Rabin's Assassination Twenty Years Later
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Israel: Growing Pains at 60
Viewpoints Special Edition Israel: Growing Pains at 60 The Middle East Institute Washington, DC Middle East Institute The mission of the Middle East Institute is to promote knowledge of the Middle East in Amer- ica and strengthen understanding of the United States by the people and governments of the region. For more than 60 years, MEI has dealt with the momentous events in the Middle East — from the birth of the state of Israel to the invasion of Iraq. Today, MEI is a foremost authority on contemporary Middle East issues. It pro- vides a vital forum for honest and open debate that attracts politicians, scholars, government officials, and policy experts from the US, Asia, Europe, and the Middle East. MEI enjoys wide access to political and business leaders in countries throughout the region. Along with information exchanges, facilities for research, objective analysis, and thoughtful commentary, MEI’s programs and publications help counter simplistic notions about the Middle East and America. We are at the forefront of private sector public diplomacy. Viewpoints are another MEI service to audiences interested in learning more about the complexities of issues affecting the Middle East and US rela- tions with the region. To learn more about the Middle East Institute, visit our website at http://www.mideasti.org The maps on pages 96-103 are copyright The Foundation for Middle East Peace. Our thanks to the Foundation for graciously allowing the inclusion of the maps in this publication. Cover photo in the top row, middle is © Tom Spender/IRIN, as is the photo in the bottom row, extreme left. -
1 Nephi 1–7 “I Will Go and Do”
JANUARY 6-12, 2020 1 Nephi 1–7 “I Will Go and Do” Summary: Nephi begins the record of his people—Lehi sees in vision a pillar of fire and reads from a book of prophecy—He praises God, foretells the coming of the Messiah, and prophesies the destruction of Jerusalem—He is persecuted by the Jews. About 600 B.C. Lehi takes his family into the wilderness by the Red Sea—They leave their property—Lehi offers a sacrifice to the Lord and teaches his sons to keep the commandments—Laman and Lemuel murmur against their father—Nephi is obedient and prays in faith; the Lord speaks to him, and he is chosen to rule over his brethren. About 600 B.C. Lehi’s sons return to Jerusalem to obtain the plates of brass—Laban refuses to give the plates up—Nephi exhorts and encourages his brethren—Laban steals their property and attempts to slay them—Laman and Lemuel smite Nephi and Sam and are reproved by an angel. About 600–592 B.C. Nephi slays Laban at the Lord’s command and then secures the plates of brass by stratagem—Zoram chooses to join Lehi’s family in the wilderness. About 600–592 B.C. Sariah complains against Lehi—Both rejoice over the return of their sons—They offer sacrifices—The plates of brass contain writings of Moses and the prophets—The plates identify Lehi as a descendant of Joseph—Lehi prophesies concerning his seed and the preservation of the plates. About 600–592 B.C. Nephi writes of the things of God—Nephi’s purpose is to persuade men to come unto the God of Abraham and be saved. -
Yitzhak Rabin
YITZHAK RABIN: CHRONICLE OF AN ASSASSINATION FORETOLD Last year, architect-turned-filmmaker Amos Gitaï directed Rabin, the Last EN Day, an investigation into the assassination, on November 4, 1995, of the / Israeli Prime Minister, after a demonstration for peace and against violence in Tel-Aviv. The assassination cast a cold and brutal light on a dark and terrifying world—a world that made murder possible, as it suddenly became apparent to a traumatised public. For the Cour d’honneur of the Palais des papes, using the memories of Leah Rabin, the Prime Minister’s widow, as a springboard, Amos GitaI has created a “fable” devoid of formality and carried by an exceptional cast. Seven voices brought together to create a recitative, “halfway between lament and lullaby,” to travel back through History and explore the incredible violence with which the nationalist forces fought the peace project, tearing Israel apart. Seven voices caught “like in an echo chamber,” between image-documents and excerpts from classic and contemporary literature— that bank of memory that has always informed the filmmaker’s understanding of the world. For us, who let the events of this historic story travel through our minds, reality appears as a juxtaposition of fragments carved into our collective memory. AMOS GITAI In 1973, when the Yom Kippur War breaks out, Amos Gitai is an architecture student. The helicopter that carries him and his unit of emergency medics is shot down by a missile, an episode he will allude to years later in Kippur (2000). After the war, he starts directing short films for the Israeli public television, which has now gone out of business. -
1996 Human Rights Report: Israel and the Occupied Territories Page 1 of 4
