior was giving way to a certain ambivalence towards products from the West.

177 Buchler 1931 Walter Buchler “Indian Furniture To-Day” ; in: The Cabinet Maker and Complete House Furnisher, February 28th 1931, p. 482. 178 Balaram 2011 Singanapali Balaram, Thinking Design; Singapore, Sage Publications Asia-Pacific Pte Ltd, 2011, p. 148 and Garlick & Co. advertisement in The Times of India, November 4th 1937, p. 7. 179 Bomco’s advertisement in: The Times of India, October 13th 1941, p. 3. 180 “Copyists not only lack of imagination in themselves but also strangle it in others of their crafts and imagination is an essential ingredient of decoration unless one is content to accept purely hereditary forms” from “Welcome back Decoration! “Functionalism” Dies and Ornament is born” – “The copying Craze” 1937 (cf. note 169), p. 22. 181 Susie 1931 Sister Susie, “Our Fashion Suggestions”; in: The Indian Ladies’ Magazine, vol. V, no. 8, March-April 1931, p. 383.

66 2.3. “Westernization” in the applied arts: press’ reception

While Westernization in India had its advocates and opponents in relation to particular issues, generally speaking, people tended to accept Westernization as a thing of progress:

There has long been an impact between the Western mode of life, Western manufactures, Western methods and the age-old established traditions of a country which while readily accepting renovation in history when it was acceptable or necessary, has in essence maintained its own way of life, it social stability when empires elsewhere were crumbling and the very nature of the rest of the globe was changing.182

When advocates of the style moderne listed its benefits, simplicity was a frequently highlighted characteristic: “Simplicity is the Keynote.”183 The substitution of a Victorian style interior with its heavy and imposing furniture, with the modern, more airy, spacious and less ornate feel of style moderne was thought to be more suitable to the Indian tradition of “unfurnished” homes.184 This style also suited the climate for most of India: “Modern house decoration is ideal for India, the simplicity is just right for a hot climate.”185

Opponents criticized the aesthetics of the new style. An Indian architect called the style “decadent” and “grotesque”.186 The methods of manufacturing using machines and promoting the industrialization of furniture were seen as negative things: “… the machine age [was] a giant Frankenstein, prepared to destroy its creator…”.187 The fear that machines would replace human labour and create unemployment was perhaps an understandable one in a period of economic depression.188

Indian workers were not only replaced by the machine, but Indian design talent was eclipsed by foreign designers often imitating a Western style that was not always appropriate for India:

182 “Architects give Bombay a new show. The First Ideal Home Exhibition” 1937 (cf. note 73), p. 15. 183 “Furnishing in modern Flats. Simplicity is the Keynote”; in: The Times of India, June 27th 1938, p. 5. 184 Evenson 1989 (cf. note 62), p. 173. 185 Gerrard 1939 (cf. note 176), p. 49. 186 See Vakil 1936 K.H. Vakil, “Architecture as a Social Necessity”; in: The Journal of the Indian Institute of architects, February 1936, p. 79 quoted by Evenson 1989, (cf. note 62), p. 179-180. 187 Bose 1933 Sudhindra Bose, “Does Machinery spell Progress?”; in: The Modern Review, December 1933, p. 616. The comparison with Frankenstein shows again the influence of the American film industry in the Indian minds. 188 “The industrial society does not need the consuming capacity of these workers. It needs their purchasing power. But how they obtain purchased power when there is not enough work for them?” ibid., p. 616-617.

67 It must be tragic from a patriotic Indian’s point of view to see how many of the craftsmen in furniture and in fabric designs are now replaced, in India’s cities, by European designers or by slavish imitators of designs from overseas catalogues or magazines.189

A “middle ground” approach developed, which found a compromise by incorporating both the indigenous and western. Some preferred to have an Occidental fitting with Indian traditional elements in the details, excluding the “marble replica of the Taj Mahal”. Others preferred to adopt a completely oriental setting but kept in mind the simplicity of the modern style.190

This cultural dichotomy provoked debate over the question of identity: And if one were to carry that comparison further Dress [sic] let us see how the modern Indian Woman does dress. She wears a sari it is true, but high-heeled sandals patterned after evening slippers of the West. She carries a bag made in Europe, jewels like those of Cartier, yet in spite of all the Westernisation of her dress, it does not alter her essential “Indianness”. Could we not find a similar amalgam for our houses?191

The marrying of “western conveniences” with the “Indianization” in homes was also commented on in the press by Rohini: “This happy adaptation of eastern and western designs in Indian homes makes the modern abode in India a beautiful and comfortable place indeed to live in.”192 Ultimately, two different cultures were adapted and lived comfortably with each other with the style moderne.

189 “Welcome back Decoration! “Functionalism” Dies and Ornament is born” 1937 (cf. note 169), p. 22. 190 Alida 1937 (cf. note 168), p. 61 191 “The Indian Element in Modern Interior Decorating”; in: The Times of India, November 3rd 1937, p. 18. 192 Rohini 1938 Rohini, “Furniture Fashions”; in: The Illustrated Weekly of India, March 20th 1938, p. 57.

68 CHAPTER III

THE “INDIAN MANNER”193

3.1 A quest for national identity and growing economic independence

India in the first half of the twentieth century saw a growth in nationalist movements, which led ultimately to its independence from Imperial Britain in 1947. This political background and changing Indian identity also found expression through the decorative arts.

It is interesting to look briefly at the political history and certain historical figures during this period of nationalism, as it helps set the backdrop to the birth of the “Indian Manner” in the modern decorative arts.

Certain initiatives were taken amongst intellectuals as well as economic and political entities to promote and help instil a feeling of nationalism. Indians were encouraged to buy Indian rather than imported goods. In fact, the Indian textile industry became a symbol of emerging Indian nationalism and the repercussions of this could be felt in Indian dress and fashion.

Swadeshi, Ghandi and the “Dress Revolution”

In the Indian textile industry, it had been standard practice in the early twentieth century to export raw cotton to Britain where this was treated and made into fabric in the textile mills of northern England. The finished cloth was then re-imported to India.194

Between 1905-1918 the Swadeshi movement, which had as its goal the removal of British rule and the development of Indian self-sufficiency, organised a boycott of this long-

193 Expression borrowed to the following article: Alida 1937 (cf. note 168), p. 61. 194 Bear 2007 Laura Bear, Lines of the Nation: Indian Railway Workers, Bureaucracy, and the Intimate historical self ; New York Chichester, Columbia University Press, 2007, pp. 25-28.

69 standing arrangement in the textile trade. It urged Indians not to buy British products and textiles but to buy local fabric by wearing the Khadi, a hand-woven cloth made in India.

The economically powerful Parsi community, who controlled the steel industry around the commercial centre of Bombay, built their own cotton mills and invested in textile manufacturing thereby helping to break the British stranglehold on the Indian textile industry.195 Cloth played a major role in the Swadeshi movement and with the ability to produce Indian fabric on a larger mechanised scale, this gave a new impetus to Indian manufacturers and to the economy.

The expression of nationalist feeling, by exercising consumer choice, was reflected in the following comment in the Indian Ladies’ Magazine:

With the growth of Nationalism in India, our ladies are becoming more and more independent, not only in their attitude towards life, but also in their use of foreign goods and clothing. There are some, who like to encourage Indian industries, and thus the saris they must be woven in India… and all other household necessities they use must be manufactured in their own land. This is indeed a useful way in which to help the country…196

This “Dress Revolution”, as a political movement of independence, having Ghandi as its leader, had the effect of mobilizing the masses. Gandhi led by example and abandoned the khadi, given its high price, in favour of the affordable Dhoti.197 As 75% of the population was on the poverty line, Ghandi’s wearing of the dhoti was particularly poignant.

The status of the craftsman of pre-industrial India was somewhat restored during this time.198 Ghandi argued that if Indians avoided the consumption of local products: “we shall then be guilty of strangling them [craftsmen] with our hands”.199 Ghandi was not opposed to

195 Kulke 1978 (cf. note 59), p.122-123. 196 Susie 1929 Sister Susie, “Our Fashion Suggestion”; in: The Indian Ladies’ Magazine, vol. II, no. 1, June 1929, p. 598. 197 Gonsalves 2010 Peter Gonsalves, Clothing For Liberation. A Communication Analysis of Ghandi Swadeshi Revolution; New Delhi, Sage Publications, 2010, p. XIX & p. 25. 198 Mathur 2007 Saloni Mathur, India by Design. Colonial History and Cultural Display; Berkley, Los Angeles & London, University Press of California, 2007, p. 44. 199 Mohandas 1919 K. Ghandi Mohandas, “Indian arts, its neglected”; in: Young India, no. 8, May 31 1919, p. 3 quoted by McGowan 2009 Abigail McGowan, Crafting the Nation in Colonial India; New York, Palgrave Macmills, 2009, p. 2.

