INDAGO

(continuing Navorsinge van die Nasionale Museum, Bloemfontein)

Published annually for the National Museum, Bloemfontein

INDAGO is an accredited journal that publishes original research results in both the natural and human sciences. Man- uscripts relevant to Africa on topics related to the approved research disciplines of the Museum, and/or those based on study collections of the Museum, and/or studies undertaken in the Free State, will be considered. Submission of a manu- script will be taken to imply that the material is original and that no similar paper is being or will be submitted for publi- cation elsewhere. Authors will bear full responsibility for the factual content of their publications and opinions expressed are those of the authors and not necessarily those of the National Museum. All contributions will be critically reviewed by at least two appropriate external referees. Contributions should be addressed to: The Editor, Indago, National Museum, P.O. Box 266, Bloemfontein, 9300, South Africa and e-mailed to [email protected]. Instructions to authors appear at the back of each volume.

Editor-in-Chief Michael F. Bates (Ph.D., Stellenbosch), Department of Herpetology, National Museum, Bloemfontein

Associate editors Natural Sciences: Rick Nuttall (M.Sc., Natal), Director, National Museum Human Sciences: Shiona Moodley (M.A., Wits), Department of Rock Art, National Museum Marianna Botes (Ph.D., UFS), Department of History, National Museum

Consulting Editors Prof. C. Chimimba (Department of Zoology and Entomology, University of Pretoria, South Africa) Dr J. Deacon (South African Heritage Resources Agency, Cape Town, South Africa – retired) Dr A. Dippenaar-Schoeman (ARC – Plant Protection Research Institute, Pretoria, South Africa) Dr A. Kemp (Ditsong National Museum of Natural History, Pretoria, South Africa – retired) Dr D.T. Rowe-Rowe (Ezemvelo KZN Wildlife, Pietermaritzburg, South Africa – retired) Prof. B.S. Rubidge (Centre of Excellence for the Palaeosciences, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa) Prof. A.E. van Wyk (Department of Botany, University of Pretoria, South Africa) Prof. A. Wessels (Department of History, University of the Free State, Bloemfontein, South Africa)

Layout Marelie van Rensburg, Design Department, National Museum

Hard copies of Indago are available from the Library at the National Museum, Bloemfontein. Free access to electronic copies (PDF) via the Museum’s website www.nasmus.co.za.

Cover illustrations Replica of Zeederberg post wagon on exhibit in the Wagon Museum, Bloemfontein. (Photo: National Museum, Bloemfontein)

© 2017 National Museum, Bloemfontein ISSN 0067-9208 ISBN 978-1-86847-179-9 INDAGO

DECEMBER 2017 VOLUME 33 ISSN 0067-9208

RESEARCH ARTICLES HUMAN SCIENCES ‘They say a Dog wears a Ticket’ – Legal Classification instead of Self-Identification P.A. Erasmus & B.J.H. de Graaff ...... 1 Soldiers of the Koma S. Moodley ...... 13 “Blazen en snorken” en “Woest ridjen”: Verkeersweë en vervoer in Bloemfontein teen die laat-negentiende eeu M. Botes & A. Wessels ...... 23

NATURAL SCIENCES Further evidence in support of the status of small mammals as ecological indicators in areas cleared of alien vegetation in South Africa J.J. de Klerk & N.L. Avenant ...... 49 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The following individuals contributed to the quality of Indago Vol. 33 (2017) by serving as reviewers. Their assistance is gratefully acknowledged.

Johan Cronje (South Africa) Bart de Graaff (Netherlands) Hans Ester (Netherlands) Morgan Hauptfleish (Namibia) Lize Kriel (South Africa) Rhodes Makundi (Tanzania) Fransjohan Pretorius (South Africa) Benjamin Smith (Australia) Jan van der Merwe (South Africa) Indago Vol. 33 (2017) 1

HUMAN SCIENCES Indago, Vol. 33, 2017, pp. 1–12 ‘They say a Dog wears a Ticket’ – Legal Classification instead of Self-Identification

1,* 2 P.A. Erasmus & B.J.H. de Graaff

1 Department of Anthropology, University of the Free State, Bloemfontein, South Africa, P.O. Box 12597, Brandhof, 9324, South Africa 2 Lansbergen Street 10, 4336 DA Middelburg, The Netherlands *Corresponding author: [email protected]

Abstract The construct of presumed differences and the classification of people into different race groups according to it, were the core business of the apartheid state in South Africa. The Population Registration Act 1950 (Act 30 of 1950) was the instrument primarily responsible for labelling the population. People of Khoe-San extraction had a strange and usually unacceptable identity of ‘Coloured person’ assigned to them in a quite inhuman and hegemonic manner. In this article we use interviews conducted with informants as a basis for looking at individuals’ experience of this process and what outcome it had for their own self-assumed identities. Keywords: Khoe-San; assumed vs assigned identity; ethnic labels; experience

Opsomming Die beleid van veronderstelde verskille en die klassifikasie van mense op grond daarvan in verskillende rassegroepe, was die kernbesigheid van die apartheidstaat in Suid-Afrika. Die Bevolkingsregistrasiewet 1950 (Wet 30 van 1950) was die instrument wat primêr verantwoordelik was vir die klassifisering van die bevolking. Op ’n onmenslike en hegemoniese wyse is daar aan mense van Khoe-San-afkoms ’n vreemde, en meesal onaanvaarbare identiteit van ‘Kleurling’ toegewys. In hierdie artikel ge- bruik ons onderhoude wat met informante gevoer is as die basis om na individue se ervarings van hierdie proses te kyk en watter uitkomste dit op hul self-toegeëiende identiteite gehad het.

INTRODUCTION even among themselves’. According to a 1999 survey there were still some 6 000 Khoekhoegowap (Nama) ‘A dog wears a ticket.’ This was the answer some- speakers in South Africa, while the number of people one from the town of Welkom, Free State, received in able to speak (some) Xiri (Griqua), !Ora (Korana) or 1961 when he enquired from the official why he had /Nu (≠Khomani) was less than thirty (Killian 2009). to register for a dompas (literally: a ‘dumb pass’), in which he was classified as a Coloured, meaning some- Apart from the project’s focus on the informants’ one who was not a White person or a Bantu. command of language, information was also gathered about issues related to their identities. The reason During 2005 the Unit for Khoe-San Studies, Depart- behind this was that the Population Registration ment of Anthropology, University of the Free State, Act, 1950 (Act 30 of 1950) took away the right to South Africa, started a research project titled ‘Khoe- self-identification of certain parts of the South African San Culture and Memory Project’. Its basic objective population, including the Khoe-San. The Act required was to identify speakers of Khoe or San languages all South Africans to be identified and registered from so that the Khoe and San language heritage could birth as one of, originally, three distinct racial groups: be preserved and fostered. In this regard, Grenoble White, Bantu and Coloured1. Those who were not and Whaley (1999) and Van Rensburg (2013) point White or Bantu were regarded as Coloured2, the um- out that, within fifty years after the arrival of the first brella concept for the ‘residue’ – those who did not fit White settlers in 1652, the Western Cape Khoekhoe in anywhere else. The Khoe-San were classified as language had begun to disappear, being gradually re- ‘Coloureds’ and were politically, socially and econom- placed as first language of the Khoekhoe by Dutch ically constrained to renounce their origins as Griqua, or ‘Khoi-Afrikaans’. Dealing with the same issue, Korana, Nama or San (Cultural Survival 2007; Jung Schapera (1965) reports that in the 1930s ‘a few of 2000). In this regard, Lee (2003) estimates: ‘Up to the older Khoe-San people still [knew] their own 2.5 million Coloured South Africans would identify language, but the great majority now speak only Af- themselves as Khoi or San, but until recently the op- rikaans, which is the regular medium of intercourse portunity for these peoples to explore their roots has

1 Under the Act as amended in 1962, Indians (i.e. South Asians from the former British India and their descendants) were included and various sub- groups were identified: Cape Coloured, Malay, Griqua, Chinese, Indian, Other Asian and Other Coloured. 2 According to Erasmus and Pieterse (1999), the notion of being ‘coloured’ had originated among freed slaves and their descendants between 1875 and 1910. In Jung’s (2000) view, the process started much earlier, as the social and political identities that had been created during the era of slavery were responsible for the development of coloured identities. Although the term was thus used long before the apartheid era, its meaning was more fluid in the nineteenth century (Lewis 1987).