1996 Human Rights Report: Israel and the Occupied Territories Page 1 of 4 The State Department web site below is a permanent electro information released prior to January 20, 2001. Please see w material released since President George W. Bush took offic This site is not updated so external links may no longer func us with any questions about finding information. NOTE: External links to other Internet sites should not be co endorsement of the views contained therein. U.S. Department of State Israel and the Occupied Territories Report on Human Rights Practices for 1996 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, January 30, 1997. ISRAEL AND THE OCCUPIED TERRITORIES* Israel is a parliamentary democracy with a multiparty system and free elections. There is no constitution; a series of "basic laws" provide for fundamental rights. The legislature, or Knesset, has the power to dissolve the Government and limit the authority of the executive branch. On May 29, Likud Party leader Benyamin Netanyahu was elected Prime Minister; he heads a center-right coalition government. The judiciary is independent. Since its founding in 1948, Israel has been in a state of war with most of its Arab neighbors. It concluded a peace treaty with Egypt in 1979 and with Jordan in 1994. As a result of the 1967 War, occupied the West Bank, the Gaza Strip, East Jerusalem, and the Golan Heights. The international community does not recognize Israel's sovereignty over any part of the occupied territories. Throughout its existence, Israel has experienced numerous terrorist attacks. It relies heavily on its military and security services and retains many security-related regulations from the period of the British Mandate. -
Bildner Event Reviews the Legacy of Yitzhak Rabin
Bildner event reviews the legacy of Yitzhak Rabin Jacob Kamaras THE JEWISH STATE November 27, 2009 Rather than focusing on how a chasm in Israeli politics resulted in former Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin's assassination, the work of Dr. Vered Vinitzky-Seroussi shows a divided Israeli society through the ways Rabin was memorialized. Vinitzky-Seroussi, who works in the Sociology and Anthropology departments at Hebrew University of Jerusalem but is researching collective memory at Yale University this year, spoke at Rutgers University's Douglass Campus Center Nov. 18 on the radically different ways in which the cities of Jerusalem and Tel-Aviv commemorated Rabin after he was shot in Tel-Aviv by Yigal Amir, a Jewish-Israeli opponent of the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, on Nov. 4, 1995. The program was the Ruth and Alvin Rockoff Annual Lecture of The Allen and Joan Bildner Center for the Study of Jewish Life. Vinitzky-Seroussi recently came out with a book titled "Yitzhak Rabin's Assassination and the Dilemmas of Commemoration." With Jerusalem containing a politically right-wing and religious population compared with Tel- Aviv's left-wing and cosmopolitan orientation, the cities already represented a bifurcation of Israeli society -- but Tel-Aviv's commitment to remembering Rabin, and Jerusalem's scant effort to that end because of Rabin's left-wing politics, accentuated those social differences and gave Tel-Aviv a newfound legitimacy as an alternative capital of Israel, Vinitzky-Seroussi argued. "The two cities can be said to define two distinct Israeli national identities," Vinitzky-Seroussi said to an audience of about 75 people. -
Auditing Israeli Democracy – 2005 a Decade After the Assassination of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin Asher Arian, Shlomit Barnea
Auditing Israeli Democracy – 2005 A Decade after the Assassination of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin Asher Arian, Shlomit Barnea, Pazit Ben-Nun, Raphael Ventura, Michal Shamir The Israel Democracy Institute is an independent body that assists the Knesset and its committees, government offices and institutions, local government bodies, and political parties, through studies and proposals designed to bring about changes and reforms in their manner of operation. In addition, the Israel Democracy Institute fulfills its public charge through the presentation of comparative information on legislative topics and the various ways in which democratic regimes function. It also strives to enrich public discourse and encourage new ways of thinking through the initiation of discussion on topics of current political, social and economic interest, both by bringing together legislators, administrators and academics and through the publication of research findings. The Guttman Center was established at The Israel Democracy Institute in 1998 with the transfer of The Guttman Institute for Applied Social Research to the IDI. Formed in 1949 by Professor Louis Guttman, The Guttman Institute was the pioneer of public opinion research and advances in social science methodology in Israel. The goal of The Guttman Center is to enrich research projects at the IDI and discussions of public policy with data-based information and analyses. Editor-in-Chief Uri Dromi Publishing Director Edna Granit Library Editor Yael Mosheiff Content and Hebrew Language Editor Carmit Gai Linguistic Editor (Hebrew) Ronit Tapiero Translator Batya Stein English Editor Asher Weill Copy Editor Naomi Shmueli Production Coordinator Nadav Shtechman Design Ron Haran Printed in Jerusalem, by Art Plus, Ltd. -
Shamgar Commission Report on the Assassination of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin March 28, 1996 Translation of Commission Findings by Roni Eshel Sources: See Below