70 other cultures but he did not wish India to be ruled by them: “I want cultures of all lands flown about my house as freely as possible, but I refuse to be blown off my feet by any”.200

As local production of fabric increased, it was possible to choose Indian products to claim one’s patriotism. As emphasized by Kamala Satthianadhan in her article “The Westernization of Indian Women”: “Now, the pendulum, outwardly at least, has swung the other way; the correct thing is to be Swadeshi or Indian.”201 The art scholar Ananda Kentish Coomaraswamy went in the same direction in his book Art and Swadeshi, published around 1912, in which he extensively criticized the copying and the imitation of European goods claiming to be “made in India” as well as the importation of items from Europe ruining local production.202

Newspapers such as The Times of India and The Illustrated Weekly of India, promoted Indian production in their headlines “Modern Decoration in the Indian Manner”, “The Indian Element in Modern Interior” or “Beautiful Indian Furniture”.203

A Moderate Position between Western and Indian

Others argued in support of a moderate position between the Western and Indian cultures. Dr. Satthianadhan, husband of the journal editor of the Indian Ladies’ Magazine wrote: “Have we become so completely Westernized as to lose touch with our kith and kin? Let us by all means enjoy the benefits of the Western Civilisation but let it not blind us to our duties as Indian Christians”204

This adaptation of Western models to Indian customs, a kind of compromise between Indian traditions and modern movements was followed in the decorative arts: “Perhaps the only safe rule… is to remember that the Indian elements… must remain accessories of finishing

200 Quoted by Balaram 2011 (cf. note 178), p. 259. 201 Satthianadhan 1929 Kamala Satthianadhan, “The Westernization of Indian Women”; in: The Illustrated Weekly of India, August 18th 1929, p. 14. 202 Balaram 2011 (cf. note 178), p. 46. 203 Alida 1937(cf. note 166), p. 61; Alida 1937 Alida, “The Indian Element in Modern Interior decorating”; in: The Times of India, November 3rd 1937, p. 18 and “Beautiful Indian Furniture”; in: the Illustrated Weekly of India, September 1st 1935, p. 18. 204 Quoted by Sengupta 1956 Padmini Sengupta, The Portrait of an Indian Woman; Calcutta, YMCA Publishing House, 1956, p. 15 referring Satthiandhan S., Sketches of Indian Christians.

71 touches, while the main body of the room is Occidental.”205 In order to improve the Indianization of the homes it was recommended that the Paan dan (betel box), a bidri work or a hookah base be kept in Indian homes. Its Indian essence, intrinsic features as well as its decorative effect were adaptable to the current taste.206

Indian traditional patterns were adapted in European models. The Bareilly Institute: “Indian Designs are incorporated in many of the pieces produced at Bareilly… It might be mistaken for ultra modern instead of being really ancient.”207

In the end, a compromise between both cultures was found: “It is precisely here that one could achieve this happy medium of Western comfort and Eastern personality by combining the essentials of each.” 208

This medium position was held by Rabindranath Tagore, who set up the Visva Bharati University in Santiniketan, in Bengal. Tagore hoped to restore Indian cultural customs while at the same time, adapting them to the current generation. The main difference between Tagore and Coomaraswamy, is that Tagore was responsive to other influences such as the Bauhaus. Discussions at this level however had a somewhat limited impact appealing really to the “intellectuals”.209 In contrast, the actions and words of Ghandi and the Swadeshi movement reached the general masses.

It is in this historical context that the 1937 Bombay Exhibition was held and the same feelings of nationalism (although with different political implications) that had motivated the Paris Exhibition of 1925 were present also in the impetus for the 1937 Exhibition: “A Stimulus on the creation of styles which will bring about a renaissance of Indian Decorative Arts...”210

205 Alida 1937, (cf. note 168), p. 61. 206 Ibid., p. 61 and Burnap 1938 Kay G. Burnap, “Tasteful Decoration”; in: The Illustrated Weekly of India, May 15th 1938, p. 41. 207 “Beautiful Indian Furniture” 1935 (cf. note 203), p. 18. 208 Alida 1937 Alida, “The Indian Element in Modern Interior Decorating”; (cf. note 203), p. 18. 209 Balaram 2011, (cf. note 178), p. 47. 210 “Welcome back Decoration! “Functionalism” Dies and Ornament is born”; 1937, (cf. note 169), p. 22.

72 In summary, there were nationalistic discourses for the masses and discourses for the intellectual elites, and this change in national attitude might have had a consequent effect on Indian Art Deco.

The Impact of the Second World War

In spite of the advertisements of the British Airways and the General Electric Co., which claimed that they would ensure the importation of English items,211 the declaration of the Second World War in 1939 interrupted trade during war time. During this time Indian industries grew providing armaments and other essential supplies to the British and the Allies.212

A vivid example of how the war stimulated industry in the area of decorative arts has already been mentioned (see Chapter 2.1 p. 32) when Stefan Norblin, who was recruited to complete the work on the Umaid Bhawan Palace had to enlist local craftsman to create all the interiors and furnishings for the palace when the ships carrying the imported furnishings were sunk in the war.

It is in this quest of identity period that the press raised the question: “What is India’s contribution to present-day interior decorating?”213

211 Ref. The Times of India, September 10th 1941, p. 5. 212 Gupta s.d. Garima Gupta, “Economic controls during World War II and their Continuance”; in: State Market & Economy, s.d. p. 70 http://www.ccs.in/ccsindia/interns2002/10.pdf, last access on 14. 05. 2013. 213 Alida 1937 (cf. 202), p. 18.

73 3.2 Jewellery, Fashion, Silver and Bidri

Jewellery

Did Indian art and design have any influence on Art Deco jewellery in general?

It certainly did. There is no doubt that India’s influence can be seen in the European pieces. Indian features can be seen in the shape, colours and compositions of European Art Deco jewellery.

The best examples known today of Indian Art Deco jewellery are in pieces, which had been made in Paris. There are probably similar examples that had been made in India but which have not yet resurfaced either in publications or auction catalogues or, have been wrongly attributed as French.

This cross-fertilisation of styles meant that in the area of Art Deco jewellery the influences fused into a single style, which often makes it difficult to clearly identify whether the piece is of Indian or French origin. Fortunately, in some cases French hallmarks, like the cutting of the stones (when they are not antique and reused); the setting; as well as archives of jewellers can help identify the origin of a piece as being either French or Indian. It is interesting to see on the one hand how the French adapted their pieces to the Indian market and on the other, how the Indian designers incorporated the Art Deco style. Cartier, Boucheron, Mauboussin, Van Cleef & Arpels took inspiration from traditional Indian jewellery. Their range of jewellery included sarpechs (head front), turra (turban ornament), chand mang-tika (forehead ornament) nath (nose ring), earrings, bazuband (armlet), sat lara har (seven stranded necklace), kara (hinged bangle bracelet), pagri (turban ornament); guluband (Indian choker), plastron necklace, tongue scraper and patu’a clasp cords.214 Those pieces were updated to the Art Deco style by replacing the traditional kundan, gold setting technique, with a platinum European setting.215

214 List made after the following publications: Untracht 2008 [1997] Oppi Untracht, Traditional Jewelry of India; London, Thames & Hudson, 2008, passim & Jaffer 2007 [2006] (cf. note 43), passim. 215 Ibid. p. 58-59.

74

Figure 49 A nineteenth century gold, diamonds and emeralds ek-kalangi sarpech

The ek-kalangi sarpech and turra, made by Mauboussin (figs 50-51) for the Maharaja Yeshwant Rao Holkar II of Indore in 1936, followed the traditional model (fig. 49) with its bayani khamdar – vertical rising plume shape with a curved end turned to the left side – standing on a seven-sided section annexed by triangular forms with seven drilled pendants.216 The general composition, its geometrical treatment, the absence of openwork and the use of platinum instead of gold gave the piece a new stylistic interpretation of an Indian traditional model.

216 Ibid., p. 66.

75

Figures 50-51 A twentieth century platinum, diamonds and emeralds Mauboussin ek-kalangi sarpech, made for the Maharaja Yeshwant Rao Holkar II of Indore, 1936; Mauboussin model, 1935

! '&!

