Richard III, and the Charter to Llandovery

GWEN WATERS '

ON 26 JANUARY 1485, Richard III made a grant of privileges to the little mid- Wales town of Llandovery creating it a free, corporate borough.‘ In October of the previous year he had given a donation of ten marks towards the rebuilding or improvement of the church of St. Mary which stands a little beyond the town.2 On the 23rd of that month the whole marcher lordship of Llandovery, which included the town, and demesne lands, (with the two adjoining of Pervcth and Herfryn) was ceded to the King by the holder of the lordship, John Tuchet, Audley. This ‘gift’, as it is described, was accepted under a recognizance of £5,000 which had been required of Lord Audley on 2 July of the same year.’ Then, on 6 December, Audley was made Treasurer,‘ the previous holder of the post, John Wode, having died in October. At some time earlier in 1484, Sir James Tyrell had been appointed steward of the lordship of Llandovery,’ and Roger Bikley, who had been a yeoman of the crown, was made constable of the castle.“ What was the background situation in Wales and the Marches against which these transactions took place?

Welsh Government under Edward W and Richard III This term, ‘Wales and the Marches,’ was still used during the latter part of the fifteenth century, but matters were greatly changed from what they had been earlier, for much marcher land had now come into royal hands through inheritance, intermarriage, confiscation or forfeiture. In 1484 the Llandovery lordship was sandwiched between the lordship, now held by the King by rgason of Buckingham’s treason and execution, and the territory which formed the Principality of : a reason, perhaps, for the King’s wish to gain control of it. The Principality area, Which was under royal administration, was divided into two regions — North Wales, loosely comprising the pre-l974 counties of Anglesey, Caemarvon and Merioneth, and South Wales which covered Cardigan and most of Carmarthenshire (a county smaller then than now). The chief representative of the king or of Wales in the Principality was the justiciar, or chief justice, but as this post was often filled by a great lord of state who might

46 be in no more than remote control, it was those appointed under him who really administered the royal counties. Pre-eminent among such officials were the Chamberlain and the constables of the royal .’ By the time of the Yorkist there was increasing oortunity for Welshmen to hold higher office but this had not always been so. As a result of the rising of Owain Glyndwyr early in the century, a severe code of penal laws had been imposed upon Wales and Welshmen had been denied many of the rights of normal citizenship.‘ The , however, cut across the old order of things and brought about new coalitions and alignments, but there is an echo in Richard’s charter to Llandovery of the restriction which still existed with regard to landholding by Welshmen in or near boroughs. The clause reads as follows: if info? the said burgesses shall sell any burgage or land lying in the bounds of the ' said town to any foreign Welshman, the said burgage and land so sold shall be forfeited to the king according to the ancient custom.’ To be ‘foreign’ in the sense used here meant not native to the locality, for it is likely that many of the burgesses of Llandovery were Welsh or part-Welsh by this time although the policy of the past had been to people Welsh towns with English immigrants. It has been pointed out, however, that there appears to be no legislation in the charter against Welsh families already established. in the borough, and no ban at all on the letting of burgage lots to Welsh tenants.Io An example of full citizenship being granted to one who is undoubtedly Welsh occurs in the Patent Rolls for 1468 when Morgan ap Meredith, born in Caemarvon, was given full burgess rights, and allowed to accept public office and even to carry arms ‘notwithstanding the statute in Parliament, 2 Henry IV."' When a Welshman had obvious standing and influence in his locality it was difficult to debar him from full citizenship — as was no doubt true in the case of Owen ap Meredith ap Tudor, who has made his mark on history as ‘Owen Tudor,’ for he was given limited franchise in 1432." Despite increasing liberalism during the second half of the fifteenth century, there was still a vein of latent hostility — the ancient Celtic aversion to ‘Saxon’ domination — and this spirit, when inflamed by the poetic outpourings of the Welsh bards, erupted into fervent nationalism. The part played by Wales and the Marches during the dynastic conflicts of the fifteenth century can hardly be over- emphasised, but support was given not so much to the House of Lancaster or of York as to the faction or leader regarded as being the more likely to further Welsh interests. The arch-exploiter of this situation was Jasper Tudor, first in support of the Lancastrian cause and, later, in the promotion of his nephew, Henry. It is doubtful whether Henry Tudor would ever have managed to gain sufficient following to attempt usurpation had his way through Wales not been paved for him by his uncle, who, even in exile, had his contacts in Wales who were ready to spread his propaganda message. During the earlier part of Edward IV’s reign, William Herbert of Raglan, later created of Pembroke, had provided the Yorkist answer to Jasper " Tudor, and he became the holder of most power in South Wales. Like Tudor, he was of Welsh descent, an experienced military leader, and in the confidence of the members of the royal house he supported. His execution by Warwick after the Battle of Edgecote left a serious void, for his son, also William, was still a minor, and, it is thought, w_as something of a negative personality when measured