Shamgar Commission Report on the Assassination of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin March 28, 1996 Translation of Commission findings by Roni Eshel Sources: see below Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin was assassinated on November 4, 1995. Four days later the Israeli Government appointed a special Commission of Inquiry to investigate events surrounding the assassination. President of the Supreme Court Meir Shamgar chaired the Commission that also included two other members, General (Res.) Zvi Zamir and Professor Ariel Rosen-Zvi. The Commission started its work on November 19, 1995, finally issuing its conclusions and recommendations on March 28, 1996. Political Background to the Assassination On September 13, 1993, the Oslo Accords were officially signed on the White House lawn with the participation of President Bill Clinton, Yitzhak Rabin and Chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) Yasser Arafat. Rabin, though not enamored with Yasir Arafat or the PLO, believed it was necessary to provide some international support for the PLO in its rising competition with Hamas. Rabin feared that the Palestinians were slowly being influenced by Iran and particularly radical Islamic militancy. He believed that it was better for Israel to reach some kind of accommodation with the secular element of the Palestinian leadership and, if possible, truncate the status of Hamas. The signing of the Accords and subsequent agreements between Israel and the PLO led to heated political debates in Israel about the future of the territories that Israel secured in the June 1967 War. A significant number of Palestinians despised Arafat for signing an agreement with the country that he had vowed to destroy for most of his life; Hamas and others considered Arafat a traitor to their cause to liberate all of Palestine. -
'Israel' Ministers Decide to Reopen Synagogues on Sunday
Artzeinu ○ www.artzeinu.org ○ Vol. 19 No. 650 ○ October 31, 2020 Ministers decide to reopen high infection rates, mostly with majority In Holon, Dozens of anti-government Arab populations, may need to remain on protesters gathered, with a counterprotest p synagogues on Sunday, but lockdown: Taybeh, Kafr Kanna, Manar, by a handful of Netanyahu supporters shops to remain closed Deir al-Asad, Kafr Kassem, Kafr Qara nearby. Some of the protesters supporting Netanyahu reportedly wore shirts with the Government ministers decided in the and I’billin. slogan “Leftists are traitors” on them. early hours of Friday morning to move The reopening of street stores will only go forward the reopening of synagogues to forward if infection rates are below 500 The labeling of political opponents as Sunday, but that street stores must remain per day. If daily cases remain above 500, “traitors” carries particular significance in closed until at least November 8, The shops will only reopen on November 15, Israeli culture due to its association with Times of Israel reports. the date set in the initial reopening plan. the Rabin assassination. Netanyahu has long been accused of playing a part in the The so-called coronavirus cabinet made Malls and market areas are likely to incitement against Rabin prior to his the decision after a lengthy virtual remain shuttered. death. The premier has regularly rebuffed meeting that saw Finance Minister Israel Finance Ministry chief economist Shira the allegations and has characterized them Katz of Likud clash with other officials, Greenberg has estimated the cost of the as a form of “political assassination.” including party leader Prime Minister continued restrictions on the economy at Benjamin Netanyahu, over store NIS 2.3 billion ($673 million) a week. -
Abrahamic Religions and Terrorism: the Common Themes and Power of Politics
Abrahamic Religions and Terrorism: The Common Themes and Power of Politics By Alexander D. Parker Honors Thesis Appalachian State University Submitted to the Department of Philosophy and Religion and the Department of Government and Justice Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degrees of Bachelor of Science in Political Science Bachelor of Arts in Religious Studies May 2020 Parker 1 Approved by: Nancy S. Love, Ph.D., Honors Thesis Co-Director Laura Ammon, Ph.D., Honors Thesis Co-Director Nancy S. Love, Ph.D., Honors Thesis Co-Second Reader Laura Ammon, Ph.D., Honors Thesis Co-Second Reader Ellen M. Key, Ph.D., Government and Justice Studies Departmental Honors Director Laura Ammon, Ph.D., Philosophy and Religion Departmental Honors Director Kevin E. Schilbrack, Ph.D., Philosophy and Religion Department Chair Phillip J. Ardoin, Ph.D., Government and Justice Studies Department Chair Parker 2 Acknowledgments I wish to express my deepest appreciation to Dr. Ammon and Dr. Love, my advisors, for providing me with the best encouragement, optimism, feedback, and the occasional necessary laugh. I am also grateful for all the faculty in the Government and Justice Studies department, Philosophy and Religion department, and History department at Appalachian State University, who without their teaching, this would not have been possible. Lastly, I want to thank the Religious Studies Club, the International Relations Association, Kappa Kappa Psi, and TIME, who all pushed me to think politically, gave me the tools to reflect theologically, and taught me about the importance of service. Parker 3 Abstract This project focuses on religious violence conducted in the name of the Abrahamic faiths, Christianity, Islam, and Judaism. -
01Stanislawski Intro 1-6.Qxd