Figure 52-53 A twentieth century platinum, emeralds, diamonds and pearls sat lara har; a nineteenth century gold, diamonds, rubies and pearls sat lara har

The same applies to the sat lara har, traditional necklace (fig. 53). As its name suggests, it is made of seven strands of pearls where the tikris, openwork pendants (here of triangular shape, in platinum, set with emeralds and diamonds, mirroring the pieces on the extremities of the necklace) stand centrally in each strand (fig. 52). The necklace is finished by a traditional patu’a cord clasp.217 Oppi Untracht states that the necklace is French while Katherine Prior, in her publication Bijoux de Maharaja, more cautiously refers to the piece as being of Art Deco style without giving an attribution. Given that no mark is mentioned, an Indian creator cannot be excluded.

The French went so far in adopting the Indian style in their jewellery creations that it has made the attribution of pieces very difficult. Without examining the piece, and also the stone cutting, it is difficult to settle on the origin of many pieces.

217 Untracht 2008 [1997] (cf. note 214), p. 407 and Prior/Adamsn 2000 (cf. note 50), p. 121.

77

Figures 54-55 A Cartier panna moti ka mala necklace; a North Indian necklace with a seventeenth century carved gemstone in the shashpahlu (hexagonal) form

The Cartier necklace (fig. 54) – arranged with 85 emerald kharbuza beads (melon form) alternated with pearls, where a carved shashpahlu (hexagonal form) emerald, mounted in the pure Art Deco style, is hung – recalls traditional features (fig. 55).218

These examples make any attempt at defining “Indian Art Deco” difficult. Should an Indian shape with an Art Deco look or an Art Deco setting using Indian stones both be called “Indian Art Deco”? Should Indian Art Deco pieces be defined by their place of creation, e.g., France or India? This shows how problematic categorising those pieces of jewellery can be due to internationalisation, adaptation and cross-cultural exchanges within the Art Deco style.

218 AA.VV., Cartier Innovation through the 20th Century; Paris, Flammarion, 2007, cat. 95.

78 While the Europeans were creating Indian pieces in the Art Deco taste, the Indians were creating pieces in the Art Deco manner. The traditional pieces ordered by the Maharajas showed that they were both conservative and modern in style. Indian designers and customers to some extent felt a responsibility to keep the Indian traditions alive, as was emphasized in the Indian Ladies’ Magazine:

Let us also hope that the kinds of jewels they wear will not become too Westernised. Jewellery is one of those things in which we can distinctly exhibit an Eastern taste, and as it is the duty of every woman in India to keep up, not only her ancient Indian customs and traditions, but also her style of dressing, each woman ought to make an effort to look as charming as possible.219

Fashion and Fabric

The attachment to tradition is also seen in Indian traditional dressing that was updated locally and internationally. Saris, are an interesting example which illustrate how sensitive they were to fashion’s fluctuation. According to Linda Lynton, in the second quarter of the twentieth century, the tendency for saris, in spite of the Swadeshi movement, was to use transparent chiffon (made in Europe) instead of the heavy cottons.220 The Maharani Sanyogita Devi of Indore in the painting by Bernard the Monvel, wears a transparent lemon-yellow sari tone with an end piece border made of geometric patterns, and a choli (midriff-blaring blouse) completely covered with flowers showing an impression of horror vacui close to the floral European textiles of the 1920s (fig.56).

219 Susie 1929 Sister Susie, “Our Fashion Suggestions”; in: The Indian Ladies’ Magazine, vol. III, no. 3, October 1929, p. 120. 220 Lynton 1995 Linda Lynton, The Sari. Styles – Patterns – History – Techniques; London, Thames & Hudson, 1995, p. 11.

79

Figure 56 Maharani Sanyogita of Indore by Bernard Boutet de Monvel, (oil on canvas), 1934

Saris, with their exoticism, became fashionable in Europe and America. The photographer Murray Korman captured Josephine Baker wearing an elegant silk finish sari (fig.57). Saris began to be made in Europe.

80

Figure 57 Josephine Baker (photography) by Murray Korman

In her autobiography, the Dowager Maharani of Gwalior mentioned imported saris, gifts from her husband, which she refused on principle:

I still remember my husband showing me round my apartment and throwing open doors of the almirahs to display their glittering contents: the sheerest of French chiffons and georgettes made on sari-width looms and with the palest of butterfly tints, gorgeous silks, Indian imported, heavily embroidered with gold and silver thread, all bought by the dozen from the most expensive shops in Bombay, Delhi and Calcutta. After showing a properly demure enthusiasm for them, I

81 was reduced to a speechless silence. Sensing that something was wrong, my husband turned to me and asked: “But don’t you like them?” “I do, oh, very much! But… I don’t wear them. I gave up wearing such saris when I went to college … when I made a resolve to wear only Indian-made cottons.221

The description of those saris recalls those worn by the Maharanis portrayed in the photograph with the Maharaja Bhupinder Singh of Patiala in 1931 (fig.58). Whatever the preferences of the Maharani of Gwalior, imported French silk chiffon saris were in great demand among the other Maharanis. This can be seen in the correspondence (1957) between the Maharani Shantidevi of Baroda and the French firm Sarees (France) Ltd.222

Figure 58 Maharaja Bhupinder Singh of Patiala posing with family ladies (photography), 1931

221 Scindia/ Malgonkar 1988 [1985] Her Highness Vijayaraje Scindia and Manohar Malgonkar, Princess. The Autobiography of the Dowager Maharani of Gwalior; London, Century, 1988, p. 134-135. 222 Jaffer 2007 [2006] (cf. note 43), p. 115.

82 Additionally, Elsa Schiaparelli (1890-1973) created and presented, in February of 1935, a collection of sari-dresses inspired by the Maharani Karam of Kapurthala.223 The plain black dress, draped in the sari way, is characterised by a thin hemline decorated with pink pearls shaping hexagons on a yellow background (fig. 59). Again here, features are borrowed from both the Orient and the Occident, blurring the stylistic frontiers between the instigator and the follower. A main difference between the Indian sari and the Western version was that the latter had a single piece made as a sari-dress ready to wear. The traditional sari was a rectangular cloth, which required a folding and wrapping knowledge.

Figure 59 A black sari-dress by Schiaparelli, 1935 summer collection

Given that there is no clear distinguishing feature between genuine Indian style and Westernised influences in saris, it would be of interest to explore such a topic. This is an entire area of research in itself. The collections of the Princess of Niloufer of Hyderabad in the Fashion Institute Museum in New York, as well as the one of the Princess Barrar at

223 Blum 2004 Dilys E. Blum, Elsa Schiaparelli; Paris, Musée de la Mode et du Textile, 2004, p. 72.

83 the Louvre in Paris, including the numerous illustrations in the Illustrated Weekly of India should be analysed and studied further.224

Despite the wearing of western ornaments in the Indian manner, the “Indianness” was not altered as suggested in The Times of India: Nowhere do we see that selective amalgamation of art and taste that has dominated the history of India evolving something peculiarly her own … Modern architecture and interior decoration in this country today is like and Indian woman in a suit by Schiaparelli! … And if one were to carry that comparison further Dress [sic] let us see how the modern Indian woman does dress. She wears a sari it is true but high-heeled sandals patterned after evening slippers of the West. She carries a bag made in Europe, jewels like those of Cartier, yet in spite of all Westernisation of her dress, it does not alter her essential “Indianness.225

Of interest is the end piece pattern of a Banaras Brocade from the 1940s according to Linda Lynton.226 The pattern shows a clear “Bizarre design” by its combination of flowers, “exotic” motifs such as keri shapes as well as terraced arrangements (figs. 60-61).

Figures 60-61 An end piece pattern on a Banaras brocade, woven, ca. 1940-50

224 Those two collections were mentioned in Lynton 1995 (cf. note 220), p.182. 225 Alida 1937 (cf. note 203), p. 18. 226 Lynton 1995 (cf. note 220) p. 54-55 & 68.

84 The “Bizarre” style was very popular in Europe in the eighteenth century and was brought up to date by the “classical” Art Deco style, which sourced design themes and ideas from this period. Vilhelm Slomann in his publication Bizarre Designs in Silks. Trade and Tradition named this style “Bizarre” and attributed its origins to India, which he thinks developed this as a product for the European market.227 The paternity was widely discussed among scholars such as Peter Thornton who thought it was of French origin228, while Stella Kramrisch thought it came from India.229

Its origin is controversial as is the period from which it dates. Was it an Indian motif restored and updated in the twentieth century or, was it a revival of a European pattern in the twentieth century that influenced Indian textiles?

