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Title Representing Atomic Memory in the Japanese American Public Sphere Since 1945 Author(S) UCHINO, Crystal Citation Representing Atomic Memory in the Japanese American Public Title Sphere Since 1945 Author(s) UCHINO, Crystal Citation 人間・環境学 (2017), 26: 197-215 Issue Date 2017-12-20 URL http://hdl.handle.net/2433/235184 Right ©2017 京都大学大学院人間・環境学研究科 Type Departmental Bulletin Paper Textversion publisher Kyoto University 人間・環境学，第 26 巻，197-215 頁，2017 年 197 Representing Atomic Memory in the Japanese American Public Sphere Since 1945 Crystal UCHINO Graduate School of Human and Environmental Studies, Kyoto University, Kyoto 606-8501 Japan Abstract Over the last 70 years Japanese Americans have confrontedtheir complex historical relationship to the atomic bomb in overt and indirect ways, navigating changing political currents in society. Using media analysis, this paper examines public representations andrepressions of atomic memory in Japanese America through an examination of Japanese American news reporting on the anniversaries of the atomic bomb in the seven decades since 1945. By focusing on an under researched area of atomic memory, it also provides a new frame to interpret Japanese American subjectivity andhistory in relation to influences of suppression and political activism. When the atomic bombs were dropped on Hiroshima secondary, if not non-existent, comparedto the andNagasaki thousandsof American born Nikkei― valorization the of grandfatherʼs service in the MIS. In Americans of Japanese Ancestry―were residing in this context, I have wondered about histories which these two cities.1) Early Japanese American immigra- have been overlookedat the intersection of personal tion history additionally reveals that a disproportionate memory andpublic representation. Pierre Nora`s number of Japanese residing in the United States were Lieux de memoire, described the transformation of from Hiroshima prefecture. In fact, census statistics something into a symbolic element or site of by the Japanese consulate in Honolulu report that community heritage.3) Memory is a wordincreasingly nearly a quarter of the Japanese American population pairedwith history. 4) It has been conceptualizedas an emigratedfrom Hiroshima. 2) Therefore, in addition to apparatus of subjectivity formation anda site of those who experiencedthe bomb first -hand, a struggle.5) What does a hierarchy of memory considerable segment of the Japanese American valorizing Japanese American military service or population hadimmediatefamily living in, or close prioritizing the experience of interment ―both of relational ties to, Hiroshima during the time of the which have overwhelmingly constructedJapanese bombing, leading me to suggest that atomic bomb American loyalty andcitizenship ―tell us about memory is an important andunderexploredfacetof racializedcitizenship andJapanese American subjec- Japanese American history. tivity? Foucault`s Genealogical methodchallenges us Growing up with a hibakusha-Atomic bomb to deconstruct previously taken for granted truths in survivor- grandmother (Nagasaki) anda Nikkei order to critique power and the production of grandfather in the U. S. Army Military Intelligence knowledge. J. Halberstam, however, contends that Service (MIS), I developed an awareness that, even Foucaultʼs methodoverlooks the fact that marginalized within personal family history, there was a hierarchy of subjects often participate andperpetuate the very memory. My grandmotherʼs stories have been systems which subjugate them, a trendI will argue is 198 Crystal UCHINO clearly distinguishable in early Japanese American what has been remembered, but why (geopolitics), representations of the atomic bomb.6) how (narratives/representation) andwhat has been Discursive practices employedin atomic narratives left out (silence/discourse). These newspaper vi- have been examinedfrom a myriadof angles. For gnettes provide compelling insight into the unique example, studies have importantly addressed catego- ways that Japanese Americans have navigateda ries of race, national identity/citizenship, andgender trans-pacific politics of memory andcontribute to the in the construction of Japanʼs peace narrative, such as body of literature mentioned above that seeks to the exclusion of Korean hibakusha in Hiroshimaʼs destabilize dominant and colonial discourses of atomic peace park andJapanʼs continuedunwillingness to memory. confront its colonial crimes of the war years.7) Others For this paper, I focus my study on the Rafu Shimpo have drawn attention to the suppression of information andthe Hawai’i Hochi which were both formedin the anda lack of critical intellectual public dialogue early 1900ʼs. As part of the ethnic press in the United regarding the meaning of the atomic bomb and its States, Japanese American newspapers constitute an legacy in the UnitedStates. 