47 against the memory of his dynamic father. King Edward, from then on, made it his policy to keep Welsh affairs in royal hands as much as possible and he began by appointing his brother, the of Gloucester — still only in his teens — as chief justice of North Wales and chief steward; approver and surveyor of the Principality." At the end of the same year 1469, Richard was given a grant of ‘full power and. authority to reduce and subdue the king’s castles of Carmardyn (Carmarthen) and Cardycan (Cardigan) in -South Wales, which Morgan ap Thomas ap Griffith, ‘gentilman,’ and Henry ap Thomas ap Griffith, ‘gentilman, with other rebels' had entered and were using as a base from which to raid the surrounding countryside." The two ‘gentlemen’ named were kindred of Rhys ap Thomas who, by Joining his force of fellow-Welshmen to Henry Tudor’ s army before Bosworth, played a decisive role m the outcome of that battle. Richard may even have encountered Rhys, while on this commission in 1469, but the suggestion that the two men met face to face on the battlefield and that Rhys slew the King ‘manfullie fighting with him hand to hand’, as alleged by a later and highly-suspect biographer, is probably mere fantasy." It is reported that Rhys swore loyalty to King Richard,“ and seems not to have collaborated openly with Buckingham at his rebellion in'l483, (the annuity granted to him of forty marks may have been a ‘teward’ for this non-participation). " Neither Edward IV nor Richard III appointed him to office m Wales, however, despite his widespread influence 1n the Mid-West Wales area. Some time, not long after 1472, Rhys inherited Abermarlais which 15 only a few miles from Llandovery,“ and he was probably residing there during the crucial 1484-85 period — another factor, perhaps why Richard was anxious to establish strong personal control m this part of Wales at that time. The capture of the royal castles by the ap Thomas family m 1469 1s just one instance of the unrest which easily erupted into violence in the Welsh region during the fifteenth century. The Council of Wales which Edward IV set up during the 1470’s was designed to help combat this. This Council was instituted far the administration of the Principality until the Prince of Wales should become fourteen years of age, and its members included the Queen, the royal , Earl Rivers and leading churchmen. " Richard of Gloucester probab}y took little active part in the work of this governing body as he was mostly occupied with matters in the north of England where King Edward needed his support; it was possibly because he was no longer really able to serve as chief administrator in Wales that he resigned his Welsh posts, which, by 1470, had included those of justiciar and Chamberlain of South Wales, and the stewardship of all the King’s lordships and lands in the counties of Carmarthen and Cardigan, as well as the offices he had been given a year earlier in North Wales. The young William Herbert was now allowed to hold_ the positions in South Wales vacated by Gloucester, being granted permission to enter into them ‘without proof of age,"" but his important lordship of Pembroke became merged with the crown when the King persuaded, or co-erced, him to exchange this earldom for that of Huntingdon. The Prince of Wales was then created 1n his stead. " The reign of Edward IV ended' 1n April 1483, and during the troubled weeks that followed Richard, Duke of Gloucester, in his capacity as adviser to his nephew, the ne_w King Edward V, and as protector of the realm during his