Whatever its origin, it was used in both Europe and in India. It was adapted to the contemporary taste and even simplified in the carpets’ designs.

Silverware

Indian adaptation of the Art Deco style for the native use can be seen in some silverware.

The hookah base (arghile) shaped as a disc body stands on a rectangular base. The body is decorated in a simple and pure Art Deco style with radiant axes (fig.62). The rectangular guilloche Paan dan (betel leaves and betel nut container), divided into three compartments, one large central and two smaller aside, including eight narrow cylinders to the front to hold seven folded Paan leaves, shows again the taste for the sober and modern style (fig.63).

227 Slomann 1953 Vilhelm Slomann, Bizarre Designs in Silks; Copenhagen : Ejnar Munksgaard, 1953. 228 Thornton 1958 Peter Thornton, “The “Bizarre” Silks”; in: The Burlington Magazine, vol. 100, no. 665, August 1958, p. 265-270. 229 Kramrisch 1955 Stella Kramrisch, “Bizarre Designs in Silks by Vilhelm Slomann”, in: Artibus Asiae, vol. 18, no. 1, p. 107-110.

85

Figure 62 A silver hookah base

Figure 63 A silver paan dan

86 The tea services made for the Maharaja Gaekwar of Baroda by the well-known Kutch silversmith’s firm – Oomersee Mawjee Jr., follow the current styles.230 The tea set comprises an oblong tray, a teapot, sugar bowl and milk jug of rounded shapes standing on conical feet. It is entirely decorated with a hammered finish (fig.64).

Figure 64 A silver hammered tea service by Oomersee Mawjee Jr. for the Gaekwad of Baroda

Animal figures, popular during this period, as we have seen before with the Penguin service, bring to mind the quail tea service made by Omersee Mawjee Jr. for the Maharaja of Baroda.231 The quails are faithfully described, detailing the plumage, the snake in the milk jug handle and a stylised plant on the teapot (fig. 65).

230 Wilkinson 1999 (cf. note 57), p. 69. 231 Dehejia 2008 Vidya Dehejia, Delight in Design. Indian Silver for the Raj; [India], Mapin Publishing, 2008, p.93.

87

Figure 65 A silver three pieces tea set by Oomersee Mawjee Jr. for the Gaekwad of Baroda

The Kashmir pear-shaped vase, standing on an annulated knop and a domed square foot, illustrates a more eclectic style.232 The European adornments – such as the geometric three- sided handles, where pendants are hung – are combined with more traditional patterns such as the paisley leaf and flower motifs in the background, where a folded medallion depicts a landscape to the front vase (fig. 66).

Another example of fusion between traditional Indian motifs and Art Deco is the silver rectangular tray, with its central panel sand-finish, monogrammed and decorated with four shells and geometric patterns. The handles shaped as elephant heads shows its Bombay origin (fig. 67).233

232 The piece was mentioned and identified as Kashmiri by Wilkinson 1999 (cf. note 57), p. 108. 233 Elephant handles were found in Bombay services such as the one of the 1930s, belonging to the Maharani Narinder Kaur, third wife of the Maharaja Paramjit Singh Kapurthala, ref. Christie’s sale no. 2352, lot 123.

88

Figure 66 A silver vase, Kashmir, ca. 1935

Figure 67 A rectangular silver and sand-finished tray

A typical Indian style in the use of material and in construction can be seen in this Bidri box. In particular, the traditional pattern of the peacock plume motif was included on the top of the lid (fig. 68).234

Figure 68 A bidri box with peacock plume pattern

234 The piece was illustrated in the following article: Beardmore/ Martin/ McPhail/ Chater 2007 Emma Beardmore, Graham Martin, David McPhail and Richard Chater, “Investigation of the Patina on Bidri advanced Surface Analysis Tecniques”; in: Conservation Journal (V&A), Issue 55, Spring 2007, p. 1, web page http://www.vam.ac.uk/content/journals/conservation-journal/issue-55...of-the-patina-on-bidri-using-advanced- surface-analysis-techniques/ I am grateful to Dr Lucia Burgio Senior Object Analysis Scientist of the Science Section, Conservation Department at theVictoria and Albert Museum to provide me additional information about this item.

89 3.3 Furniture and Carpets

Furniture

Indian furniture greatly evolved along the guidelines of the style moderne. In the 1935 issue of The Illustrated Weekly of India, the Bareilly Institute displayed the fusion of traditional references with simple modern lines: “The South Indian Hindu Temple profile makes an admirable front for this furniture carried out in veneer. It might be mistaken for ultra modern, instead of being really ancient.”235

As indicated in the legend, the incorporation of details, such as the Svarloka crowning the rectangular structures of the chest of drawers, wardrobe and dressing table, gave a local detail to the standard structure (fig. 69). These pieces were veneered, as mentioned in the article, with local timbers. Another decorative element, included in their repertoire, is the discreet Muslim arches outlining the top (fig. 70).

Figure 69 Bareilly Institute furniture ensembles in The Illustrated Weekly of India, 1st September 1935, p. 18

235 “Beautiful Indian Furniture” 1935 (cf. note 203), p. 18.

90

Figure 70 Bareilly Institute furniture ensembles in The Illustrated Weekly of India, 1st September 1935, p. 18

This teakwood dressing table, formerly from a Royal collection, is standing on a curved basement decorated with acanthus scrolls and surmounted by a central compartment with two side doors carved with lotus flower and bamboo stems while the central section has glass sliding doors.236 The whole dressing table is crowned by two C-shaped small storage spaces with scrolling leaves to the top (fig. 71).

Figure 71 A teakwood dressing table with lotus motives

236 Ref. lot 51 of the Saffronart auction catalogue Art Deco, October 31st –November 1st, 2012.

91 The line was followed in the sofa with its armrests shaped as palm leaves standing, as with the dressing table, on a curved base decorated with acanthus scrolls (fig. 72).

Figure 72 A teakwood sofa with armrests shaped as palm leaf

The writing desk, organized in two compartments supporting a shelf, is adorned with gadrooned friezes and crowded by half palm leaves and a half sphere (fig. 73).

Figure 73 A teakwood and rosewood writing table

92

The single wardrobe, of rectangular shape, is standing on two longitudinal U-shaped feet. The body of the wardrobe is solely adorned by a simplified lotus flower suggested by its outline (fig.74).

Figure 74 A teakwood and rosewood single door wardrobe

The large wardrobe seems to be a mix between late nineteenth century Anglo-Indian furniture in its general appearance and Art Deco in its details. The oblong handles, the vertical gadrooned panels, the fluted friezes crowned by a longitudinal curved pediment and the frieze of concentric circles are connected to the current taste for geometric shapes. The central chakra (wheel) motive in the pediment is a reminder of its Indian origins (fig. 75).

Figure 75 A large teakwood wardrobe

93 The swivel chair with a U-shaped back has armrests on two levels, which are separated by wood balls evoking Josef Hoffmann furniture, which included those kinds of spheres (fig. 76).

Figure 76 A teakwood swivel chair

The spheres were also produced in a larger version, as seen in the partner’s desk. The large teakwood shelf is standing on two levels separated by the wood balls. The drawers are C- shaped (fig.77).

Figure 77 A teakwood partner’s desk

94 Other models made reference to current technology such as the sofa model called “Areo” with its curved armrest and radiating patterns in the side like a propeller. Army & Navy Co. made the product on site with local materials like burma, teak, malabar and rosewood (fig. 78).237 The same model was illustrated in the Journal of the Indian Institute of architects displayed in an Indian interior (fig. 79).238

Figures 78-79 Army & Navy Co advertisement & Indian interior in Journal of the Indian Institute of architects, October 1936 & July 1936

Similarly, the shape and use of wood in this sofa shows the Art Deco style in its openwork armrest (fig. 80).

237 “ The design and craftsmanship of our locally made articles have nearly 70 years of experience behind them.” Refer to the Journal of the Indian Institute of Architects, October 1936, vol. III, n°2, back cover. 238 Please refer to the issue of the Journal of the Indian Institute of Architects, July 1936, vol. III, n°1, p. 159.