Manuscript processed and edited by M. Botes (Associate Editor) and M.F. Bates (Editor-in-Chief). 2 Erasmus & De Graaff—‘They say a Dog wears a Ticket’ been compromised and thwarted by the distortions of of a qualitative research paradigm. During 2007 in- Apartheid.’ Lee’s estimate was confirmed by Quin- terviews were conducted on the basis of an interview tana-Murci et al. (2010), whose research showed a schedule with 23 informants of Khoe-San extraction ‘massive maternal contribution’ (more than 60%) of who had formerly been classified as Coloured people5 Khoe-San people to the gene pool of the present South and had some knowledge of a Khoe-San language, or African Coloured population. The first and only time, knew a relative who could speak the language. The however, that an effort was made to differentiate the interviews were transcribed and it is that information different elements among the Coloured population, which is being interpreted and presented here.6 The and therefore to give these individuals the opportu- informants lived in various places in the Free State, nity to identify themselves, was twelve years before Northern Cape and North West provinces. Twelve the first apartheid government took office, during the of them were female and their ages ranged from 41 census of 1936 (Christopher 2006). to 78 years, with the average age being 62. Most of them had received none, or only a very limited, This study looks at the Khoe-San’s experience of school education. Afrikaans was the home language being assigned by the government an identity which, of all the informants, while some of the informants’ in most cases, did not correspond to their own way of parents could speak a Khoe or a San language. How- self-assignment. Some of the most important issues ever, because they had had hardly any opportunities that will be dealt with in this article are ethnic labels to use or develop such language skills, none of the and ethnic classification and how people coped with informants was able to communicate in a Khoe or a these labels. Although the emphasis in this regard is San language. Some knew a few words, but no more. placed on the implementation of the Population Regi- It was decided to structure the qualitative data on the stration Act, 1950, it must be stated that the creation basis of the most salient trends that had come to the of asymmetrical race categories by the authorities, fore in the interviews. forcing people to place themselves in a category not necessarily representing their personal choice, was When a study on cultural and political views among already in force during the colonial period3, which people of Nama, Korana and Griqua descent was car- lasted until 1910. It was therefore nothing new for ried out eight years later, the results were remarkably the South African population.4 similar to those found in 2007. For this second study, information was gathered by interviewing 25 people The current government is still being confronted by in the Free State and Northern Cape provinces of the legacy of the apartheid era’s race categories which South Africa and in the ǁKaras Region of Namibia.7 often causes considerable confusion. For example, Ten of them were female and their ages ranged from in both the Employment Equity Act, 1998 (Act 55 of 36 to 87 years, with the average age being approxi- 1998) and the Black Economic Empowerment Act, mately 61 (not all of the respondents knew their year 2003 (Act 53 of 2003) the term ‘Black People’ in- of birth). With the exception of the Nama in Namibia, cludes Africans, Coloureds and Indians. On the other none of them could speak more than a couple of words hand, the 1996 census referred to ‘Africans/Blacks’, of their ‘old language’, i.e. Xiri or !Ora. The findings while in the 2001 census this was changed to ‘Black of the second study are included in this article. To Africans’. An informant told us: distinguish between findings of the first and second studies, quotes recorded in 2015 are marked with an I could not understand, its a thing for me... still a asterisk. bitter pill. Because all of a sudden at the voting polls we are all black. Shortly after that, then WHO ARE THE KHOE-SAN PEOPLE? you discover that you are a brownman. I have now, one day I had to fill in forms here, then I There are various theories concerning the origin of the saw that there, there still are Asian, Coloured. Khoe-San (Boonzaier et al. 1996)—even a shipwreck You know, and so, so, so, why is it still like that?* theory which postulates that the Khoe-San were origi- nally the descendants of the survivors of a shipwreck. An idiographic research strategy has been followed. It is argued that only the little children could escape In other words the research was conducted in terms through the hole in the hull and that they grew up

3 In the census of the Cape of Good Hope, for example, there was a distinction between the Khoekhoe and Bushman, while Bushman was listed under ‘Aboriginal Natives’ and the Khoekhoe included under ‘Mixed and Others’ in the Orange River Colony (1900–1910). 4 In 1910, the Union of South Africa was formed, consisting of four provinces: Natal, Transvaal, the Orange Free State and the Cape Province. Only the Cape Province had a (qualified) non-racial franchise, while Natal had (nominal) voting rights for non-Whites. The former Boer Republics, Transvaal and the Orange Free State, had a Whites-only franchise (Van den Berghe 1970). 5 Collaborators who assisted in conducting interviews were M. Besten, C. Human and A. Peters. 6 We are aware of the epistemological reservations about the concept ‘informant’. However, we have decided to use it in this article because the people we had interviewed are the main source of our information. We acknowledge them as the original creators of the text. Our analyses and interpreta- tions are secondary to the original text and therefore we, and not they, can be regarded as the co-creators. 7 The study was part of a larger project, describing and analysing changing political preferences amongst Khoe-San and Baster communities in South Africa and Namibia. The interviews were conducted by B. de Graaff and G. Snoeijer. Indago Vol. 33 (2017) 3 without parents, consequently never learning a lan- (Klein 1986; Sadr 1998). Concerning the school of guage. This is said to be the reason why the languages thought of the two basic routes, it is on the one hand of the Khoe-San apparently sounded like the sounds accepted that the Khoekhoe migrated in a south-wes- that children make (Chidester 1996; Schrire 2009). tern direction until they reached the Atlantic coast and then moved southward to the Western and East- Genetic studies confirm that the Khoe-San became ern Cape (Cooke 1965; Engelbrecht 1937; Molema genetically separated from other modern people ap- 1920; Stow 1905). On the other hand, based on bet- proximately 100 000 years ago, and that they split into ter grazing and availability of water sources, other a northern grouping (!Xun/!Xũ and Ju|’hoansi) and a researchers assume that the migration took place in southern grouping (Tuu, ≠Khomani and Nama) about a more south-eastward direction (Barnard 1992; El- 35 000 years ago. The genomic variation that exists phick & Malherbe 1990; Klein 1986; Rudner 1979). between the northern and southern Khoe-San groups According to Elphick (1977), the migration of the means that the Khoe-San is not a homogeneous group, Khoekhoe probably followed the tributaries—the and that their origin therefore cannot be localised to Harts, Vaal, Riet, Modder and Vet Rivers—in the cen- a single specific point (Schlebuschet al. 2012). Late tral parts of the country, and according to his initial Stone Age Khoe-speaking hunter-gatherers could calculations (he later changed his view) reached the either have moved gradually southward through Tan- southern tip of Africa not long before the first Euro- zania to southern-central Africa (the northern part of pean seafarer, Bartholomeu Dias, rounded the Cape in Botswana and the adjoining south of Zimbabwe) and 1488 in his search for trade routes to the east. settled there approximately 2 000 years ago (there is a difference of opinion about possible dates: Johnson The coinage of the term ‘Khoisan’ is attributed to Ger- 2004; Liebenberg 1990; Marais 1968; Molema 1920; man physical anthropologist Leonard Schultze who Stow 1905), or they could have originated in said area, used it in 1928 as a collective term for ‘Hottentot’ and a possibility mentioned by Barnard (1992) and Morris ‘Bushman’ (Schapera 1965). In this article the term (2003). ‘Khoe-San’ will be used instead of Khoisan. Hyphen- ating the two terms takes into account the objection by According to Henn et al. (2008), an independent mi- many Bushmen that they should not be subordinated gration of Early Iron Age Bantu-speaking farmers to or subsumed within Khoekhoe groupings (Besten followed the same route to southern-central Afri- 2011). Although both the terms ‘San’ and ‘Bushman’ ca—presumably along a tsetse fly-free corridor—as have denigratory histories, many scholars (Corry the Late Stone Age Khoe-speaking hunter-gatherers. 2012; Guenther 1977; Smith et al. 2004) prefer to use Humphreys (1981), concurring with historical linguists ‘Bushman’ to refer to the early inhabitants of southern like Westphal in particular, assumes that the stated two Africa who spoke click languages and lived mainly groups made contact in the southern-central region, by hunting and gathering, in contradistinction to the because this is the area where Tshu-Khwe—which is Khoe-speaking herders. In the current South African related to Dama, Nama and the Cape Khoekhoe lan- context, the term ‘Bushman’ refers to groups like the guages—is found. However, authors such as Smith !Xun/!Xũ, Khwe, Tuu, ≠Khomani and the Ju|’hoan- (1986), Klein (1986) and Crawhall (2006) question si. The collective term Khoekhoe is being used here this, and draw attention to the problematic nature of because it is regarded as a more accurate linguistic the relationship between linguistics, genetic research rendering than ‘Khoikhoi’. Khoekhoe suggests ‘men and archaeology, because the languages/dialects spo- of men’ or ‘people’. The Khoekhoe include people ken by the Cape Khoekhoe had been badly decimated like the Nama, Griqua and Korana as well as vari- or had disappeared before adequate linguistic records ous so-called revivalist groups such as the Inqua, could be made, and because language cannot be tied Chonaqua, Attaqua and Chainoqua. to race. EXPERIENCE OF HUMILIATION Archaeologists assume that the Late Stone Age Khoe-speaking hunter-gatherer communities initially Different criteria were used by the apartheid regime obtained sheep and later also cattle8 from the Early to separate Coloured people from White people. Iron Age Bantu-speaking farmers (Smith & Ouzman Some of these were: characteristics of the person’s 2004). From their southern-central African area the head hair; characteristics of a person’s other hair; skin Khoe-speaking herdsmen moved southward. Most colour; facial features; home language and know- sources accept that one of two basic routes were fol- ledge of Afrikaans; area where the person lived; the lowed (Klein 1986; Sadr 1998); however, Barnard person’s friends and acquaintances; employment; so- (1992) refers to three possible options, while the cioeconomic status; and eating and drinking habits. possibility of multiple introductions of herding along The notorious ‘pencil test’ was used often in order to different routes at different times cannot be excluded assess whether a person had Afro-textured hair. In