© Copyright, Princeton University Press. No part of this book may be distributed, posted, or reproduced in any form by digital or mechanical means without prior written permission of the publisher. Introduction The assassination of Yitshak Rabin on 4 November 1995 sent shockwaves throughout the world, both because of the sheer horror of the event and because it was immediately feared that it might cause a new explosion of violence in the Middle East. The most immediate fear (which I confess feeling myself, watching the events unfold in real time on television) was what would happen if the assassin turned out to be a Palestinian? Within minutes, a huge sigh of relief could be felt everywhere from Jerusalem to Washington, when it was confirmed that the murderer was one Yigal Amir, an Orthodox Israeli Jew who killed the prime minister out of politically and religiously based opposition to his peace plan. Almost immediately, however, the truth began to sink in within Israel and Jewish communities everywhere else: A Jew had killed the prime minister of Israel! How could this have happened? How could the religious and political divides within Israel have descended to this low? How could a Jew kill another Jew for political and religious reasons? In the weeks and months that followed, Israel mourned as it had never done before, and Orthodox rabbis and Opposition po litical figures who had preached that the late prime minister was a traitor began a painful process of self-examination, reassessing their previous pronouncements, pondering as never before the relationship between words and action, theory and reality. -
International New York Times
International New York Times Twenty Years After Rabin, Israeli Politics Have Shifted By Isabel Kershner / Nov. 3, 2015 JERUSALEM — While fiery denunciations and vitriolic rants are all too common on social media in Israel, one Facebook post was particularly chilling given its timing — and its author. It surfaced as the country was about to mark the 20th anniversary of the assassination of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin. And it was written by Hagai Amir, brother of Yigal Amir, the right-wing extremist serving life in prison for the murder. After the president of Israel, Reuven Rivlin, pledged that he would never sign a pardon for the “accursed” assassin, Hagai Amir, who himself was released from prison in 2012 after serving 16 years for his role in planning the killing, responded that the time would come when God “decides that Rivlin will pass from this world, together with the Zionist state, like Sodom, because of the crimes they committed in the name of the law against their own people.” “That day is not far off,” he warned. That barely veiled threat unnerved many Israelis still traumatized by the assassination on Nov. 4, 1995, which came after Mr. Rabin had made territorial concessions to the Palestinians under the Oslo peace accords. During the period of reflection leading up to the anniversary, which falls on Wednesday, and which has coincided with a surge in Palestinian knife attacks against Israelis and other Israeli-Palestinian violence, many Israelis, including former Rabin aides, said they felt that nothing had changed. Yet the Israeli political map has shifted, according to experts. -
Contrasting Martyrdom and the Politicization of Religion in the Al-Aqsa Intifada
Contrasting Martyrdom and the Politicization of Religion in the al-Aqsa Intifada A thesis submitted to the Miami University Honors Program in partial fulfillment of the requirements for University Honors By Sara Beth Wallace Miami University Oxford, Ohio May, 2003 Contrasting Martyrdom and the Politicization of Religion in the al-Aqsa Intifada by Sara Beth Wallace Approved by: __________________________, Advisor Dr. Adeed Dawisha __________________________, Reader Dr. Sheila Croucher __________________________, Reader Dr. Vaughn Shannon Accepted by: __________________________, Director University Honors Program ii Abstract The assassination of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin sent shockwaves through the Jewish community worldwide. The seeming impossibility of a Jew killing another Jew, as Leah Rabin described, cemented a sobering truth about the peace process: that there were religious fundamentalists – on both sides – eager to derail it. This derailment has culminated in the al-Aqsa Intifada, the pre-meditated violent upsurge against the Israeli occupation to liberate Palestine, which has plagued the region and its peoples since September 2000. This paper identifies major tributaries (trends that strengthen and renew a cult of martyrdom) in Palestinian society. Specifically historical/religious tradition, indoctrination of children and the masses by the Palestinian Authority, economic disparity, reinforcement of violence based on popular support, and the nature of military occupation are explored. Special attention is also given to the role international media and other states play in preventing an organic development and solution of the conflict. When a Palestinian suicide bomber detonates him/herself, Israeli society interprets this as irrational and maniacal. However, the underlings of Palestinian martyrdom - its infusion of nationalist goals with religious tenets - distinguishes the Palestinian suicide bomber as a new political reality of the Intifada.