95

Figure 80 A teak, satinwood & ebony openwork sofa and armchair

Local cabinetmakers also produced sober and simple designs of surprising modernity. The set of eight dining armchairs are examples of a functional cubic shape. They combine three frame-squared pieces of rosewood and white cedar (fig. 81). The style is perhaps derived from a Charles Rennie Mackintosh chair (fig. 82) but lightened and transformed into a minimalistic design.239

Figures 81-82 Rosewood and white cedar frame square armchairs; A Charles Rennie Machintosh armchair for the Willow Tea, 1903

239 Bicliff Roger Bicliff, Charles Rennie Mackintosh. The Complete Furniture, Furniture Drawings & Interiors Designs; Guildford and London, Lutterworth Press, 1979, p. 134.

96 The hoop armchairs with the interlocking rings armrests are also of lighter design (fig. 83).

Figure 83 A pair of teakwood hoop armchairs

Wood structures in the shape of tubular steel were also applied to the furniture, as illustrated in the pair of armchairs (fig. 84).

Figure 84 A pair of teakwood wood armchairs in the shape of tubular steel

97 Tubular brass furnishing was an alternative to the steel tubular furniture. The low table, with a brass rimmed glass tray standing on two U-shaped structures and curved feet (fig. 85) follows this tradition as well as the adjustable brass tubular easel (fig. 86). The steel tubular furniture more closely followed the Western models, as we have seen before.

Figures 85-86 A brass tubular side table; A brass easel

98 Carpets

It is unsurprising that the style moderne also influenced design in the carpet industry. Very little is known about this era of Indian carpet making. Thanks to the conservation of some projects in the Victoria & Albert Museum, we can name at least one native manufacturer. The stamped cards on the back of the works mention “S. Pitchu Iyer & Sons Ltd/ Manufacturers/ of/ Coir Mats & Matting/ Allepey”240, “Kerala Coir Manufacturing/ Allepey” and curiously an English one “Stavers & Anderson LTD/ 18 & 20 Creechurch Lane/ Ledenhall Street/ London E.C.3”. It is remarkable that all the projects have the same stand and technique. Were the drawings made by one person and then dispatched to different manufacturers? It is difficult to answer at this stage. Nevertheless, the drawing’s compositions for carpets made by Pitchu Iyer & Sons as well as the ones of Kerala Coir Manufacturing were certainly made in India. Technically speaking, the gouache employed in those small cards is quite similar to the one used in the Indian miniatures.

As for the colour schemes, they were very much in the current taste for African tones with the use of browns, oranges, ochre, black and red shades.241The compositions mix curved, straight and wavy lines, as well as rays and botanical patterns treated in flat tints surfaces (figs 87-88).

Figures 87-88 Pitchu Iyer & Sons carpet projects, Kerala

240 CCRI LIBRARY s.d. CCRI LIBRARY, History of Coir Industry, web page, s.d. p. 3 http://www.ccriindia.org/pdf/02Historyofcoirindustry.pdf 241 Day 2002 (cf. note 160), p. 41. & Hillier/ Escritt 2000 [1997] (cf. note 4), p. 205.

99 In the same stylistic direction follows the Agra cotton carpet using camel tones combined with discreet black, red and yellow touches (fig. 89).242 The Amritsar rug is a distillation of Berber influences, which were fashionable243 and European design stylised in the Indian manner (fig. 90).

Figures 89-90 An Agra cotton carpet; an Amritsar rug

Tastes and fashions evolved over time, and new themes and designs had to be developed. More geometric compositions were created, exploring other decorative repertoires that moved away from figurative patterns with the exception of the leaves. These favoured the use of terrace arrangements, wavy lines, points and chessboard designs as well as a kind of simplified version of the “bizarre” style (figs 91-92).

Figures 91-92 Indian rugs with geometrical patterns; an Agra green pistachio rug

242The carpet had been identified as coming from Agra by the Galerie Shabad in New York. 243 Day 2002 (cf. note 160), p. 41.

100 The taste called for, as in Europe, for stripping surfaces and minimal decorations. The green pistachio carpet, identified as coming from Agra,244 is a good example of this style adoption and adaptation, featuring few geometric patterns in a comb motif and broken lines (fig. 93).

Figure 93 An Agra green pistachio rug

Despite the geographical distance, these examples show once again how the internationalisation of style made local production sensitive to changing fashions. The result was a constantly developing and changing style, which kept up with new fashions from abroad.

Further research should be done to gain a better understanding of Indian Art Deco carpet production. How were the workshops organized? Where were they situated? Did they use new materials? Were their products hand-made or industrially made? Which technical qualities allow us to identify a carpet as being made in India? Were pieces made for exportation or solely for the elites in India?

244 Ref. http://www.absoluterugs.com/antique-rugs/antique-oriental-area-rugs/antique-oriental-agra-rugs/antique- rug-agra-ag27018.htm

101 CONCLUSION

Art Deco, as a fashionable style, had a tremendous impact in India among the elite classes who were the patrons and consumers of the style.

The Maharajas and the Parsis with their wealth and involvement in trade, steel, cotton and particularly in the film industry through their patronage and fortune wealth played a major role in the diffusion of the style.

Consequently, Indian merchants had to respond and adapt to the demand, often with a time delay in supplying European style designs. As far as we can see, through advertisements, classical Art Deco furniture seems to develop later, around the 1930s simultaneously with the tubular steel furniture, and this trend continues far beyond the 1940s.

In the area of jewellery – with firms such as Gazdar and Narotamdas Bhau –the Parisian fashions were followed very closely. They were probably lead by “commercial” principles: “La parure est, de tous les arts décoratifs, celui qui se renouvelle le plus vite & le plus aisément” 245

The chronology, in the area of textiles is difficult to establish at this stage. Women’s fashion probably followed as closely as possible “the latest craze”, as reflected in the Encyclopédie des Arts Décoratifs et Industriels modernes du XXème siècle in regards to France: “… chacun trouve naturel que le commerce des étoffes vestimentaires prenne le nom de “nouveauté””.246

The French and American stylistic references are explicit in the applied arts. The written sources confirmed it. The African and Chinese styles (coming back in fashion in Europe) were well known cultures to the Indians, given the old commercial trade connection with the African continent and the Chinese culture.

245 “It is also the art which relates most closely to modernity as it lives on surprise and novelty.” Ref. “Parure”; in: Encyclopédie des Arts Décoratifs et Industriels modernes au XXème siècle, 1977 [1925], p.65. For the English translation see Gronberg 1998 Tag Gronberg, Design on modernity, exhibiting the city in 1920s Paris, Manchester, University Press, 1998, p. 30 246 “everyone finds it natural that fashion textiles should be designated by the term “nouveauté”, “Parure”, ibid, p. 65 and Gronberg 1998, ibid, p. 30.

102 Notwithstanding, being followers and supporters of the western decorative style, Indian producers developed a modern style of their own – an “Indian Manner”. After a preliminary study, a wide range of subjects remains before us to be explored. In the area of silver and jewellery, it would certainly be rewarding, to properly study the pieces, hallmarks and research archives (if they survive) of firms that are still active today (such as Gazdar which since the 1930s still has its store in the Taj Mahal hotel).

The subject of textiles was approached here only in a very preliminary way. As a subject in and of itself, the study of the materials, techniques, patterns and cross cultural exchanges between India, Europe and China would give us a fuller picture of local production, and the relative influences.

As for furniture, the study of a larger corpus would bring a better understanding and visibility of the notion of copying and a more comprehensive stylistic overview. It would also be interesting to inspect the archive of manufacturers such as Kamdar, who probably still have historical material.

In addition, regarding carpet production, researching the production centres, materials, patterns, style trends as well as trade exchanges would be of interest. Generally speaking the lack of designers’ names in those fields should be investigated. The research is just beginning.

The success of Art Deco, as a modern and fashionable decorative style, through its variability, flexibility and adaptability to a wide number of surfaces, forms and cultures, allowed for the style to become international and create a universal language with its local adaptation sometimes more and sometimes less evident.

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Sister Susie, “Our Fashion Suggestions”; in: The Indian Ladies’ Magazine, vol. V, no. 8, March-April 1931, p. 383.

Sister Susie, “Our Fashion Suggestions”; in: The Indian Ladies’ Magazine, vol. VI, no. 5, September-October 1933, p. 240-241.

Stella 1938 Stella, “Defeating the Heat”; in: The Illustrated Weekly of India, April 1938, p. 58.

Sudhindra 1933 Bose Sudhindra, “Does Machinery spell Progress?”; in: The Modern Review, December, 1933, p. 616-617.

112 Talwalkar 1930 T.W. Talwalkar, “Editorials. Quo Vadis?”; in: Journal of the Indian Ceramic Society, vol. II, no. 4, September 1930, p. 121-129.