48 minority, appointed Henry Stafford, Duke of Buckingham, to positions that made him virtually of Wales.11 There has been much speculation as 'to Richard’s reasons for giving so much power to one man. A rather similar situation existed in Ireland where the Earl of Kildare was in almost complete control of the country, but there were vital differences for Kildare had a great following in Ireland and was already a well-established ruler powerfully connected by marriage with the ancient dynasties of his country." Perhaps Richard thought Buckingham, who had proved himself a bold and enterprising ally, would be as successful in Wales as the first William Herbert had been — or as Kildare was being in Ireland. Henry Stafford was of and married to the young King’s aunt, but he was not native of the land he was appointed to govern, and he was the heir of the much-disliked Duke Humphrey, ‘a most miserable, covetous, grinding man that mighty oppressed the country.m This choice by Richard proved, of course, an unmitigated disaster. Once Buckingham’s rebellion had been quashed, Richard had to find substitute administrators as soon as possible and again, unfortunately, his choice was lamentable, for as justiciar of the Principality of North Wales he chose, in November 1483, Sir William Stanley who was to prove the arch-traitor of Bosworth." In the south the King re-appointed William Herbert, Earl of Huntingdon, and, probably in an attempt to assure his allegiance, arranged a marriage between the Earl and Katherine Plantagenet, his own illegitimate daughter, the King adding financial blessing to this union by endowing the couple with lands and money.“ A Welshman, William Griffith, was made Chamberlain of North Wales, and the important constableship of the castle and town of Beaumaris was given to Sir Richard Huddlestone who was likely to prove loyal (he was married to Warwick’s natural daughter, half-sister to the Queen) but, unfortunately, he was dead by February 1485." Richard III’s policy for Wales seemed dogged by misfortune despite the fact that he had the advantage of being himself the greatest marcher lord in that country.

The Marcher When Richard became King all the duchy of Lancaster lands in the Marches of Wales and all the Mortimer lordships were already crown properties, having come into royal hands at the accessions of Henry IV and Edward IV respectively. After Warwick’s death at Barnet in 1471, Richard acquired the Neville marcher territories of , and (this last was exchanged later for Ogmore), and held them by right of his wife, Anne, co—heiress of her father’s estates.” Buckingham’s lands were forfeit after his rebellion and so Richard entered into the lordship of Brecon; and the earldom of Pembroke, which had been held by Edward V as Prince of Wales, was merged with the crown when 'Richard succeeded him. Finally, as has been stated at the outset of this article, Richard obtained the Llandovery lordship from Lord Audley. Marcher tenures had arisen in the eleventh and twelfth centufies when the Anglo-Norman invaders of Wales displaced the native and took over their ancient kingdoms. The independent nature of these usurped territories was jealously guarded by their new owners who held fast to their near-royal prerogatives, each lordship having its own system of laws and punishments.” As has often been pointed out, the King’s writ did not run in the of Wales: ‘It