8 Cattle seem to have been a much later introduction than sheep (Mitchell & Whitelaw 2005). 4 Erasmus & De Graaff—‘They say a Dog wears a Ticket’ this test, a pencil was pushed through a person’s hair. Was such cut off, as they say. What did they call How easily it came out determined whether the person that thing, quarantine, was a quarantine business. ‘passed’ or ‘failed’ the racial classification test. In the application of apartheid there was little question An informant told the following about his experience of a humane approach. Years on there is still a bad the day he was classified: taste in the mouths of those who were on its receiving end. The Population of Registration Act, 1950 (Act 30 Then you just got a dompas. In 1961 they of 1950), did not only cause resentment towards the came to snap us. It was standing in the ‘hegemonic (white) others’ who enforced the Act, but queue. We had to stand in the queue. ‘Unity is also caused friction between Khoe-San and (black) strength’ and you each have to have a dompas. Africans and between Khoe-San and Coloureds. One Researcher: Why do you think were Nama informant told us how Coloured people, who you classified as a Coloured person? were sligthly better off under the Apartheid regime, ‘I can’t tell you about that. The trouble is that still looked at his people with disdain: they did not tell one why. They just said, “A dog wears a ticket”. Exactly. We just had to accept it. Look, the Coloureds were actually born between the Nama and the White people. And the one Fifty years on an informant still remembers the expe- problem that we have with the Coloured people riences of the day of registration: is that in most cases they look down upon Nama people. Yes, they look down on Nama people be- But that day with the identity card, when it was cause we, because the Nama have short hair, he completed, I don’t know did I speak there my- looks stupid, the little nose is flat, the Coloured self; I really can’t know now. It was a quick people have long hair, look like the White peo- thing. One’s name and one’s surname and one’s ple, blue little eyes and an upright little nose. It address. I remember we had come from the is a very, very discouraging situation that the wood, and then we had to go down here quickly. Coloured people look down upon the Nama.*

She continued and indicated that she had to accept One would like to imagine that the opportunity the re- being a Coloured person although she was Griqua: search afforded people, to talk about that humiliations and shame, but also their rediscovery of identities, I could not do anything. With our parents, one contributed to some extent to their healing and libe- can say, we did not interfere. Yes. Because the ration. children of that time could not cross question the parents. But now, now I want to be Hotnot, Khoi- INCONSISTENT APPLICATION OF Khoi, you know. I remember in Bloemfontein CRITERIA we also had to complete forms. But still, it was a pleasure for me to know where I am descen- It is almost axiomatic that the application of the ded from. From my mother’s side, that’s a Khoi. above mentioned amorphous criteria used to separate Coloured from Black and White persons resulted in The parents of an informant who grew up with his strange outcomes. In a specific case, for instance, grandmother lived in the same residential area as the members of the same family were classified into dif- grandmother. The informant’s father was a Xhosa. ferent categories: The classification had traumatic consequences for him. He recounts: And they registered my dad White, not as a Coloured person. He was a White person That time the location was divided. The Black with his silver hair. He never claimed to be people lived at the top end of the location. The a White person. This is the truth. That was Coloured people lived at the bottom end. We said the truth. Yes, he was registered that way. ‘Kroek’ [slum] at the location, upper Kroek and bottom Kroek. Then they [the officials] asked, In another family the following occurred: ‘Where do you live? Upper Kroek or Bottom Kroek?’ Then they [the officials] said the Co- I don’t know. At home we were Coloureds, Other loured people had to come out from among the Coloureds, Cape Coloureds and Griquas. We Blacks. (...) Then we had no choice, we had to fall were classified different in the house. Look, under the Coloured people only. So then my par- at that time there wasn’t a platform where one ents lived at the top. And we then lived here at the could claim one’s identity, you know. Under- bottom. One had to run away if one wanted to get stand? And say, ‘Listen here’, or whether it is to them [his parents]. If they caught one there, they even the registrar of population or whatever made one, ‘you must have a pass to get to them it is, where one could go to express one’s grie- [his parents] there and they [his parents] must have vances or one’s disgruntlement. We did not have a pass to get to you [him and his grandmother]’. something like that, but we had to accept it. Indago Vol. 33 (2017) 5

In another case an informant was classified as Tswana In response to the question whether he regarded him- although he was Griqua, because he lived in a Tswana self as a Coloured person, he answered uncertainly: area. ‘No, uhm yes’.

For that reason we were classified as Tswa- The advent of the democratic dispensation afforded nas. Everybody. As Blacks. Everybody. South Africans and Namibians the constitutional op- We got that book, that small ID book, toge- portunity for re-interpration of their ethnic category.10 ther. We were classified as Blacks, but at that Some of the informants who availed themselves of time when things came right [1994 dispensa- this opportunity found greater clarity and certainty tion], we brought our Griqua [identity]; we about their identity. Re-interpretation has brought then abandoned the Tswana [identification]. them a sense of belonging:

The opposite also occurred where somebody of Xhosa Look, let we put it this way: When we grew up, descent who spoke Afrikaans was classified as a Co- because we had been told by the government, then loured person: it was said you do this and you do this. Look, we became what the government said. Then As Coloured person, yes. They probably one is a Coloured, then one is a Cape Coloured just put their own stuff down. I don’t know. person. Then one is that, then one is that. We were not really free; nobody had the freedom to If one considers the unscientific nature of the so-called say, listen, I am this or that or that. One was classification criteria used to assign an identity to peo- what they [the government] said. I mean, if one ple, it is not strange that its application had divergent/ looks at the Blacks. They [the government] told contradictory results. Its effect on people’s lives was them they were Bantus. Then they were Na- often of a traumatic nature. tives. Then they were Plurals. Then they were this. Then they were this. They [the govern- RECLAIMING OF IDENTITY ment] told one who and what one was. And we just grew up, when we grew up, we knew what Identification is basically a process of self-assign- we were: Coloured person or Other Coloureds.’ ment and assignment by others. However, in South Africa the reality was that it was only the hegemonic Now that he has the right to identify himself, he says: ‘others’—because they had the political power—who had a say in this regard.9 Inevitably this caused psy- I am a Korana. I was born as a Korana. Ac- chological distortions that plunged individuals into tually there isn’t such a thing as a Coloured uncertainty about their true identity. Two elderly sis- person. One is a Griqua or one is a Korana ters who lived together, for instance, could not agree or one is a Bushman, or yes, something. But whether they were Griqua or Coloured. In the end there is no such thing as a Coloured person. the one answered: ‘I am just a human being’, while the other said, ‘I think I am a Coloured person’. In Another informant, also of Korana descent, rejected another case, an informant explained his situation as the notion of being a ‘Coloured person’ as well. He follows: stated categorically that:

I had identified myself as Griqua, but then, back (O)ur ancestors said that they were Korana and when the Commissioner was still here [in Bloem- we are Korana and we are not the Coloured peo- fontein], he said no such thing existed. You are not ple, because the Coloured people (...) is only the a Griqua; you are a Cape Coloured person. And name that they [the government] gave us and so on that Cape Coloured person they registered they [the government] took away the old Korana me. So then I did not know: Am I a Griqua or am I name (…) and (…) deprived us of our language, a Cape Coloured person? What is actually wrong? because our ancestors should not speak the language and we children should not speak the Someone whose parents were Korana said: languages at school, it was taken away from us.*

Look, I was born a Korana. So when the Boers It would seem fair to suggest that many, if not most, changed it, they said we were Coloured persons. present day Griqua and Korana in South Africa agree Ja, so we just carried on, because Afrikaans that a ‘Coloured person’ is, for them, someone with a was also the language that we spoke at home. light to dark brown skintone and not belonging to an

9 It must be mentioned here that people in Namibia had more possibilities of retaining their (self-assigned) identity. For instance, Coloured people could let themselves be classified as Basters, Cape Coloureds or Namibian Coloureds. Sometimes Nama people registered as Coloureds as well. 10 The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (Act 108 of 1996), for example, addresses the historical injustice, as it affords constitutional accommodation and recognition, including the right to self-determination, to the Khoe-San. 6 Erasmus & De Graaff—‘They say a Dog wears a Ticket’ indigenous Khoe-San tribe. Someone who, therefore, The reasoning above was that when only the hege- has no claim to any ‘ancestral land’. In fact, some monic ‘other’ has a say in the identity assignment of go as far as to say that the Khoe-San, since they are the individual, it inevitably causes distortions. The the ‘true’ indigenous people of South Africa, are the empirical data presented confirmed that such distor- only rightful owners of the land. Someone told us the tions were responsible for creating uncertainties that Korana even have a saying about this: influenced individuals’ understanding of their human- ness. The White man, he tills the land The Black man, he governs the land KHOE-SAN AND COLOUREDS The Korana, he owns the land Coloured: where is your land?* For the majority of the informants, regardless of their sex, age, educational qualifications or place of LINGERING UNCERTAINTY residence, it was unacceptable to be classified as a Coloured person. Some people are still caught up between the parame- ters of their apartheid identity and cannot existentially But like I am saying, for me it is not acceptable if extricate themselves from it. The uncertainty brought the Griqua or the Korana is referred to as descen- about by apartheid’s race classification remains, and dants of the so-called Coloured people. Coloured they are still struggling with it in one way or the other. people do not really have background. Where For instance, there was the informant who was ada- does he come from? Do you understand? The mant about being a Coloured person: people who have history, who have background – they are the Griquas and so on. One can trace Because I am really not a Khoe-San. But I don’t from where they came, their origin and all those even know the language. How will you take types of things. How can I put it, I won’t say it? You see? I speak Afrikaans. I can’t even that, because there is not a person from whom understand English. I just know English there one comes and nowhere in history will somebody and there. I speak Afrikaans. Afrikaans is the be able to tell me that they are descended from a first language that I know. I can’t commit my- Coloured person. (...) You understand? Let me self for a thing that I don’t know. Or what do I say a Coloured person is just somebody who is say? We are mixed with the people. But I am identified. You see, who does not have identity, still a Coloured person. Because I can’t see past then one is called a Coloured person. Now this that. Like I am saying, you see it makes one a is the thing that I am saying, therefore I say that bit stupid. They [Khoe-San revival leaders] say the Coloured people are people who do not real- now one must say one is a Khoe-San, but I don’t ly know where they are descended from. Look, even know the language. How can I go and let us say for example our parents were Gri- agree there and I don’t even know my language? quas, our great-grandfather and all those types of things. We can refer to it, but, I mean, a Co- Another informant who did not feel up to changing his loured person, to what, to whom does he refer? apartheid era identity, explained it as follows: In another case, an informant expressed himself as No, so far I am a Coloured person. When I took follows about the same matter: my identity card, it said I was a Coloured person. I did not even know what that was. What must I The race that is called Coloureds is very wrong. do now? Yes, that was the time of poor Hotnot. I It is the Griqua, Korana, Khoe-San. There is no am now sixty-five. I still remember; I was sixteen. such thing as a Coloured person. What I am say- Because you see, my children also don’t know ing to you today: ‘There is no such thing as a what they are. They are just Coloureds as well. Coloured person!’ You know, let us look at it. The I have four sons. All four of them are Coloureds. Boers classed us. That one is Black; that one is the Bushman. Then they said there are not Bush- There are also those who have rational reservations men anymore. The Bushmen are on that side. The about the possibility of redefining: Coloured people, the Korana, the Griqua are Co- loured people. Like it is now. I want to tell you the If the White people had asked me to write it myself, truth now, there are not Coloured people. There then I would’ve written ‘Griqua’. They couldn’t are not Coloured people. Look, our people mul- have said I am a half-breed [Coloured person], tiplied. They lived like the lot of Bethanie, the lot interbred. We said we were Griquas. Today, how of Philippolis, on their own. And then the Boers shall I say? I just have to keep saying I am a Gri- came. They brought us together. They built us lo- qua, Khoe-San, but I don’t know the language. But cations, like they built and classified us. That one I know, I realise I must come over to the Khoe-San. is a Bantu, that one is a Coloured person, so I just know my dad told me it is wrong; we are Koranas. Indago Vol. 33 (2017) 7