Veal 1933 Irene Veal, “Homes of the Future. Vogue of ‘Abbreviated’ Furniture”; in: The Illustrated Weekly, October 8th, 1933, p. 14.

V.E.W. 1938 V.E.W., “The Creation of a Delightful Home. Originality and Taste in the New Reserve Bank House. Bombay. ‘Regency-Empire’ Furnishing”; in: The Illustrated Weekly of India, May 15th 1938, p. 57.

Newspapers, Journals & Magazines

Journal of the Indian Institute of Architects: Bombay (1936 – today)

Rupam: Calcutta (1920 –1930)

Roopa-Lekha: Delhi (1929 – to date)

The Illustrated Weekly of India: Bombay (1929 – 1993)

The Indian Ladies’ Magazine: Masulipatam ; Vizianagaram (1927 – 1938)

The Modern Review: Calcutta (1907 – 1995)

The Statesman: Calcutta (1922 – to date)

The Times of India: Bombay (1861 –to date)

113 Published works

Books

AA.VV., Silver of a New Era: International Highlights of Precious Metalware from 1880 to 1940; Museum Boymans van-Beuningen, Rotterdam & Museum voor Sierkunst, Ghent, 1992.

AA.VV., Cartier Innovation through the 20th Century; Paris, Flammarion, 2007.

Allen 2005 Charles Allen, Maharajas Resonance of the Past; London, Mercury Books, 2005.

Balaram 2011 Singanapalli Balaram, Thinking Design; Singapore, Sage publications Asia- Pacific Pte Ltd, 2011.

Ballhatchet/ Harrisson 1980 Kenneth Ballhatchet and John Harrisson, The City in South Asia. Pre-Modern and Modern; London, Curzon Press, 1980.

Barthes 1983 [1967] Roland Barthes, Système de la mode; ed. du Seuil, Paris, 1983.

Bear 2007 Laura Bear, Lines of the Nation: Indian Railway Workers, Bureaucracy, and the Intimate Historical Self ; New York Chichester, Columbia University Press, 2007.

Benton/ Wood 2010 [2002] Charlotte Benton, Tim Benton and Ghislaine Wood, Art Déco 1910-1939; Bruxelles, Renaissance du Livre, 2010.

Bicliff Roger Bicliff, Charles Rennie Mackintosh. The Complete Furniture, Furniture Drawings & Interiors Designs; Guildford and London, Lutterworth Press, 1979.

Blum 2004 Dilys E. Blum, Elsa Schiaparelli; Paris, Musée de la Mode et du Textile, 2004.

Choudhury 1992 Ranabir Ray Choudhury, Early Calcutta Advertisements 1875-1925; Bombay, Nachiketa Publications Ltd, 1992.

114 Coomaraswamy 1989 [1905] Ananda Kentish Coomarswamy, The Indian Craftsman; New Dehli, Munshiram Manoraharlal Publishers, 1989.

Day 2002 Susan Day, Tapis Modernes et Art Déco; Paris, Norma, 2002.

Dehejia 2008 Vidya Dehejia, Delight in Design. Indian Silver for the Raj; [India], Mapin Publishing, 2008.

Duncan 2010 [2009] Alastair Duncan, Art Déco; Paris, Citadelles & Mazenod, 2010, p. 421.

Dutta 2007 Arindam Dutta, The Bureaucracy of Beauty. Design in the Age of its Global reproductibility; New York & London, Routledge, 2007.

Dwivedi/Mehrotra 1995 Sharada Dwivedi and Rahul Mehrotra, Bombay. The Cities within; Bombay, India Book House, 1995.

Evenson 1989 Norma Evenson, The Indian Metropolis a view toward the West; New Heaven & London, Yale University Press, 1989.

Frey 1986 Gilbert Frey, Mobilier Suisse création de 1927-1984; Museum für Gestaltung, Zürich, 1986.

Gere/Culme 1993 Charlotte Gere and John Culme, Garrard. The Crown Jewellers for 150 Years 1844-1993; London, Quartet Book, 1993.

Giriraj 1982 Shah Giriraj, The Indian Heritage; New Dehli, Abhinnav Publications, 1982.

Golan 1995 Romy Golan, Modernity and Nostalgia Art and Politics in France between the Wars; New Haven & London, Yale University Press, 1995.

Gonsalves 2010 Peter Gonsalves, Clothing for Liberation. A Communication Analysis of Ghandi Swadeshi Revolution; New Dehli, Sage Publications, 2010.

115 Greenhalgh 1988 Paul Greenhalgh, Ephemeral Vistas. The Expositions Universelles, Great Exhibitions and World ‘s Fairs 1851-1939; Manchester, Manchester University Press, 1988.

Gronberg 1998 Tag Gronberg, Design on Modernity, Exhibiting the City in 1920s Paris; Manchester, Manchester University Press, 1998.

Hay 1970 Stephen Northup Hay, Asian Ideas of East and West: Tagore and his Critics in Japan, China and India; Cambridge, Massachusetts, Harvard University Press, 1970.

Headrick 1988 Daniel R. Headrick, The Tentacles of Progress: Technology transfer in the Age of Imperialism, 1850–1940 ; New York Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1988.

Hillier/ Escritt 2000 [1997] Bevis Hillier and Stephen Escritt, Art Deco Style; London, Phaidon Press, 1997.

Holmes/ Newton Holmes 1995 Fred Holmes and Ann Newton Holmes, Bridging Traditions. The making of the Umaid Bhawan Palace; New Dehli, Banyan Books, 1995.

Jaffer 2001 Amin Jaffer, Furniture from British India and Ceylon; London, V&A publications, 2001.

Jaffer 2002 Amin, Luxury Goods from India. The Art of the Indian Cabinet-Maker; London, V&A publications, 2002.

Jaffer 2007 [2006] Amin Jaffer, Fastes Occidentaux de Maharajas. Créations Européennes pour l’Inde Princière; Paris, Citadelles & Mazenod, 2007.

Jaffer/Jackson 2009 Amin Jaffer and Anna Jackson, Maharaja. The Splendour of India’s royal courts; London, V&A Publishing, 2009.

Jutheau 1989 Viviane Jutheau, Jules et André Leleu; Paris, Editions Vecteurs, 1989.

Kaplan 1995 Wendy Kaplan, Designing modernity. The Arts of Reform and Persuasion 1885-1945; London, Thames & Hudson, 1995.

116 Keswani 2004 Reema Kewani, Shinde Jewels; New York, Assouline, 2004.

Kulke 1978 Eckehard Kulke, The Parsees in India. A Minority as Agent of Social Change; Vikas Publishing House PVT LTD, New Dehli Bombay Bangalore Calcutta Kanpur, 1978.

Lebovics 1994 Herman Lebovics, True France. The Wars over Cultural Identity 1900-1945; London, Cornell University Press, 1992.

Lynton 1995 Linda Lynton, The Sari. Styles – Patterns – History – Techniques; London, Thames & Hudson, 1995.

Majumdar 2009 Neepa Majumdar, Wanted Cultured Ladies Only. Female Stardom and Cinema in India 1905-1950s; Champaign, University of Illinois Press, 2009.

Martin/ Koda 1994 Richard Martin and Harold Koda, Orientalism. Visions of the East in Western Dress; New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1994.

Mathur 2007 Saloni, India by Design. Colonial History and Cultural Display; Berkley, Los Angeles, London, University Press of California, 2007.

McGowan 2009 Abigail McGowan, Crafting the Nation in Colonial India; New York, Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.

Michell/ Martinelli 1994 George Michell and Martinelli Antonio, The Royal Palaces of India; London, Thames & Hudson, 1994.

Mitter 1994 Partha Mitter, Art and Nationalism in Colonial India 1850-1922. Occidental Orientations; Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1994.

Mitter 2007 Partha Mitter, The Triumph of Modernism: India’s Artists and the Avant-garde 1922- 1947; London, Reaktion Books, 2007.

Mukherjee 1978 Meera Mukherjee, Metalcraftsmen of India; Calcutta, Anthropological survey of India, 1978.

117 Myers/ Mandelbaum 1985 Eric Myers, Howard Mandelbaum, Screen Deco; Devonshire, Columbus book, 1985.

Niggl 1996 Reto Niggl, Eckart Muthesius. The Maharaja’s Palace in Indore. Architecture and Interior; Stuttgart, Arnoldsche, 1996.