49 was the writ of a Marcher 16rd himself which had validity in his Marcher lordship.‘m As time passed, the inevitable fusion took place between the native Welsh and the incoming overlords, who in a number of cases married into the old Celtic dynasties. It was thus possible for the Mortimers (and through them, of course, the Yorkist kings), to claim that they were descended from the royal house of Gwynedd. In fact one bard, Dafydd Llwyd ap Llwelyn ap Gruffydd, hailed Edward IV as more a Welshman than the Tudors." Other descendants of the Welsh princes continued to occupy their ancestral lands but owed homage to the king, prince or overlord —— this may have been so in the case of the Tudors. The independent nature of the marcher lands favoured the growth of rivalries and tensions, and hostilities flared readily between one baronial magnate and another. It was always necessary, therefore, for vigilance to be maintained, and in every lordship there was a castle which was at one and the same time fortress, living quarters and centre of administration. Llandovery’s castle was rather more a fort than a residence for it was primarily a defensive structure and consisted mainly of a shell keep raised on a motte. Like most such castles it was in English hands and was garrisoned by English troops, a state of affairs which must have engendered some local resentment. Co-existence between Welsh and English was, however, not always antipathetic; a well-intentioned marche'r lord, and Richard may be assumed to be in this category, could bring benefits and privileges to the people of his lordship. Richard has been credited by one authority as showing ‘a genuine concern for the welfare’ of the inhabitants of his Glamorgan lordship,” and attempting sincerely, but not wholly successfully, to bring about reform in the way a marcher lordship was administered. He instituted a regular annual payment for officials to prevent the common people being pressed to pay or augment the wages of these officers, but this resulted in such positions being bought for high price and the expense of the outlay was then recouped from the holders of rented property. In 1477, Richard, Duke of Gloucester, in his capacity as Lord of Abergavenny, Glamorgan and Morgannuk, ‘and Ann our Wife,’ inspected and confirmed the charters of , adding a clause expressing the wish that, in future, the selection of bailiffs should be made from ‘the more considerable, powerful, worthy and better persons.’ The right to control the sessions of the Hundred courts was also granted and, later, in 1482, he is recorded as having ratified by letters patent the ordinances and privileges of the guild of Cordwainers, and Glovers.” As King, Richard was also active in the affairs of the royal palatinate of Pembroke, the town itself having its privileges confirmed ‘with diverse newe graunts."‘ Tenby was given control of its hospitals and allowed to hold certain "lands and tenements, the income from which might be used for the repair of the town walls,” and both this town and had their charters confirmed by King Richard using, it is said, his seal as Earl of Pembroke.“ (It is noteworthy, because of an echo in the similar clause in Llandovery’s charter, that the mayors of both towns were warned against granting burgess privileges to non-residents or ‘foreigners’.”). At Brecon the fee farm was remitted by £60, ‘whiche the king hathe geven unto theim towardes the making of the walles,"a and the inhabitants of the lordship were granted, ‘a licence to have fre entre & outgoing with theire Catelles

50 cariages goodes and other merchandises throughout the Forest of Devynnok without any interrupccione or any thing therefore paying forevermore.“ Richard plainly does not deserve to be regarded, as he was by Rhys ap Thomas’s Welsh biographer, as ‘the most pestilent disease this land was ever invested withall."‘I In fact Professor Chrimes makes the point that, although Henry Tudor met with little opposition in Wales, there was not, on the other hand, any 'great rush to support him;" and this was so even in Pembroke, Jasper Tudor’s old earldom, for hardly any men figure in the list of rewards after Bosworth. Richard Williams, who was steward of the lordship and an of the body to Richard III, may, it is thought, have been personally responsible for taking the news of Richmond’s landing to the King at Nottingham." _ Concessions such as those to Glamorgan, Brecon and Pembroke were made by Richard as their lord and the Llandovery charter fits into this pattern. As soon as Llandovery became ‘his’in the especial sense of marcher-lordship, he gave the chief town in the lordship a charter of privileges. It seems likely, though, that Lord Audley, the previous holder of the entitlement, may have presented the borough’s case to the King, and that the whole transaction (that is, all those matters connected with the transfer of the lordship and the appointment of Audley to the Treasureship), must have been mutually agreeable — the King would not have wished to work with an aggrieved Treasurer. John Tuchet, Lord Audley, had long been associated with the court, had served on the Council of Edward IV and had been on several commissions in the (:ompany of Richard, Duke of Gloucester." He had received personal gifts and posts of honour from both Kings. In 1484, when he received the office of Treasurer, he was nearly sixty x years of age and a mature, accredited statesman. He had been converted to the Yorkist cause in 1460, but his father had been killed fighting for Lancaster at Bloreheath and his brother, Sir Humphrey, was executed after Tewkesbury in 1471. This Lancastrian background may have put a slight question mark over his loyalty and have been the reason for King Richard’s asking for the recognizance of £5,000. (The memory too, of Buckingham’s treachery would still have been fresh in Richard’s mind.) Recognizances were a common practice at the time (see note 44); it is the magnitude of the sum that is so puzzling. Was it merely a negotiating factor never intended to be substantiated in actual money? This is all something of a mystery, but both the King and Lord Audley got what they wanted from the deal, control of the lordship for Richard, 3 post of high status (rich in perquisites of office) for Audley, and Llandovery obtained its charter.