An informant told about her dad: he was a Griqua, because both my Grandpa and my grandma spoke the Griqua language. We are My dad just signed with Griqua. My dad often actually descended from there. To make a long spoke the language. Even if he was sitting alone, story short: It is true that we have been classified he was speaking with his language. Then he told as Coloured people, but we are really Griquas us straight, ‘I am not a Coloured person. I am a because we are descended from the Griquas. But Griqua. This is my language that I am speaking.’ I can’t show you on my ID that I am a Griqua.’ They can’t just come and make me a Coloured person. I thought the Coloured people don’t have One informant claimed he always knew he was a Gri- a country, you know. That’s how I think. No, the qua, although, when he was a young boy, the adults Coloured people do not have a country. I feel did not speak Xiri in front of their children: we can’t. They say Coloured people don’t have land. (...) one can call oneself a Griqua. Coloured I became a Griqua, because when I was actually people don’t have kings or presidents, you know. just so small I heard the people speak the Griqua The whole time I’ve been classified as Coloured language. And then I always asked my father: ‘So person. The whole time just a Coloured person. father, we are also Griqua, isn’t it?’ Answered Just now, just recently when the Griquas started to father: ‘Yes, I am Griqua, you are Griqua’. I have do their business with their house-to-house calls a Griqua blood in me. There is a blood line of and then they found out and explained to us now: the Griqua.* ‘Coloured person is a thing that does not exist. Griqua is.’ Just recently that they started here. Korana informants mentioned the same (self-imposed) Yes, a Coloured person does not exist any more. language deprivation: their parents and grandparents Khoe-San and the Griquas are a tribe. did not speak !Ora in front of them, because they didn’t want their (grand)children to bear the stigma The same opinion was repeated in another case: of backwardness. Some Korana, notably descendants of chief Goliath Yzerbek (Fig. 1) of Bethanie (Free I am a Griqua. I mean, a Coloured person, that’s State), even lost their surname during the apartheid somebody who, like I said, is somebody with- era, when civil servants simply registered them as out background: one does not know where he ‘Beck’: comes from, how he stands. He does not have descendants, what one thinks could have been his great-grandfather. Look here, either one’s great-grandfather was a Griqua, or whatever, or was descended from a Black. But these Coloured people, who originated just the other day, no.

In reply to a question about how an informant identi- fied himself, the answer was:‘Look, we just fall under that category of Coloured person.’ The rest of the interview proceeded as follows:

Researcher: ‘On what basis do you identify your- self as a Coloured person?’ Informant: ‘Well, you know, that is how we have been classified.’ Researcher:‘In other words, you are a Coloured person because you have been classified that way?’ Informant: ‘Yes. In 1961, when England hand- ed South Africa over to Dr Verwoerd, which he proclaimed the Republic of South Africa, then we were also classified as Coloured people.11 Researcher: ‘Are you content with your identity as Figure 1. Pauline Yzerbek, the only descendant of Koranna chief Coloured person?’ and owner of Bethany, Goliat Yzerbek, who still carries the familiy Informant: ‘Why do we have to? It was the po- name. Most of her relatives have the surname ‘Beck’ nowadays, because ‘they [government officials] said the ‘Yzer’ is too long, and licy of the government of that time. My grandpa, it isn’t good’.

11 This answer may lead to the (incorrect) assumption that racial classification and pass-laws only applied after SouthAfrica became a republic in 1961. However, the Population Registration Act was already passed in 1950 and the legal position of Khoe-San and Coloured persons didn’t change by South Africa becoming a Republic. 8 Erasmus & De Graaff—‘They say a Dog wears a Ticket’

The reason of the surname, our surname, eh, Beck, Man, they [Africans] say, ‘Coloured person, you is because they [government officials] said the came with the master.’ That is why we [the Co- ‘Yzer’ is too long, and it isn’t good. The first, the loured people] are having such a rough time now. Europeans said that the surname was too long.* They [Africans] say we are Coloured people. You know, they say we ate with the White man. And in KHOE-SAN AND AFRICANS the meantime we were only in those years when the Black man could not yet get liquor, but then Some people were emotionally overwhelmed by their the Coloured people already got liquor, you know. (re)discovered ethnic identity in the new, democratic Then they [Africans] said, ‘Yes, the Black man South Africa, even though they couldn’t speak a word could not enter at the gate when the Coloureds of their original mother tongue. An elderly lady told could go around the corner of the house, come us about the hardships she had to endure when she was and stand at the kitchen, or at the apple tree or young. She still lives in poverty today, but the fig tree. Then the Black man was standing outside.’ since I am now standing with the Griqua, I now completely feel that I also can get a little bit of Two informants, both of them from the same village, water, I can also eat some porridge. (…) Great, told us their living conditions had not improved under I said: now, now I am living. The Griqua people. majority rule and that they still feared the loss of their I am so happy about it. Ooo, I am happy! I am ethnic identity as Griqua: happy, I am happy, I am happy.* And as I said to you: currently we indeed live Another woman couldn’t believe she and her people under a great oppression. With this Black govern- were finally getting attention from researchers: ment it is only Black people who benefit, indeed we have absolutely nowhere any say any more. I don’t have the words to say how pleased I myself (...) I will be very pleased if my tribe’s heritage am to start again a new beginning as a Griqua can also be recognised a bit, (so that) I can also again, with our own tradition (...). You know, raise my children and my child’s children accor- when we received the message that there are ding to my tradition again. I won’t, shouldn’t want people who are looking for the Kok family, the to see that this tribe of mine become extinct.* descendants of Cornelius Kok, and we were so happy, we looked foreward, we could not wait for Another informant, a Namibian citizen, was even this day (...) that we could meet you [respectfully more outspoken. He told us that the successive co- directed at the researchers].* lonial governments (German and South African) had succeeded in breaking his people’s morale and said Although most people indicated that they were not the current Swapo-government didn’t do anything to and did not want to be Coloured people, the major- rectify past wrong-doings. In fact: ity of them were of the opinion that they were still being labelled in terms of it by others. Members of I as a Nama feel in reality that I am now under the the community still regard them and refer to them third colonial government. The Nama does not as Coloured people and this causes a feeling of dis- respect himself and for this reason other people tance and a lack of integration between people from actually often also do not respect him. Thus, his different backgrounds. For example, the stigma of morale is completely broken.* ‘Coloured person’ adversely affected relationships with Africans: The same, though less outspoken sentiment was voiced by another Namibian: If they [Africans] tell me I am a Coloured person, then I tell him he is a Kaffir. Then he says to me, We have a very beautiful government. Its laws are ‘You can’t talk to me like that.’ Then I say, ‘No, good, but if I, I am a father (…), now I must bring you are saying I am a Coloured person, aren’t up those children I received who are without par- you?’ ents together with my own children. (…) And as a citizen of the country, a lojale citizen, I can see When it was brought to informants’ attention that it how the government treats his own people. My was beneficial to them to be classified as Coloured government must act as a father for all.* people during the Apartheid era, they reacted that it was precisely because of that that they are currently However, he went on to say, the government neglected being marginalised by the ANC government12: to do its ‘paternal duties’. For example, he, the infor- mant, thought it a disgrace for children and (jobless)