Patnaik 1985 Naveen Patnaik, A Second paradise. Indian Courtly Life 1590-1947; New York, Doubleday & Company Inc, 1985.

Prior/Adamson 2000 Katherine Prior and John Adamson, Bijoux de Maharajas; Paris, Assouline, 2000.

Ramani 2007 Navin Ramani, Bombay Art Deco Architecture. A Visual Journey (1930-1953); China, Roli & Janssen, 2007.

Ramusack 2004 Barbara N. Ramusack, The Indian Princes and their States; Cambridge University Press, 2004.

Raulet 1997 Sylvie Raulet, Maharajas’ Palaces. European Style in Imperial India; London, Philip Wilson, 1997.

Robertson 2011 Iain Robertson, A New Art from Emerging Markets; Surrey, Lund Humphries, 2011.

Robinson 1988 Andrew Robinson, Maharaja. The Spectacular Heritage of Princely India; London, Thames & Hudson, 1988.

Scriver/ Vikramaditya 2007 Peter Scriver and Prakash Vikramaditya (edited by), Colonial Modernities: building, dwelling and Architecture in British India and Ceylon; London & New York, Routledge, 2007.

Slomann 1953 Vilhelm Slomann, Bizarre Designs in Silks; Copenhage, Ejnar Munksgaard, 1953.

118 Sparke 1987 Penny Sparke, An Introduction to Design Culture in the Twentieth Century; London, Allen & Unwin, 1987.

Sparke 1995 Penny Sparke, As long as it’s Pink. The Sexual Politics of Taste; London, Harper Collins, 1995.

Stronge 1985 Susan, Bidriware. Inlaid Metalwork from India; London, Victoria & Albert Museum, 1985.

Stern 2005 Jewel Stern, Modernism in American Silver 20th Century Design; New Heaven & London, Yale University Press and Dallas Museum of Art, 2005.

Stronge 1989 Susan Stronge, A Golden Treasury. Jewellery from the Indian Subcontinent; London, V&A with Mapin Publishing, 1989.

Sturm 2007 Philip Sturm, West Indian Antique Furniture of the Lesser Antilles 1740-1940; Woodbridge, Antique Collector’s Club, 2007.

Tapati 2008 [1992] Guha-Thakurta Tapati, The Making of a New “Indian” art. Artists, Aesthetics and Nationalism in Bengal, c. 1850-1920; Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2008.

Tarlo 1996 Emma Tarlo, Clothing Matters. Dress and Identity in India; London, Hurst & Company, 1996.

Untracht 2008 [1997] Oppi Untracht, Traditional Jewelry of India; London, Thames & Hudson, 2008.

Vegesack 1989 Alexander von Vegesack, Thonet Tubular Steel Furniture. Card Catalogue; Rhein, Vitra Design Museum, 1989.

Vertovec/ Cohen 2002 Steven Vertovec and Robin Cohen, Conceiving Cosmopolitanism Theory. Context and practice; Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2002.

119 Vinnels/ Skelly 2002 David Vinnels and Brent Skelly, Bollywood Showplaces. Cinema Theatres in India; Cambridge, E & E Plumridge Ltd, 2002.

Wick 2000 Rainer K. Wick, Teaching at the Bauhaus; Ostfildern, Hatje Cantz Publishers, 2000.

Wilkinson 1973 Wynyard Russell Theon Wilkinson , Indian Colonial Silver. European silversmiths in India (1790-1860) and their marks; London, Argent Press, 1973.

Wilkinson 1987 Wynyard Russell Theon Wilkinson, The Makers of Indian Colonial Silver. A Register of European Goldsmiths, Silversmiths, Jewellers, Watchmakers and Clockmakers in India and their Marks 1760-1860; London, W.R.T. Wilkinson, 1987.

Wilkinson 1999 Wynyard Russell Theon Wilkinson, Indian Silver 1858-1947. Silver from the Indian sub-continent and Burma made by Local Craftsmen in Western forms; London, Chameleon Press, 1999.

Articles

CCRI LIBRARY, s.d. CCRI LIBRARY, “History of Coir Industry”; web page, s.d., http://www.ccriindia.org/pdf/02Historyofcoirindustry.pdf, last access on 13. 02. 2013.

THE HINDU 2001 THE HINDU, “Legend of the Bauhaus”; in: The Hindu, web page, July 8, 2001, http://www.hindu.com/2001/07/08/stories/13080072.htm; last access on 7.02. 2013.

THE INDIAN EXPRESS 2012 THE INDIAN EXPRESS, “See saw: Heritage under the Hammer”; in: The Indian Express. Journalism of courage, web page, November 1, 2012, http://www.indianexpress.com/news/see-saw-heritage-under-the-hammer/1024858, last access on 04.11. 2012.

120 THE TIMES OF INDIA 2003 THE TIMES OF INDIA, “Old-time Jeweller unlocks his Treasury of Memories”; web page, June 22nd 2003, http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2003-06-22/mumbai/27197773_1_jeweller- maharajas-taj-mahal-hotel, last access on 08.11.2012.

Alff 1997 John Alff, “Temples of Light: Bombay’s Art Deco Cinemas and the Birth of Modern Myth”; in: Bombay to Mumbai, 1997, p. 250-257.

Alff 1998 John Alff, “Art Deco – Gateway to Indian Modernism”; in: Stadt Bauwelt, no. 48, 29th December 1998, p. 2648-2651.

Backman s.d. Michael Backman, “Bikaner Maharaja Indian Silver Tea Service”; web page, http://www.michaelbackmanltd.com/1224.html., last access on 03.11.2012.

Bhakthi Bapat 2013 Mathew Bhakti Bapat, “Mumbai’s Art Deco Heritage a Nod to a History of Style”; in: The National, web page, March 29th, 2013, http://www.thenational.ae/lifestyle/mumbais-art-deco-heritage-a-nod-to-a-history-of-style, last access on 10. 04. 2013.

Balaram 2005 Singanapalli Balaram, “Design Pedagogy in India: Perspectives”; in: Design issues, vol. 21, no. 4, 2005, p. 11-22.

Bautze 1996 Joachim K. Bautze, “The Art of Stefan Norblin in India”; in: Art Deco for the Maharajas. Stefan Norblin in India, 1996, p. 8-17.

Beardmore/ Martin/ McPhail/ Chater 2007 Emma Beardmore, Graham Martin, David McPhail and Richard Chater, “Investigation of the Patina on Bidri advanced Surface Analysis Techniques”; in: Conservation Journal (V&A), Issue 55, Spring 2007, web page http://www.vam.ac.uk/content/journals/conservation-journal/issue-55...of-the-patina-on- bidri-using-advanced-surface-analysis-techniques/, last access on 13. 02. 2013.

Chatterjee 2005 Ashoke Chatterjee, “Design in India: The Experience of Transition”; in: Design issues, vol. 21, no. 4, 2005, p. 4-10.

121 Chaudhuri 2010 Supriya Chaudhuri, “Modernism in India”; in: www.academia.edu, chapter 52, web page, 24th April 2010, p. 942-960, http://www.academia.edu/1434509/Modernisms_in_India, last access on 30.12.2012.

Claus-Ullrich 1996 Simon Claus-Ulrich, “Stefan Norblin, a biography that should be rewritten”; in: Art Deco for the Maharajas. Stefan Norblin in India, 1996, p. 3-7.

Dasgupta / Watson 2007 Anshuman Dasgupta and Grant Watson, “Bauhaus Calcutta”; in: Curating Subjects, Amsterdam, De Appel, 2007, p. 80-85.

Edwards 2006 Anne Edwards, “ Designing Films. The Art Deco Years. Shimmering Sets that Capture the Moderne Glamour of the 1920s and 30s”; in: Architectural Digest, March, 2006, p. 88 – 94.

Ferrière 1991 Marc de Ferrière, “Christofle et les Arts Décoratifs”; in: Dossier de l’Art, no. 2 Juillet-Août 1991, p. 48-57.

Jaffer 2010 [2002] Amin Jaffer, “Indo-Déco”; in: Art Déco 1910-1939; Bruxelles, Renaissance du Livre, 2010, p. 382-395.

Krasprak-Miler, Agnieszka, “Stefan Norblin – Designer of Royal Residences”; in: Stefan Norblin a Master of Many Arts, 2011, pp. 5-61.

Kramrisch 1955 Stella Kramrisch, “Bizarre Designs in Silks by Vilhelm Slomann”; in: Artibus Asiae, vol.18, no. 1, 1955, p. 107-110.