Richard lll’s Grants to Llandovery The donation to the church of Llanfair-ar-y-bryn (Church of Mary on the Hill) was part of the King’s ‘marcher-lord’ benevolence as was the charter;4it appears in the records earlier because it was a simpler transaction. The church is not the parish church, (which is St. Dingat’s). It is a Norman building with a fourteenth-century tower and there is little evidence now of any improvements which may have been made with the King’s gift. Owain Glyndwyr was at Llandovery in 1403 and it is likely that both churches had suffered from the destructiveness for which he and his troops were notorious; but restoration of the parish church would have taken priority over the outlying St. Mary’ s— hence, perhaps, the King’ 8 gift to the latter eighty years later.

51 The charter itself, is no longer in existence but a full recital of the text is contained in a confirmation by in 1590 of an earlier confirmation by Henry VIII." This document is in the town’s possession. When Richard III‘s charter was given, the Welsh town (called in documents of the time ‘Llanymthevery’ or ingenious variants of this), had already been a borough for 400 years, but from then on it became a free borough and corporate commonalty in the name of the ‘bailiff and burgesses of the borough of Llanymthevery.’ It was to have a common seal for municipal business, and was given full legal status to acquire lands and properties, and prosecute or defend lawsuits. The rent due to the king was to continue to be twelve pence for each burgage lot and twelve pence for every acre of land, which was no increase on the rate which had been levied for the past two-hundred years. The citizens were given permission to collect timber for their own domestic purposes from most of the royal woods. No tavern was to be set up in the adjoining commotes of Perveth and Herfryn (which were part of the lordship), this restriction probably being laid down in order to concentrate all trade, including that of innkeeping, in the town itself. The clause, already referred to, which deals with the matter of the non-sale of land to ‘foreign‘ Welshmen then follows. The next part of the charter deals with the selection and appointment of town officers. The bailiff was to be elected by a majority decision free from any interference, royal or otherwise. Two sergeants-at—mace were to be chosen, one to be nominated by the bailiff and the other by the whole corporation, and these officials were to have all the usual powers of arrest and execution common to holders of such offices in Wales. The maces, which were to be carried before the bailiff as a sign of his authority, were to be marked with the king’s arms — an honour which is remembered to this day by the use for the borough arms of the royal shield bearing France and England quarterly, supported by two Welsh leeks.“ The authority of the bailiff was not to be over-ridden by anyone except the steward of the lordship who was the king’s immediate representative. Authorisation to hold the Hundred courts was given by the charter and all pleas were to be decided according to English law usage. This was not common to the whole of Wales until the reign of Henry VIII." Provision was made for a yearly fair, with the profits accruing to the borough, and a court of pie powder was to be set up ‘for the ease of the people coming to the said borough.’ A weekly market could be held every Saturday and this has continued right down to the present day. The Corporation was empowered to make decrees ‘which must be reasonable, for the good government and profit of the borough,’ was released from certain county charges, and quit of tolls and dues throughout Wales. Permission was given, also, for the building of a gaol and guildhall. Finally, the borough was to receive all these privileges without paying fine or fee in the hanaper of the chancery. Kings, when making such grants, often exacted a ‘price,’ some form of payment which would boost the royal exchequer, but Richard exempted Llandovery from this as he did Gloucester in 1483. The impressive list of witnesses to the sealing of the charter includes ‘our beloved and faithful Francis, Lovell, our Chamberlain; Thomas Stanley of Stanley, Constable of England,’ and ‘John Awdley of Adey, Treasurer of England ..... "'

52 Audley did not enjoy his new status for long; he supported the losing side, probably being at Bosworth, and, although he received a general pardon in November 1485," the office of Treasurer was taken from him. Llandovery, however, continued to enjoy the privileges granted it by Richard III and, in 1985, is celebrating the quincentenary of this charter. The programme of events to be held during the anniversary year contains these words: The Royal Charter defined the boundaries of the Borough and brought to the townspeople privileges that no one in the realm was entitled to challenge . . . Most importantly it is the essence of Local Government contained in the Charter that has endured . . . At the time the Charter was granted Richard's future was already under threat, but all through the text there runs a thread of succession and continuity . . . ‘that it should endure for future times.‘

