Faculty of Health Sciences National Drug Research Institute
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Faculty of Health Sciences National Drug Research Institute “This is not a rave”: An ethnography of changes in the Melbourne rave/dance party scene, 1996-2006 Christine Siokou This thesis is presented for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy of Curtin University of Technology July 2010 Declaration To the best of my knowledge and belief this thesis contains no material previously published by any other person except where due acknowledgement has been made. This thesis contains no material which has been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma in any university. Signature: …………………………………………. Date: ………………………... Abstract The increase in ‗recreational‘ or ‗normalised‘ party drug use by young Australians, particularly at raves/dance parties and clubs, has led to party drug use becoming a research, policy and practice issue: however, there has been little ethnographic research on the social contexts and cultural meanings of party drug use. This thesis is concerned with the changes that occurred in the Melbourne rave/dance party scene between 1996 and 2006. In considering these changes, the central question explored in the thesis is: How has the commercialisation of the Melbourne rave/dance party scene affected the identities and party drug use of scene participants? The dominant approaches to the study of drug use in Australia have been epidemiological and medical. These approaches ignore the cultural meanings and social contexts of party drug use, and as a consequence, they tend to represent party drug users as an essentialised category. By contrast, this thesis is positioned within the body of ethnographic work on drug use that has emerged since the 1990s (e.g., Bourgois, 1995; Bourgois and Schonberg, 2009; Dwyer, 2009; Green and Moore, 2009; Maher, 1997; Moore, 1993, 1995; Slavin 2004a, 2004b). It draws on two previously distinct literatures – the drug-specific literature on party drug use, and the sociological and cultural-studies literature on raves, dance parties, clubs and youth. Few qualitative Australian studies examine the commercialisation of the rave/dance party scene in relation to party drug use. If the Australian drug field has been comparatively neglectful of raves/dance parties, the same could not be said of cultural studies of youth, which have become increasingly interested in this social phenomenon. An extensive literature on raves/dance parties and clubs has emerged in sociology and cultural studies during the past two decades with the increasing commercialisation of raves/dance parties being a key topic of interest: however, how this commercialisation is experienced by those attending such events has received relatively little attention. This thesis explores some of the changes associated with the commercialisation of the Melbourne rave/dance party scene before examining the representations of past and present raves/dance parties articulated by a group of long- term rave/dance party attendees. i The analysis I present draws on ethnographic research within social networks of young people who use ‗party drugs‘ at raves/dance parties and clubs in Melbourne. Many of these people had been attending raves and other dance events since the mid- 1990s and self identified as ‗old skool ravers‘. The most common party drugs used were ecstasy and speed with some ice use. Most were in their twenties, had completed secondary school, worked full-time and lived in Melbourne‘s outer northern and western suburbs. While almost all members of the sample were born in Australia, they were ethnically mixed, with European, Anglo-Celtic or Middle Eastern family backgrounds. This last feature sets them apart from the participants described in most previous studies of party drug use. My ethnography reveals that raves/dance parties and clubs are constituted by complex and changing forms of party drug use, social relationships and cultural practices. My analysis shows the significance of commercial changes, in relation to party drug use at rave/dance parties and clubs. By exploring the changes that the scene has undergone in the last 10 years, it provides some insight into the subjectivities of old skool ravers and their changing patterns of party drug use and identity formation. In this thesis, I explore some of the changes associated with the commercialisation of the Melbourne rave/dance party scene focusing on four changes: the location, marketing and size of rave/dance party events; the composition of attendees; drug-related practices; and the ‗vibe‘ or atmosphere. I argue that these changes have produced a set of nostalgic representations about past rave forms but that they can also be read as claims to ―subcultural capital‖ – that is, to the possession of an ‗authentic‘ rave identity. ii Acknowledgements A project such as this is never the work of one author alone and I am indebted to many people and organisations. The research was based