Michael, Kristine, “Eathen Jewels: Pottery Treasures from the Hendley Collection”; in: Treasures of the Albert Hall Museum Jaipur, Mapin Publishing Gp Pty Ltd, Jaipur, 2009, pp. 48-58

Pica 1979 Agnoldomenico Pica, “Eckart Muthesius in India 1930-1934”; in: Domus: Monthly Review of Architecture, Interiors & Design, no. 593, April 1979, p. 1-12.

122 Ramusack 1998 Barbara N. Ramusack, “The Indian Princes as Fantasy. Palace Hotels, Palace Museums and Palace on Wheels”; in: Consuming Modernity. Public Culture in a South Asian World, Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press, 1998, p. 66-89.

Reddy 2010 Anuradha Reddy, “Silver in History”; in: INTACH Hyderabad Chapter, web page, July 2010, http://www.primetimeprism.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=1725& Itemid=200011, last access on 17.12.2012.

Singh 2008 Sonal Singh, “The growth of the art market in India”; in: The International Art Markets. The Essential Guide for Collectors and Investors, 2008, p. 157-162.

Stacanti 2012 Margherita Stacanti, “Art Deco, made in India”; in: India Real Time, Web page, 30 October 2012, http://blogs.wsj.com/indiarealtime/2012/10/30/art-deco-made-in- india/ last access on 02.11.2012.

Thornton 1958 Peter Thornton, “ ‘The Bizarre’ Silks”; in: The Burlington Magazine, vol. 100, no. 665, August 1958, pp. 265-270.

Wilkinson/ Hawkins 2000 Wynyard Russell Theon Wilkinson and Mary-Louise Hawkins, “Kutchi Silver: A Meeting of East and West”; in: The Arts of Kutch, 2000, p.136-145.

Windover Michael, “Exchanging Looks: “Art Dekho” Movie Theatres in Bombay”; in: Architectural History, vol. 52, 2009, p. 201-232.

Auction catalogues

Saffronart, The Gentleman’s sale auction; 17-18 April 2012.

Saffronart Art Deco; 24 hours online auction October 31 and November 1st 2012.

Sotheby’s Parke Bernet Monaco Sa, Mobilier Moderniste provenant du Palais du Maharaja d’Indore, Sunday 25th May 1980 at 21h15, Sporting d’Hiver, Monte Carlo.

123 Websites http://www.absoluterugs.com/ www.christies.com www.designinindia.net http://www.argentinglesi.com/hamiltoning.php www.hoteldesventes.ch www.kamdarfurniture.com http://michaelbackmanltd.com http://nazmiyalantiquerugs.com http://www.phillipsantiques.com www.saffronart.com www.tajhotels.com http://collections.vam.ac.uk http://www.wolfsonian.org

124 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Sources

Exhibition of Drawings, Paintings, Engravings, Pottery and Leatherwork by Rabindranath Tagore; Calcutta, Government School of Art, 1932. Figures 11 & 12

Journal of the Indian Institute of Architects: Bombay (1936 – to date) Passim refer to footnotes and captions Figures 1, 2, 31, 78 & 79

The Illustrated Weekly of India: Bombay (1929- 1993) Passim refer to footnotes and captions Figures 3, 13, 24, 27, 29, 38, 69 & 70

The Modern Review: Calcutta (1907 – 1995) Passim refer to footnotes and captions Figure 30

The Times of India: Bombay (1861- to date) Passim refer to footnotes and captions Figures: 4, 5, 6, 7, 8 & 48

Books

AA.VV., Silver of a New Era: International Highlights of Precious Metalware from 1880 to 1940; Museum Boymans van Beuningen, Rotterdam & Museum voor Sierkunst, Ghent, 1992. Figure 36

Bicliff Roger Bicliff, Charles Rennie Mackintosh. The Complete Furniture, Furniture Drawings & Interiors Designs; Guildford and London, Lutterworth Press, 1979. Figure 82

125 Blum 2004 Dilys E. Blum, Elsa Schiaparelli; Paris, Musée de la Mode et du Textile, 2004. Figure 59

Dehejia 2008 Vidya Dehejia, Delight in Design. Indian Silver for the Raj; India, Mapin Publishing, 2008. Figure 65

Duncan 2010 [2009] Alastair Duncan, Art Déco; Paris, Citadelles & Mazenod, 2010. Figures 16 & 39

Day 2002 Susan Day, Tapis Modernes et Art Déco; Paris, Norma, 2002. Figure 23

Hillier/ Escritt 2000 [1997] Bevis Hillier and Stephen Escritt, Art Deco Style; London, Phaidon Press, 1997. Figure 90

Jaffer 2007 [2006] Amin Jaffer, Fastes Occidentaux de Maharajas. Créations Européennes pour l’Inde princière; Paris, Citadelles & Mazenod, 2007. Figures 27bis, 50, 51 & 58

Jaffer/Jackson 2009 Amin Jaffer and Anna Jackson, Maharaja. The Splendour of India’s Royal Courts; London, V&A Publishing, 2009. Figure 56

Lynton 1995 Linda Lynton, The Sari. Styles – Patterns – History – Techniques; London, Thames & Hudson, 1995. Figures 60 & 61

Prior/Adamson 2000 Katherine Prior and John Adamson, Bijoux de Maharajas; Paris, Assouline, 2000. Figures 53 & 55

Stern 2005 Jewel Stern, Modernism in American Silver 20th Century Design; New Heaven & London, Yale University Press and Dallas Museum of Art, 2005.

126 Figure 44

Untracht 2008 [1997] Oppi Untracht, Traditional Jewelry of India; London, Thames & Hudson, 2008. Figures 49, 52 & 54

Vegesack 1989 Alexander von Vegesack, Thonet Tubular Steel Furniture. Card Catalogue; Rhein, Vitra Design Museum, 1989. Figures 32, 33 & 34

Wilkinson 1999 Wynyard Russell Theon Wilkinson, Indian Silver 1858-1947. Silver from the Indian Subcontinent and Burma made by Local Craftsmen in Western Forms; London, Chameleon Press, 1999. Figures 64 & 66

Museums

Victoria & Albert Museum, London: Museum ref. E.327-2012 & E.326-2012. Figures 87 & 88

Beardmore/ Martin/ McPhail/ Chater 2007 Emma Beardmore, Graham Martin, David McPhail and Richard Chater, “Investigation of the Patina on Bidri advanced Surface Analysis Techniques”; in: Conservation Journal (V&A), Issue 55, Spring 2007. Figure 68

Wolsfonian -FIU Museum, Miami: Museum ref. 85.9.24.1, 85.9.32.2, 83.13.3. Figures 28, 42 & 47

Auctions

Artrpice Jules Leleu entry: Tajan, September 12th 2009 auction. Figure 17

127 Christie’s online catalogue: Figures 25 (sale 7240 – lot 381) & 26 (sale 2061 – lot 274).

Saffronart catalogue Art Deco, October 31st – November 1st 2012. Figures 14 (lot 27), 15 (lot 16), 18 (lot 7), 19 (lot 28), 20 (lot 46), 35 (lot 69), 37 (lot 45), 40 (lot 95), 41 (lot 15), 45 (lot 75), 46 (lot 76), 62 (lot 78), 67 (lot 71), 71 (lot 51), 73 (lot 19), 74 (lot 26), 75 (lot 49), 76 (lot 24), 77 (lot 1), 81 (lot 8), 83 (lot 10), 84 (lot 17) & 86 (lot 86)

Saffronart Catalogue Gentelman’s sale, April 17th – 18th 2012 Figure 63 (lot 1)

Sotheby’s Catalogue, Un intérieur Moderne des années 30, Paris, 22nd November 2011 – lot 13 Figure 19bis

Art Dealers

Galerie Shabab: 112 Madison Avenue, New York City, NY, 10016. Figure 89

Philipps Antiques : Indian Mercantile Mansions, Madam Cama Road, Opp. Regal Cinema Museum, Mumbai. Figures 21, 72, 80 & 85

Michael Backman Ltd: 20 Hanover Street, London W1S 1YR. Figure 43

J. Nazmiyal Collection: 31 East 32nd Street, New York. Figures: 22, 91 & 92

Samuel’s Rug Gallery: 8636 Melrose Avenue, West Hollywood, California. Figure 93

128 Websites

Kamdar Furniture website. Figure 9

Umaid Bhawan Palace Jodhpur, Taj Hotels Resorts & Palaces website. Figure 10

Vintage Saree blouse website. Figure 57

129