Acknowledgements I wish to express my most sincere thanks to all those who have assisted me with the preparation of this article. Mr. A. Th. Arber-Cooke, author of Pages from the History of Llandovery, has answered my barrage of enquiries with great helpfulness and friendliness, and I am grateful to Councillor Gwyneth Perry, Mayor of Llandovery at the time, for forwarding my initial enquiries to him. Mr. Peter Hammond, Research Officer of the Richard 111 Society, has, as always, most willingly supplied me with many of the facts and references which I have needed, and I am very grateful to him and to the Editor, Miss Anne Sutton, for their kind interest and encouragement. Mrs. Suzanne Doolan has carried out research for me in the Cardiff Record Office and I much appreciate the work she has done for me there. Professor Ralph Griffiths, Professor of Mediaeval History at the University College of Swansea, clarified some points for me and I am privileged to have been able to benefit from his knowledge of the subject. I must also add my thanks to all those members of the library services who have so patiently dealt with my seemingly—endless requests, and I wish to mention especially the staff at Cardiff Central Library and at my local Gloucestershire libraries.

NOTES AND REFERENCES 1. Calendar of Charter Rolls, vol. 6. pp.260-262. 2. R. Horrox and P. W. Hammond (eds.) British Library Harleian Manuscripl433. vol. I (Upminster 1979). p.225. vol. 2 (Upminsler I980), p. I66. 3. Calendar afClase Rolls. [476—85, no. 12l8: July 2. John Audeley, . ofAudeley lo the king. Bond in 5000! payable on the Nativity of St. John Baptist next or levied, etc.. in Somerset. Condition, that if the said John or othérs having interest to his use in the castle, demesne or manor of Llannandevery or Llanhemdevery with members in the commutes of Pcrveylh and Hyrveryn in South Wales or elsewhere in Wales, shall cause to be made to the king or his heirs an estate or recovery in law. as advised by the king and his council, of the manor and commotes aforesaid before the marrow of Maninmas at cost of the king, and prove a faithful liege to him, then this recognisance shall be voided, etc. ibid.. no. l347: John Audeley, knight, lord Audley, to the king. Gift with confirmation by charter and warranty of his castle. demesne or manor of Llannandevery or Llanhemdevery with all its members, rights and appurtenances in South Wales, the commotes of Perveyth and Hyrveryn therein or elsewhere in Wales, with all knighls‘ fees, courts, leets, franchises, liberties, advowsons of churches. chantrics and chapels and other commodities thereto belonging. Dated 23 October, 2 Richard III. Memorandum of acknowledgment of the foregoing writings. 6 December.