12 The perception amongst many Khoe-San is that they are just as marginalised under the ANC government as they were under the previous government (Adhikari 2005; Ruiters 2009, De Graaff 2017). Indago Vol. 33 (2017) 9 adults to let themselves be photographed by tourists in resents a society and vice versa; that a homogenous exchange for bread, candy or liquor: patterned prototype of a culture, often cast in images of the ‘other’, can be abstracted; and that culture is (A)nd we have a government, we have a father who ‘shared’ by all the members of a society. Against this must looked after these things. It is very sad for background it was essential for the government to as- me. Sad!* sign to individuals a clear, set identity. It was indeed the measure according to which it could be determined BACK TO THE ROOTS? who and what the individual was and how he/she had to be treated. It is generally accepted that identity is fluid. On the one hand, the empirical data illustrated that some form Ethnic classification by the state was a powerful instru- or other of alienation, whether with the self or with ment of political control. By creating ethnic boundaries the other, is a possibility when identity is deprived the state could, with apartheid, achieve its ideological of its fluidity, in the sense that the individual cannot aims. People on the receiving end of these hegemonic make choices about his/her identity because a perma- processes did not have the power, ability and formal nent identity has been forced on him/her. On the other channels to illustrate their disapproval and rejection hand, it has also emerged that informants distinguished of their assigned ethnic labels. However, individuals between an official/objective and a private/subjective were at liberty to over- or under-communicate their identity. The former category was not negotiable, official identity. Certain individuals succeeded in hardly flexible and represented an instrument of the disputing and downplaying this assigned identity in state’s political power. Informants expressed strong a fairly successful, informal way. In other cases, in- sentimental desires/nostalgic yearnings for some form dividuals manipulated it to their advantage by means or other of returning to their roots. These emotions of instrumental articulation, and profited from the fact were often fed by their memories - and vice versa. In that they were classified as Coloured people; and were this regard one should keep in mind that there is only given preferential treatment above black Africans on a thin dividing line between ‘returning to one’s roots’ the labour market and regarding housing. and the ‘invention of tradition’. The many claims to traditional leadership within different Khoe-San The fact that Khoehoe and San languages have become groups may in some cases be seen as an example of virtually extinct, to give way to Afrikaans as the Khoe- newly invented ‘traditions’. San’s first language, is of paramount significance. Although it means that the traditional role allocated to Although many informants spoke with pride of their language as identity marker is absent, it does not mean new self-assumed identity, a feeling of shame was also that language is not important. In general, informants sometimes perceptible—shame because they did not emphasised that efforts had to be made to preserve and do more in the past to preserve their Khoe-San identity. revive the Khoehoe and San languages, and that the absence of these languages hampered revival: ‘How CONCLUSION can I call myself a Khoe-San if I can’t even speak the language?’ This article combines the research results of two dif- ferent investigations which were conducted in two The assigned ethnic label of ‘Coloured person’ had different countries and during two different years. an important influence on the lives of individuals, as Even though the socio-political situation of the Khoe- will be, in all probability and increasingly, the case San in Namibia (Fig. 2) differs in many regards from for the newly-assumed ethnic label of ‘Khoe-San’. that in South Africa, and thus deserves a separate study, At this stage there is an impression that informants the two countries share a history of apartheid with the tend to place more emphasis on their ethnicity than on same long-term consequences of legally enforced, and their nationality. The Khoe-San lay the blame for their often arbitrary, ethnic division lines drawn between marginalised position in South African and Namibian population groups. Given this common denominator, societies at the door of their respective government(s), we are of the opinon that the research results could be past and present. There is, however, a real possibility compared quite fruitfully. What is of further interest that the emphasis they place on ethnicity in favour of is that this combined study shows that between 2007 nationality can be conducive to self-marginalisation. and 2015, and indeed more than twenty years after the In the apartheid era people were told (and taught) by end of apartheid, both the Namibian and South African the government to be proud of their ethnic identity. governments have little progess to put on record with Traces of this are still lingering today. For example, regard to the elimination of the sense of social and one informant told us his people are cultural marginalisation among the Khoe-San. highly intelligent and this may be one of the rea- The apartheid ideology’s basic ontological assump- sons why these people [the government] are afraid tion was that culture, nation and identity could be to give us a position and a job because we are epistemically aligned. This formed the basis for the going to out-perform them* formulation of the assumptions that one culture rep- 10 Erasmus & De Graaff—‘They say a Dog wears a Ticket’

Figure 2. Elders of the Vleermuis family in Namibia. The Vleermuis family probably hails from Little Namaqualand and settled north of the Garieb just before the 19th century.

Only one informant seemed acutely aware of the dan- ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ger of placing too much stress on ethnicity as a (sole) source of self-esteem: We thank the reviewers, Hans Ester (Radbond Uni- versiteit, Nijmegen, Netherlands), Johan Cronje (Sol I am proud that I am a Nama, but on the other hand Plaatje Educational Trust, Kimberley) and Jan van der I must also realise that at the same time I place Merwe (University of the Free State, Bloemfontein). myself on wrong ground to, through my proudness, disregard the other, the other.*

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HUMAN SCIENCES Indago, Vol. 33, 2017, pp. 13–21 Soldiers of the Koma

Shiona Moodley

Rock Art Department, National Museum, P.O. Box 266, Bloemfontein, 9300, South Africa Email: [email protected]

Abstract The Northern Sotho rock paintings in the Makgabeng Plateau, Limpopo Province are divided into two phases. Earlier paintings contain images pertaining to male and female initiation, while more recent paintings represent images relating to the Boer-Ha- nanwa War of 1894. These two types of paintings seemed to have no conceptual link until a recurring spread-eagled motif was found in both phases of the art. This motif is the only tangible connection between these two types of Northern Sotho rock art. The motif in question is the Northern Sotho initiation symbol koma. In earlier initiation rock art, koma operates as a communicative symbol that is representative of transformed male identity during the performance of the initiation ritual. I now consider the role of koma in the more recent phase of Northern Sotho rock art. I examine how the Boer-Hananwa War affected the inscribing of a new perception of koma, and how it has contributed to the establishment and maintenance of a changed masculine identity. Keywords: rock art, Hananwa, Maleboho War, African masculinity, boys’ initiation

INTRODUCTION In South Africa it is accepted that the late white tra- dition in the Makgabeng Plateau was authored by the The Makgabeng Plateau in Limpopo Province (Fig. 1) Northern Sotho (Prins & Hall 1994; Eastwood, Smith contains the largest concentration of Bantu-speakers’1 & Van Schalkwyk 2002; Van Schalkwyk & Smith rock art in South Africa. This rock art tradition is re- 2004; Eastwood & Eastwood 2006). This rock art ferred to as the “late white” tradition and conforms to contains subject matter relating to two distinct events. a set of representational principles that also occur in The older images consist of a number of puberty sym- south-central and east Africa (Phillipson 1972, 1976; bols that are utilised in the performance of initiation Lingren & Schoffeleers 1978; Masao 1982, 1991; Ju- ceremonies (Fig. 2), while the more recent rock art wayeyi & Phiri 1992; Prins & Hall 1994; Smith 2006). contains images that articulate the social tensions The rock art of Bantu-speakers consists of predomi- during the Boer-Hananwa War (Fig. 3).

The animal images and geometrics are found in rock shelters located in valleys and hidden by dense bush. These shelters are often close to streams or pools of water and surrounded by mountains. Former initiates have recognised these shelters as important locations for boys’ and girls’ puberty ceremonies (Namono & Eastwood 2005; Eastwood & Eastwood 2006; Mood- ley 2008). The animal imagery, although lacking in detail, can be identified as ostrich, elephant, hyaena, giraffe, rhinoceros, kudu, gemsbok and zebra (see Fig. 2). These animals are imbued with special significance and are referred to during the performance of initia- tion (Eastwood & Eastwood 2006). It is therefore not Figure 1. Map showing the Makgabeng Plateau. surprising to find the spread-eagled motif in this phase of the art because it plays an important part in puberty nantly white finger paintings that lack the fine-line rights and rainmaking in all Bantu-speakers’ rock art detail present in San rock art. This art was therefore (Prins & Hall 1994; Smith 2006). This motif is also disregarded entirely or described as being “crude” and referred to as a zoomorph or saurian motif. “childlike” (Fosbrooke 1950; Clark 1959). Further research has demonstrated that this rock art tradition The more recent rock art is dated to the late nineteenth holds an abundance of symbolism that can only be century and early twentieth century when the remote understood within its specific indigenous knowledge rock shelters of the Makgabeng Plateau played host to system. a number of Hananwa refugees during the Boer-Ha- nanwa War of 1894. In these isolated rock shelters

1 The term Bantu-speakers or Bantu-speaking is a linguistic classification. I use these terms without any derogatory connotations.

Manuscript processed and edited by M.F. Bates (Editor-in-Chief). 14 Moodley—Soldiers of the Koma

Figure 2. Northern Sotho rock art relating to boys’ initiation. (Photo: National Museum, Bloemfontein)

Figure 3. Northern Sotho rock art relating to the Boer-Hananwa war. (Photo: Rock Art Research Institute, University of Witwatersrand) Indago Vol. 33 (2017) 15 the refugees painted images relating to this brutal war (Eastwood, Van Schalkwyk & Smith 2002). Johnny van Schalkwyk and Benjamin Smith (2004) described this rock art as “protest art” because it was a co- ping mechanism employed by the locals to deal with the trauma of the mass influx of newcomers into the Blouberg area. All the images depicted in this phase of rock art display the common elements of invasion (Smith pers. comm.). Trains, wagons, horses, white people, battles, muzzle-loaders, spears and axes are all symbols of power and subversion that recount the narrative of a tumultuous period of invasion.

In this paper I discuss why the spread-eagled motif, previously associated only with puberty symbolism, is also present in the protest imagery. I will demonstrate how this motif is endowed with powerful symbolism that forms a link between concepts of invasion and puberty rites. I will also explore how the symbolic dimensions of the image are perceived in the chan- ging social situations brought on by the Boer-Han- anwa War.