at the National Drug Research Institute, Curtin University of Technology, and supported by NHMRC Project Grant 323212. To the ‗psychostimulant crew‘ – David Moore, Paul Dietze, Lisa Maher, Gabriele Bammer, Pascal Perez, Anne Dray and in particular, fellow PhD students Rachael Green, Rebecca Jenkinson and Suzie Hudson – their ongoing friendship and support has been exceptional. Fellow NDRI PhD students, Monica Barratt, Robyn Dwyer, Amy Pennay and Nicola Thomson also shared their ideas and camaraderie. My supervisors, David Moore and Helen Lee, have both been instrumental in helping me complete this thesis. I consider myself fortunate to have had two extraordinary mentors. Helen, who was first my honours then masters supervisor, is a main reason why I continued to study. Her counsel and friendship over the years has been invaluable. I thank her for her enthusiasm and guidance, particularly when I struggled with my ideas. Her suggestions, continued support, availability and encouragement is greatly appreciated. My greatest thanks go to David, who supervised me during this PhD. I thank him for his encouragement, insights and enthusiasm which were second to none. His knowledge of drug use and ethnography as well as his guidance and patience, when I struggled to interpret my data, helped me to persevere. I am very grateful for all the time he spent discussing the rave vibe, commercialisation, muzzas, the decline of Robbie G and all things rave-related. I would also like to thank Richie McNeill, director of Hardware Corp, for supporting my rave research from ‗back in the day‘ during my undergraduate studies at Melbourne University and for the many interviews he graciously granted over the years. Edwina Tarrant of Hardware (and later Future Entertainment) was also helpful as was Nikki Cunningham from Future Entertainment. Garth Lategan from Smile Police was supportive, as was Bunni Bedi, the crystal expert who assisted me in getting started in 1998. Over the years several DJs have also graciously agreed to be interviewed and I would like to send a big shout out to: Simon Digby, Dee Dee, Slieker, Slack, Disko Pussy, Jason Midro, Seth Taylor and Sean Quinn. Natalie Russell and Purple Hazelwood both from RaveSafe (now DanceWize) were also supportive of my research. I gratefully iii acknowledge Nick Demkiw for permission to reproduce the flyers in Appendix 1 and 2 – Every Picture Tells a Story 15, 16 and 17, Emerald Forrest 3, TransAtlantic, Global Village Shut down party, The Outer Limits (3d illustration by Hess Barber and layout by Nick Demkiw). Despite my best efforts I was unable to locate the artists of the Every Picture Tells a Story 8 and Pleazure 94-95 flyers. I gratefully acknowledge Stefan Nott for permission to reproduce the flyers in Appendix 3 – Slinky, Carl Cox and Two Tribes. The Centre for Dialogue at La Trobe University provided employment and support throughout the past 5 years, for which I am grateful. I particularly thank Joseph Camilleri who has been my employer and has offered ongoing interest, support and encouragement. George Myconos helped me in achieving structure when I thought there was none to be found: he always had time for a chat whenever I wandered past his door. Aran Martin aka Martinez, Steph Matti and Rebecca Fowler kindly read chapters, and our coffee dates, freddo frogs, banana wars and quality jokes kept me sane. I also shared an office and good times with Janelle Cairns, Charlotte Setijadi-Dunn and James Oaten, who all assisted in helping with this PhD in one way or another. On a personal level, I thank family and friends: my parents Louie and Fay for their unwavering love and support, belief in me and jokes that I would one day become a rave doctor: my sister Lisa and my brother Christopher who were around to take my mind off my thesis, and my grandparents. To my partner Tom whom I fittingly met at a club and who read my honours thesis the first time we met, I thank you for your on-going love and support and for helping me hand out hundreds of rave questionnaires throughout the years – for listening to my constant ‗thesis talk‘. To the good timers Belinda, Rob, Dion, Sonia, Kane, Janelle, Peter, Robert and my best friend Jules, who introduced me to raves back in the day, we have been through thick and thin over the years and this thesis could not have been completed without you. At last the ‗rave book‘ which started off as a joke has been written! During the writing of this thesis I lost three family members: my baba Dosta (grandma Dorothy) and adopted grandmother Vasa and Uncle Paul, all of whom were always there for me. My world is so much better for you having been part of it and I dedicate this thesis to my favourites who are forever missed. Finally, to the people whom I refer to throughout this thesis as my research friends and ‗old skool ravers‘, they opened their minds and hearts and shared their dance floor stories with me and reminisced about ‗the docks‘ and ‗global village‘; this thesis could not have been written without you.