8) Andstill others have important documentary source providing insight into approachedthe topic of atomic memory through the the Japanese American community, not only in what lens of nuclear colonialism.9) These perspectives draw was explicitly written, but also in what was not our attention to the trans-national andmulti -dimen- representedwithin its pages. These two papers were sionality of atomic remembering andforgetting, they selectedbecause of the presence of a large Japanese also open up questions about other untraversedroads American readership and the duration of their on the map of atomic memory. publication. In my analysis, I lookedfor common Addressing the public representations of the atomic themes in the framing of the stories, how much print bomb in Japanese America, in this article I analyze space was allottedto each article, what kindof story it Japanese American newspaper reports printedin the was (front page, editorial, etc.), who authoredthe Rafu Shimpo andthe Hawaii Hochi ― two of Japanese story, andhow the reporting changedover time. Americaʼs longest running newspapers ― from August 6, 1945 until the present. I begin my discussion by Decoding Representations in Nikkei Media contextualizing these two papers andtheir roles in their Frames of the Atomic Bomb respective communities (Honolulu, Hawaiʼi andLos Looking into ethnic and critical media studies, there Angeles, California) in the decades leading up to the seems to be a tendency to glorify the aspects of war. positive agency produced by ethnic media such as By examining shifts in the narrative of atomic those leading to participation and equality.10) memory representedin these two Japanese American Certainly this is an important aspect of ethnic media, newspapers, I explore how representation was consti- however, this inference still leaves questions about the tutedin the decadesfollowing the bomb. The usefulness of ethnic media as a documentary source newspaper articles I discuss are organized chronologi- because it fails to problematize the silences that exist cally. They illustrate the shifting dynamics of power alongside interpretive qualities in the concept of anddiscoursein Japanese American subjectivity representation. Yasuhiro Inoue andCarol Rinnert, in relating to three key elements of influence : censorship, their analysis of atomic bomb representation in both externally imposedandinternally sanctioned; international newspapers have observed, “In the frame social movements ; andJapanese American negotia- analysis of media content, the interpretive content is tion of public debates that surfaced during the 50th more important than the information in news anniversary. I have sought to understand not only stories.”11) This is because the content displayed also Representing Atomic Memory in the Japanese American Public Sphere Since 1945 199 conveys a message about the intent of the publisher. hadon the ethnic consciousness of the Japanese Salma Ghanem proposedthat mediaframes couldbe community. In January of 1952, the name was understood in four main ways : 1) the topic of the changedback to the Hawai’i Hochi, though it has been news item, 2) its presentation assessedby its size and pointedout that, “after the war, the Hochiʼs editorials placement, 3) cognitive attributes accounting for the were distinctly less radical than before.”17) details represented, and 4) affective attributes for which the tone of the reporting comes across.12) Rafu Shimpo (established 1903) Employing aspects of Foucaultʼs theories on discourse The Rafu Shimpo is the oldest and largest Japanese andtaking an interpretive approach to content analysis, community daily newspaper outside of Japan. It was I interrogate not only that which appears in overt print establishedin 1903 in Little Tokyo, Los Angeles, but also that which has been omitted, made smaller or California. The paper began as a one-page mimeo- otherwise marginalizedto concludethat those silences graphedJapanese language newspaper producedby are also significant.13) several University of Southern California students : owner Toyosaku Komai (Henry T. Komai), Rippo Hawaiʼi Hochi (established 1912) Iijima, Masaharu Yamaguchi, andSeijiro Shibuya. 18) The Hawai’ i Hochi was startedby Frederick The Densho Encyclopedia project has called the Rafu Kinzaburo Makino, a Yokohama native who immi- Shimpo : “one of the most influential print media in gratedto the UnitedStates in 1899. Ten years later Japanese America since its inception.”19) The Rafu Makino openeda drugstore in Honolulu anda few Shimpo began with an original circulation of 250 years after that a law office above the drug store. readers. By the 1920ʼs the Rafu Shimpo’s circulation Despite not having a law degree, Makino felt that in exceeded 8,000 daily readers. Importantly,
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