KOMA

All initiated men in the Makgabeng Plateau refer to the painted spread-eagled motif as koma (Moodley Figure 4. Differing representations of koma. 2008, 2010). They say that koma is a secret that is only spoken of during the boys’ initiation ceremony. material nor spiritual, but nonetheless exists (Moodley In Northern Sotho rock art koma is a finger-painted 2008). A deeper understanding of the initiation ritual image referred to as ‘spread-eagled’ because of its reveals interesting iconography that is employed as di- close resemblance to a stretched animal hide when dactic tools. Amongst certain Northern Sotho cultures viewed from above. Following an animal classifi- the physical manifestation of the crocodile features cation, the main characteristics of this motif include prominently in actual initiation rituals (Winter 1913; a head, a body, four protruding arms/legs, and a tail Roberts 1915; Pitjie 1950; Krige, 1974). Apart from (Fig. 4). The spread-eagled motif, despite being found the similarity between the physical attributes of the amongst diagnostic Northern Sotho initiation images, koma motif and the crocodile, the participation of the does not constitute an immediately decipherable sub- crocodile iconography in boys’ initiation rituals sug- ject (Moodley 2008, 2010). gests a link between the two (Moodley 2008).

Determining what it represents therefore requires an In its representation as the crocodile, the koma is the understanding within its own local indigenous know- bond of unity amongst initiated men. Drawing on ledge system. The Makgabeng Plateau has long been the symbolism of the crocodile, important traditions a melting pot of different Bantu-speaking cultures and values characterised by the koma are reinforced practicing rituals and beliefs that are often inter-con- (Moodley 2008, 2010). As a phallic symbol, the cro- nected. They refer to themselves as specific identities codile represents the concerns of manhood, thereby such as ‘Koni’, ‘Birwa’ or ‘Hananwa’ but acknow- embodying a means by which the initiates recognise ledge that many of their traditions, including rock art, and acknowledge the rites of passage into manhood are shared. It is only within this complex context that (Doornan 1934; Aschwanden 1976; Prins & Hall the subject represented by the spread-eagled motif can 1994). The painted image of the crocodile operates be revealed (Moodley 2008). on a level that surpasses that of other initiation icons. Koma is a communicative symbol that is only re- Northern Sotho male initiation is a sacred institution cognised by the initiated men whose social identity that is strictly bounded by secrecy (Roberts & Winter has been transformed in this ritual context. Ope- 1915). The sacred rites of the institution are con- rating as a symbolic declaration of unity the painted cealed from women and uninitiated boys. Initiated koma is not only a means by which to recognise and men never reveal the secrets for fear that their ances- acknowledge the rites of passage into manhood, but tors will punish them. The conceptualisation of koma also serves as validation or reassurance regarding their as a great secret creates an air of mystery. The koma understanding of what it means to be a man (Moodley are secret rites but koma is also considered to have an 2008, 2010). embodied presence, a bearing or form that is neither 16 Moodley—Soldiers of the Koma

The rock paintings of koma belong to both phases of the duration of the ceremony (Winter 1913; Roberts Northern Sotho rock art, but I am particularly inte- & Winter 1915; Roberts 1916). This enclosure was rested in the later examples dating to, during and after surrounded by an impenetrable fence that served to the Boer-Hananwa War of 1894. The outbreak of war keep out all women and uninitiated men. with Boer soldiers pushed the Hananwa to seek refuge in the nearby secluded hills of the Makgabeng Pla- Seclusion served to both engender the initiates and teau. This area was previously uninhabited because create a new sense of belonging (Van Gennep 1908; sacred initiation rituals were performed in the rock Turner 1969; Marshall 2002). By removing the boys shelters. The walls of these shelters are adorned with from their homes they were isolated from all pre- sacred initiation symbols that are recognised only by vious sources of social support, status and self-esteem. the initiated. However, during the war, new images Pedi and Hananwa initiates had their heads shaved were added to the walls. These new finger-painted and wore traditional loin cloths (Roberts 1915; Pitjie images expressed the tensions of war, but the artists 1950). The need to be uniformly dressed created a also chose to paint the koma alongside them. sense of unity among the initiates while simultane- ously relieving them of the influences of the feminine The Hananwa are part of the Northern Sotho cultu- domain (Moodley 2008). The emphasis of male bond- ral groups who recognise the spread-eagled motif as ing during training was an important aspect for combat koma. To the Hananwa the painted image of the koma effectiveness. Bonding of initiates during prolonged embodies the various cultural elements in a concep- periods of danger fosters mutual loyalty and devotion tion and expression of an identity that is recognised by (Van Gennep 1908). all initiated men (Moodley 2008). In association with protest imagery, I question whether this perception The direct sensory experience of pain had a central has changed. I consider how the presence of the koma role in the ritual process of initiation (Morinis 1985). in both phases of the art can suggest a metaphoric link For the Koni, Pedi, Hananwa and Sekukhuni initiates between war and initiation. the rules of manhood are learned through endurance of pain (Moodley 2010). Pedi initiates endured cere- METAPHORS OF WAR IN NORTHERN monial washing called Go tsakatsa which requires SOTHO BOYS’ INITIATION that they be roughly scrubbed with a brush made from a tree branch (Roberts & Winters 1915). Also, As a soldier, fighting in battles means enduring pain during the lexala ritual, Koni initiates received sli- and suffering, famine, isolation and aggression. In ces of porridge, while the initiation master beat them many cultures the rite of passage into manhood is with a moretlwa (medicated switch made from tree achieved only through participation in battle, making branches) (Pitjie 1950). Similarly, the Pedi dikxating the transition from civilian to soldier a deliberate pro- ritual involved the thrashing of initiates. Hananwa cess that reconfigures their identities (Moodley 2010). informants have mentioned that at the conclusion of The initiation ritual teaches concepts of masculinity the initiation ceremony they are shown a clay model that motivate men to fight. In the case of Northern of koma while being beaten with a rod (Moodley Sotho boys’ initiation, this is achieved by employ- 2008). These rituals were performed for the purpose ing traditional military training such as stick fighting. of strengthening the boys’ fortitude for pain. During the late 1800s and early 1900s, all Pedi, Koni and Hananwa initiates who attended the same initia- The infliction of pain occupied an important place tion school were placed into military regiments that in the initiation ritual because specific cultural be- fought together in battle (Harries 1929; Krige 1937; liefs were actualised during these beatings (Moodley Pitjie 1950; Delius 1984). Each military regiment 2010). Ritualised beatings were aimed at intimida- was the foundation for the creation of a specific form tion, and further emphasised the chief as the absolute of warrior masculinity that was taught by employing political authority. The endurance of pain as an isola- ritual. ted brotherhood created an everlasting bond among the initiates (Moodley 2010). It is their shared emo- As a military regiment, these initiates were isolated tional response that united them and encouraged from the rest of the community, and as a brotherhood group loyalty. they were subjected to many physical hardships and mental trials so that they could prove their courage Assertive behaviour in preparation for battle is another and endurance. Male initiation among the Nor- important aspect of war that is ritualised by employing thern Sotho was a sacred institution that was strictly ordeals of pain. Stick fighting can be seen as training bounded by secrecy. So guarded were these rites that for armed battle. Controlled violent performance in the initiate had to leave his family for the duration of initiation prepares the initiate for success in battle. the ceremony. They were taken to a secluded place, The Pedi believed that fighting and leadership were an usually in hilly areas near densely covered rock shel- important part of manhood. They say “Pôô xo bewa ters, in order to keep hidden the inner workings of the ya kxomo; ya motho e a ipeya” (A bull is selected ceremony. In the case of the Hananwa and Pedi, an among cows; a leader among men selects himself) initiation lodge or mphato was erected specifically for (Pitjie 1950: 105). Bravery was measured by a boy’s Indago Vol. 33 (2017) 17 ability to defeat his colleagues in stick fighting. All The rock art of the Hananwa consists of a number initiates were required to prove their ability as figh- of horrific images that represent the brutality of the ters. In this way they acquired the skills necessary to Boer-Hananwa war. Both Hananwa and Boer soldiers become brave warriors, while also learning to resist are depicted brandishing weapons and engaging in adversity. Among the Pedi the overall winner of the combat (see Fig. 3). The Boer soldiers are almost al- stick fight was given the title nkxwete, leader of the ways depicted with their hands on their hips, a posture group. He led the fighters in the march home, singing that is usually associated with the aggressive stance of and dancing the tribal war song (moxobô). white settlers (Van Schalkwyk & Smith 2004). The Hananwa artists chose to depict the Boer soldiers in War, like initiation, is a journey of transition from one this manner in order to further emphasise the bellige- social identity to another. During basic training in the rence of their enemy. The war imagery confirms the modern military, recruits are stripped of their civi- disparity of the opposing forces and represents the lian identity while their value system is transformed. Boer soldiers as the aggressors (Van Schalkwyk & Initiates are trained to behave in accordance with tra- Smith 2004). Differences in fire power and the dis- ditional military rules and are indoctrinated to serve play of dead Hananwa soldiers seen in the paintings and protect the chief. They are no longer individuals suggests that the Hananwa were fighting a war that and are taught that loyalty to the group and leader required the use of defensive aggression. Aggression matters above all. Risking his life for the protection of is a natural human response when confronted with the his people transforms a boy into a soldier. War has a urgency to defend family, territory or personal identity ritual-like element that involves tribal rules and gover- (Moseley 2002). This aggression, when uncurbed, nances while initiation serves to impose these rules on can lead to war that ignores all humanitarian conside- the young men. Ritualisation is bound by rigid rules, rations. The koma was traditionally a sacred symbol traditions and taboos. This is particularly important of initiated men and was never exposed to women or in the changing social circumstances brought about the uninitiated. However, its prevalence in relation to by war. the painted battle scenes suggests that they chose to publicly emphasise their allegiance to the symbolism SOLDIERS OF THE KOMA evoked in the ritual performance of initiation. The painting of the koma emphasised the significance of Initiation can be considered a metaphoric represen- honour and valour that was learnt during initiation tation of war. The ritual of initiation was essential (Moodley 2008). I argue here that the Hananwa ar- to prepare men for battle. When Hananwa men were ticulated their understanding of the rules of initiation called to arms they understood the task ahead. This in a way that allowed their aggression to be controlled was the culmination of their training and the ultimate by the symbolism of koma. As proudly initiated men rite of manhood. The Hananwa were no strangers they fought a war on their moral terms despite the to warfare. Their existence as a cultural group, and brutality inflicted upon them. their political dominance in the Blouberg, was de- pendant on this (Makhura 1993). Since their move The koma is rarely depicted directly within the pa- to the Blouberg the Hananwa became major political nels pertaining to battle scenes because it serves as players, eventually attaining a position of dominance an overbearing symbol. In most cases it is painted under Kgoši (Chief) Matsiokwane. They were also in such a manner so as to appear to stand apart from subjected to succession disputes, and embarked on these battle scenes, but nonetheless it seems to be offensive and defensive wars due to the widespread intrinsically involved with the overall panel. This is political upheaval caused by the Mfecane/Difaqane indicated by the use of the same thick white pigment (Makhura 1993, 1997). Despite being strengthened utilised to create war imagery. However, Fig. 5 shows by these local political turmoils the Hananwa, in 1894, three koma integrated within a panel containing war had to fight a war against a completely foreign enemy, imagery. On one side of the panel we see a baboon the Boers. in association with soldiers on horseback and Boer troops (some with their hands on their hips) and oth- The Hananwa’s early wars were fought both internally ers engaging in battle. Within this panel, and located (against other Northern Sotho groups) and external- on the top right side, are two easily distinguishable ly (Nguni warriors). Regardless of the division, the komas and a single stylised koma. The association Hananwa always fought against other initiated men. of the koma and the baboon is extremely significant Concepts of male initiation among Bantu-speaking since the baboon is the siboko (animal totem) of the cultures share many symbolic similarities (Moodley Hananwa and Kgoši Maleboho was revered as “The 2008). As a result, these wars were fought by men Great Baboon” (Van Schalkwyk 1997). In the many who had a common understanding of the rules of the representations of “The Great Baboon” it is evident initiation ritual and its part in governing their actions that the Hananwa chose to emphasise their allegiance during hostile engagement. When facing an army to their chief. with a foreign world-view the Hananwa could have easily adopted an attitude of “total war” that would The direct involvement of the koma and the baboon have broken their sacred rules of initiation. in this panel suggests a strong relationship between 18 Moodley—Soldiers of the Koma these two images. I have stated earlier that the pain- CONCLUSION: A THREATENED ted image of the koma represents the crocodile and MASCULINITY embodies the various issues relating to manhood. Amongst all Northern Sotho groups it is the Hananwa To the Hananwa soldiers, painting the koma was an who have the closest association with the crocodile act of promoting their belief in the sacred lessons of because it features significantly in initiation ceremo- manhood, thereby protecting their traditional mascu- nies, rainmaking rituals and oral art (Van Schalkwyk linity. Before initiation, Hananwa boys are influenced 1997; Joubert 2004). The association between cro- by many interpretations of maleness through partici- codiles and the majesty of chiefs is well documented pation in society. They are presented with a set of amongst the Venda and Shona (Van Warmelo 1932, cultural ideals that define specific roles, values and 1974; Nettleton 1984; Huffman 1996) but it is also expectations for and of men. During boyhood, ideas common amongst the Northern Sotho groups found and practices that define manhood are continuously only within the northern-most parts of South Afri- redefined due to current cultural perceptions and close ca (Huffman 1996). However, while the Venda and association with the female domain. The construction Shona royal houses incorporated the crocodile as of male identity is in a constant state of negotiation royal insignias, the Hananwa considered the croco- between these competing ideas of masculinity (Mager dile as the amulet (sethungwa) that protects the initiate 1998). Through ritual participation male identity is against evil during the initiation ritual (Van Schalk- clearly articulated as the act of initiation serves to wyk 1991). Also, the crocodile is said to be the siboko stabilise the gendering process. Male initiation is es- of the initiation school that is presided over by the sentially the ritual of ‘making a man’. chief (Franz 1939). The presence of the siboko of the chief (baboon) and the siboko of the initiation school The ideal for pre-colonial Hananwa masculinity was (crocodile) in the same painted panel reinforces the essentially a hegemonic masculinity in that women Hananwa soldiers’ unyielding support of, and reve- were given very little political and social power. This rence to, their chief. This is a powerful message that form of masculinity was clearly distinguishable from the Hananwa deliberately chose to paint as a re-affir- subordinate masculinities as it was considered to em- mation of their belief in the power of Kgoši Maleboho. body the most honourable values of being a man. All other masculinities existed in comparison to it but The Hananwa’s decision to paint images relating to only initiation served to bestow this form of dominant the atrocities of war was an act that can be consi- masculinity. As a result the koma motif embodied dered a mark of ownership or of recapturing their the various cultural elements in an expression of this space (Merill & Hack 2013). All these images are an dominant masculinity. expression of their belief in protecting their people, chief and land from foreign invaders. But it is the The earlier phase of the rock art consists of dominant presence of the koma that demonstrates the incorpora- masculine images. The animal imagery is represented tion of traditional symbols, and that emphasises their by giraffe, elephant, hyaena, zebra, ostrich, rhinoceros part as the soldiers of the koma. and crocodile (see Fig. 2). Although many aspects of Northern Sotho boys’ initiation still remains a secret,