53 QO‘Mé . Calendar afPatenl Rolls. [476-85, p.488. . Harl. MS. 433, vol. I, pp. I60 and 208. (He was appointed at least after March.) . CPR. [476-85, p.52l. . See:- R. A. Griffiths. The in the Later Middle Ages, vol. I. South Wales 1277-1536 (Cardiff I972), p. 14 and pp.33-5. . Howell T. Evans. Wales and the Wars of the Roses (Cambridge 1915), p.l9. . Calendar of Charter Rolls, vol. 6, p.26l. A. Th. Artur-Cooke, Pages from the History of Llandovery (Llandovery I975), p.136, gives ‘Welsh non-burgess' instead of ‘any foreign Welshman.‘ A rather similar situation existed in Ireland where the English government wished to keep the towns mainly peopled by “loyal English.‘ See Gwen Waters. Richard III and Ireland, 1719 Ricardian. vol. 6, no. 87, pp.400. 405-6. . Arber-Cooke, Pages from the History of Llandovery, pp. l40-l4l. . CPR, 1467-77, p.107. . Evans, Wales and the Wars of the Roses. pp.22-23. . CPR. l467-77, p. I79 (7 November I469), p. ISO (20 November I469). . ibid.. pp.l80—l. . Cambrian Register for Year I795, vol. I (London I796). pp.9l and Ill. The following opinions have been expressed about the validity of this source: Evans, Wales and the Wars oflhe Roses, p.6: ‘Wc must dismiss as worthless the idle story of the family biographer in the Cambrian Register. though that document has been credited by James Gairdner, and has been the favouritexeson of generations of less responsible writers.‘ Dictionary of National Biography, vol. 48 (London l896), p.92: ‘A full biography, written about I635 by a descendant . . . it depends too much on tradition to be altogether trustworthy, yet contains much important information.‘ S. B. Chrimes. Henry VII (London 1972. re-printed I982), pp.42-3. n.4: This authority says that the biographer is believed to have been Henry Price(l590-l659) and adds: ‘Although some of the slalcmems in this work were doubtless based upon family traditions, the importance of Rhys ap Thomas‘s activities before and after Bosworlh is magnified, the best interpretations are put upon his motives and actions. and the whole is embroidered and sometimes confused, whilst legends are incorporated as facts.‘ . Cambrian Register. vol. I, p.8 I: ‘My conscience bindes me to love and serve myKing and country, my vowe can doe no morc.‘(ln a letter alleged to be written by Rhys upThomas from Carmanhen in 1484 and penned for him by the Abbot ofTalye.) And-also: ‘And sure, Sir. could I find myself culpable of one single cogitation, repugnant to the allegiance I owe to your Majestic, I should think the lief alreadie l have lived overlong.‘ . Harl. MS. 433. vol. I, p.l [2. . Dictionary of Nalional Biography, vol. 48. p.9l. . CPR. 1467-77, p.283 (July l47l). p.366(Feb. I473). . ibid., p.275. . CPR. [476-85, pp.59-60. 94, 339. See also Charles Ross, Edward lV(London I974. re—published I983). p. I97. . Harl. MS. 433, vol. I. ppJO-IS; CPR. “76-85. pp.349-350. . Ricardinn, vol. 6, no. 87, ”393-409. . T. B. Pugh, The Marcher Lordships of South Wales, [4154536 (Cardiff I963), p.240. citing 'Breconshire antiquary, Hugh Thomas (d.l7l4). Bod. MS. Rawlinson B465 fo. 22.‘ See also: Sir John Lloyd, A History of Carmarlhenshire, vol. I (Cardiff I955). p.26]. 25. CPR, 1476-05. p.368. 26. Harl. MS. 433. vol. I, pp.94, 139, 269; vol. 2, p.137. 27. ibid.. vol. 2, p.l43; vol. I, p.96. 28. Ross, Edward IV, p. I90. 29. CPR, l46l-67. pp.425-6; these letters patent awarded to William Herbert at the setting-up of his lordship of Raglan in I465 illustrate the near-royal prerogatives enjoyed by a marcher-lord: ‘And the said William and his heirs and assigns shall have within the said limits all royal rights, prerogatives and customs belonging to royal lordships and all royal courts and olherjurisdictions. powers and authorities as in any other royal lordship in Wales or the marches of Wales with all fines. amercements, issues and profits . . . with power of oyer and terminer, an authentic seal for commissions. writs and warrants, and power of appointing justices to hold sessions in cyre and other cessions and courts, and theyshall have chattels of felons,‘(elc.). See also 0. J. Olway- Ruthven, The Constitutional Pattern of the Great Lordships, 1112 Transactions of the Royal Historical Society. vol. 8. 5th series. p.7.