Figure 5. The koma painted in the same panel as the baboon. (Redrawing: Rock Art Research Institute, University of Witwatersrand) Indago Vol. 33 (2017) 19 we do know that these animals featured prominently in governing on the Hananwa, the Boers were seen initiation ceremonies (Eastwood & Eastwood 2006). as an enemy preparing to decimate the existing so- The animals are imbued with powerfully masculine cial formations that had their origins in an ancient symbolism, so much so that women and uninitiated knowledge system. The rock art relating to the Boer men are prohibited from seeing the images. In its re- -Hananwa War demonstrates a new perception of presentation as a crocodile, the koma was the ultimate the koma, while struggling to articulate a changing symbol of an ideal or dominant masculinity. definition of Hananwa masculinity. The depiction of Boer soldiers adopting the hands-on-the-hip posture Given that masculinities are dynamic, socially-de- is a powerful symbol of the colonial threat to their pendent and self-dependant, the changing political traditional masculinity. The introduction of modern situation in South Africa during the advent of the masculine symbols such as trains, guns and men on nineteenth century meant that this idea of dominant horseback replaces the traditional animal imagery that African masculinity was being renegotiated (Morrell dominated Northern Sotho rock art. 1998). The encroachment of white settlers threa- tened the existing definitions of masculinity among The socially constructed nature of masculinity means the Hananwa. They were gradually introduced to that every generation creates its own version, while western culture in the form of trading, missionary in- initiation symbols bestow the continuity of core va- fluence and migrant labour (Makhura 1997). Labour lues (Moodley 2010). The ritual act of boys’ initiation migrations intensified during the 1880s and served creates and preserves a collective masculine identity. as a good financial incentive for the Hananwa (Kriel The image of the koma affirms the sacredness of the 2004). Hananwa men served as migrant labourers on customary practice of initiation and demonstrates the farms and had contact with white miners during their initiated man’s commitment to the values of the ri- employment in the Kimberley and Witwatersrand tual. Seeing this image painted on the rocks honoured mines (Makhura 1997). It is also highly likely that the Hananwa soldiers by intensifying awareness of the Hananwa miners joined forces with white miners the sacred aspect of their struggle because they were during the first major strike against Kimberley dia- fighting to preserve their way of life and spiritual be- mond mining magnates in 1884 (Beittel 1995). The liefs. sharing of common spaces would have given the Ha- nanwa a glimpse into the white settler world-view, ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS but may also have heightened their awareness of the vast cultural differences. They were able to attain I thank Benjamin Smith and the late Edward Eastwood western merchandise, specifically guns and ammu- for inspiring me to do research in the Makgabeng Pla- nition, causing significant changes in the traditional teau. I also thank the Rock Art Research Institute at Hananwa lifestyle. University of the Witwatersrand (Johannesburg) for use of images; and Jens Kriek, Myra Gohodzi and During the nineteenth century Christianity was an im- Jonas Tlouamma for assistance during fieldwork. I portant challenge to African hegemonic masculinity am grateful for the useful comments from the review- (Morrell 1998). The growing influence of the Luthe- ers, Benjamin Smith (University of Western Australia, ran and Wesleyan missionary stations in the Blouberg Perth) and Lize Kriel (University of Pretoria). Special area meant that the Hananwa were introduced to a thanks to Jens Kriek for his continued support and religion that was in direct conflict with their traditio- encouragement. nal customs and beliefs. The impact of missionaries was immense because they lived amongst the Hanan- wa and were determined to spread Christianity. The missionary Reverend Christopher Sonntag referred to REFERENCES the Hananwa chieftainship as “heathen” and “Satan’s strongest bulwark” (Sonntag 1983: 29). It is therefore ASCHWANDEN, H. 1976. Symbols of life. Gwelo: Mambo apparent that the missionaries were adamant about Press. eradicating traditional values. BEITTEL, M. 1995. Labour unrest in South Africa, To the Hananwa, the white settlers in the Makgabeng, 1870–1990. 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HUMAN SCIENCES Indago, Vol. 33, 2017, pp. 23-48 “Blazen en snorken” en “Woest rijden”: Verkeersweë en vervoer in Bloemfontein teen die laat-negentiende eeu