54 30. A. C. Reeves, The Marcher Lords (Llandybifi I983), p.l7. 3l. Francis Jones, The Prince: and Principality of Wales (Cardiff I969). pp.36 and 44. This authority shows the descent of the York family from (d.l240) through two of his daughters. Gwladys. (d.1240) and Helen, (d. I 257 — anceslressof the Hollands). Henry VI] was descended from a third daughter, Angharad. 32. T. B. Pugh (ed.), Glamorgan County History, vol. 3, The Middle Age: (Cardiff l97l), p.203. 33. J. H. Matthews (ed.). Records of the County Borough of Cardifl' (Cardiff 1898-l9l l). vol. I, p.46; ibid., vol. 3. pp.342-8. There isatradition that the building of the tower of St. J ohn's Cardiff . was made possible through the gift of Anne Neville. Duchess of Gloucester, bul Pugh, Glamargan County History. vol. 3. p.406. names Isobel Neville, Duchess of Clarence, as the donor. 34. Harl. MS. 433, vol. I. p.274. 35. ibid.. pp.109, l l I. R. F. WalkerI Tenby, in Boroughs of Mediaeval Wales (Cardiff I978), pp.296, 304, 309-l0. 36: Richard Femon. Historical Tour through Pembrokeshire (Brecon I903). p.2l3. 37. Harl. MS. 433, vol. 3, pp.l72—3. 38. ibid.. vol. 2, p.13l. 39. ibid.. vol. I. p.l6l. . Cambrian Register. vol. I, p.11 I. On p.8l Rhys is designated as ‘lhe man ordained by divine providence lo throws the first stone. and to open the gate to that monster‘s (Richard‘s) dcstruclion.‘ 4 . Chrimes. Henry VII. pp.40-42. The difficult and circuitous route Henry chose to follow through Wales could indicate desire on his part to avoid those areas where loyalty to the King might be quite strong, and little credence may be given to the Cambrian Register account of Richmond‘s supposedly ecstatic welcome upon his landing on the coast of Pembrokeshire; it is colourful journalism, however, worthy of certain newspapers to- day! P. 10 I : “The Earle had no sooner finished his oration. but all flocked umo him in a confused manner, mingle mangle. without all order, as being transported with his eloquence. and ravished with his presence, some kissing his handes, some his feete. and some adoring the ground he trod upon. as if he were some angelical creature, and no: terrestrial] personage; then beating up their drumms. s'ounding their Irumpeus, winding their corneas, and to express their inward joy and contentment, they fell to shouts and acclamations, clapping their handcs, and crying up to heaven, King Henric, King Henric. down with the bragging white boare.’ 42. Evans, Wales and the Wars of the Roses. p.219; Harl. MS. 433, vol. 2, p.l53. 43. CPR. 1476-85, pp.22. I45. l83; Anne F. Sutton and P. W. Hammond (eds), The Coronation of Richard III (Gloucester I983), p.406; 1712 Complete Peerage, vol. 1 (London l9l0). p.342. 44. Harl. MS. 433. vol. I, p.4: In a letter to the Welsh Commissioners in 1483 it is stated that they are to receive ‘all maner your atlendaunces, Recanisances or tallages now umo us due and accustomed amonges you . . . after the cuslume of cure principalile of Wales and the cuntre there of old: lyme had and used.‘ 45. Arber-Cooke. Pages from the History alandovery. pp. I40, l33—l40. 46. This usage may date only from the reconstitution of the borough in 1835. 47. Arber-Cooke, Pagesfram the History of Llandavery. p. I42. 48. ibid., p. I40: ‘Wilh these venerable witnesses: Thomas of Canterbury. Primate of All England and Thomas of York, Primate of England, Archbishops: John of Lincoln, our Chancellor, Robert of Bath and Wells and Thomas of London, Bishops: and our most gracious Cousins. John Suffolk and John Norfolk, Marshall of England, Dukes: and Henry Pcrcic, Earl of Nonhumberland. Chamberlain of England. (then Lovell, etc., as in main text) . . .‘ 49. CPR. 1485-94, p.66. Audley did. however, regain some of his Welsh lands for the entry in the Calendar of Inquisition: Past Marlem, Henry VII, vol. I (London [898), p.247 records that on Audley‘s death in I490 he was 'seized of the cnsll: and lordship of Thlanandovery with the Commotes of Perneth and H . . . worth 20 L . . . held of Arthur, Prince of Wales, as of the honor or earldom of Kaermerdyn in Wales . . .‘

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