Marianna Botes1,* en André Wessels2

1 Departement Geskiedenis, Nasionale Museum, Posbus 266, Bloemfontein, 9300, Suid-Afrika en Navorsingsgenoot, Departement Geskiedenis, Universiteit van die Vrystaat, Bloemfontein, Suid-Afrika 2 Departement Geskiedenis, Universiteit van die Vrystaat, Posbus 339, Bloemfontein, 9300, Suid-Afrika en Besoekende Professor, Australian Defence Force Academy, Canberra, Australië *Corresponding author: [email protected]

Opsomming Hierdie artikel ondersoek die verkeersweë en vervoer in Bloemfontein teen die laat-negentiende eeu. Bloemfon- tein het vanaf ’n klein militêre nedersetting in 1846 ontwikkel tot die welvarende hoofstad van die Boererepubliek Oran- je-Vrystaat teen die laat-negentiende eeu. Voor die koms van die spoorlyne en treinvervoer in 1890, was die Vry- staatse hoofstad taamlik geïsoleer en reise na ander dorpe en stede, asook vervoer van goedere vanaf die hawens het lank geduur. Soos die dorp verder ontwikkel het, is meer en beter strate en sypaadjies uitgelê, brûe oor Bloemspruit (die groot spruit wat Bloemfontein destyds in twee gedeel het) gebou en straatbeligting verbeter. Teen die laat-ne- gentiende eeu is verskillende rytuie, wat van oorsee af ingevoer of in Suid-Afrika gemaak is, in Bloemfontein ge- bruik. Rytuie het onder meer kapkarre, perdekarre, phaetons, spaiders, skotskarre en private koetse soos die landau, victoria en brougham ingesluit. Openbare vervoer het onder meer bestaan uit poskarre, poskoetse en huurrytuie of kebs, asook pas- sasierswaens. Goedere is gewoonlik met transport- of ossewaens vervoer. In Desember 1890 het die spoorlyn vanaf Kaapstad Bloemfontein bereik en dit het die lewe in die Vrystaatse hoofstad ingrypend verander. Die beter en vinniger vervoer wat treinvervoer meegebring het, het die vroeëre isolasie verbreek, handel bevorder en tot vinnige ontwikkeling op bykans elke gebied van die dorpslewe gelei. Sleutelwoorde: verkeersweë, vervoer, rytuie, waens, Bloemfontein, laat-negentiende eeu

Abstract This article investigates traffic and transport in Bloemfontein in the late-nineteenth century. Bloemfontein developed from a small military settlement in 1846 to the prosperous capital of the Boer republic of the Orange Free State by the late-nineteenth century. Before the arrival of railways and rail transport in 1890, the Free State capital was fairly isolated and trips to other towns and cities, as well as transportation of goods from ports, were time consuming. As the town developed, more and better streets and sidewalks were laid out, bridges built across Bloemspruit (the large stream that divided Bloemfontein in two), and street lighting improved. By the late-nineteenth century, various horse-driven carriages and wagons, imported from overseas or made in South Africa, were used in Bloemfontein. Carriages included cape carts, horse carts, phaetons, spiders, dog carts, scotch-carts, and private coaches like the landau, victoria and brougham. Public transport included post cars, post coaches and cabs, as well as passenger wagons. Goods were usually transported with transport- or ox-wagons. In December 1890, the railway line from Cape Town reached Bloemfontein and drastically changed the way of life in the Free State capital. Better and faster transport by train ended the earlier isolation, promoted trade and led to rapid development in almost every sphere of town life. Keywords: traffic, transport, carriages, wagons, Bloemfontein, late-nineteenth century

PROBLEEM- EN DOELSTELLING oorsee af ingevoer of in Suid-Afrika1 gemaak is, ook algemeen in Bloemfontein gebruik en in Desember Met die gerieflike en vinnige vervoermiddele waaroor 1890 het die eerste spoorlyn en trein vanuit Kaapstad ons deesdae beskik, kan ’n mens jou moeilik indink Bloemfontein bereik. Danksy die toename in han- hoe stadig en moeisaam alles in die verlede was. Aan del weens die ontdekking van diamante en goud in die beginjare van Bloemfontein (vanaf 1846) was Suid-Afrika was verskeie inwoners van Bloemfontein verbinding met die buitewêreld en selfs die Kaapko- teen die laat-negentiende eeu welgesteld genoeg om lonie maar min en ongereeld. Vervoermiddele was oor hulle eie rytuie te beskik. Rytuie het onder meer toe hoofsaaklik perde, waens en perdekarre. Voor kapkarre, perdekarre, phaetons, spaiders, hondekarre, die koms van die spoorlyn was die hoofstad van die skotskarre en private koetse soos die landau, victoria Oranje-Vrystaat taamlik geïsoleer en reise na ander en brougham ingesluit. Openbare vervoer het onder dorpe en Suid-Afrikaanse hawens soos Kaapstad, meer bestaan uit poskarre, poskoetse en huurrytuie of Oos-Londen en Port Elizabeth het lank geduur. Later kebs, asook passasierswaens. Goedere is gewoonlik in die negentiende eeu is verskillende rytuie, wat van met transport- of ossewaens vervoer.

1 Dié term word in hierdie studie in die geografiese sin van die woord gebruik, want Suid-Afrika as eenheidstaat en politieke entiteit het eers in 1910 tot stand gekom. In die laat-negentiende eeu het “Suid-Afrika” uit die Boererepublieke die Zuid-Afrikaansche Republiek (ook bekend as Transvaal) en die Oranje-Vrystaat bestaan, asook die Britse Kaapkolonie en Natal.

Manuscript processed and edited by M.F. Bates (Editor-in-Chief). 24 Botes & Wessels—Verkeersweë en vervoer in Bloemfontein

Die doel van hierdie artikel is om ondersoek in te stel waardevolle inligting oor feitlik elke aspek van die na die verkeersweë en vervoer in Bloemfontein teen lewe in die Vrystaatse hoofstad uit die tydperk bevat. die laat-negentiende eeu. Uitgaande van die stand- Verder het letterkundige bronne soos dagboeke, her- punt dat die vervoersituasie in Bloemfontein (en in inneringe van oud-inwoners en reisbeskrywings ook die res van die Vrystaat) vanaf ongeveer 1890 dra- betekenisvolle inligting voorsien. maties verander het, is vrae wat in hierdie studie aan die orde is, onder meer die volgende: Hoe het Bloem- Die invloed en gevolge van spoorwegontwikkeling fontein se verkeersweë in die negentiende eeu daar en gevolglike dorpsuitbreiding en toename in verkeer uitgesien? Watter vervoermiddele was daar tot die word ook in hierdie artikel onder die loep geneem. inwoners se beskikking in hierdie tyd? Watter invloed Aangesien geen kultuurhistoriese onderwerp in iso- het die koms van die spoorlyn en treine in die 1890’s lasie bestudeer en verstaan kan word nie, word die op Bloemfontein en sy inwoners gehad? breër kultuurhistoriese konteks ter aanvang geskets.

Hier moet in gedagte gehou word dat hoewel HISTORIESE AGTERGROND Bloemfontein die hoofstad van die Boererepubliek Oranje-Vrystaat (OVS) was, was dit in die negen- Die gebied tussen die Oranje- en die Vaalrivier, wat tiende eeu nie veel meer as ’n groot dorp nie (fig. aanvanklik as die Transgariep en later as die Trans- 1). Inwoners was van vervoermiddels soos perde, oranje bekend gestaan het,2 was aan die begin van fietse en verskeie soorte rytuie wat deur diere getrek die negentiende eeu die jagveld van groepies swer- is, afhanklik. Die eerste spoorlyn vanaf Kaapstad het wende San (Boesmans) en Korannas.3 Bloemfontein Bloemfontein teen die einde van 1890 bereik en eers het sy ontstaan te danke aan toenemende geskille vroeg in 1893 was die Vrystaatse hoofstad per spoor oor grondgebied van verskeie bevolkingsgroepe wat met Johannesburg en Pretoria verbind. vroeg in die negentiende eeu byna tegelykertyd begin het om die gebied binne te dring. Hierdie bevolkings- Hierdie artikel is gebaseer op navorsing uit tydgenoot- groepe het onder meer ingesluit blanke trekboere uit like koerante, argivale navorsing en ’n literatuurstudie. die Kaapkolonie, Griekwas4 onder leiding van Adam Tydgenootlike koerante, soos The Friend of the Free Kok II (ca. 1760–1835) en die Basotho onder leiding State and Bloemfontein Gazette, De Burger – Een van opperhoof Mosjwesjwe (ca. 1786–1870).5 Onafhankelijk Oranje Vrijstaatsch Nieuwsblad en De Express en Oranjevrijstaatsche Advertentieblad, In 1846 is kapt. (later maj.) Henry Douglas Warden asook sy daaglikse Engelse eweknie, die Daily Ex- (1800–1856) as Britse resident in die Transoranje press, was besonder belangrike primêre bronne omdat aangestel met die moeilike opdrag om die vrede tus- dit die daaglikse lewe in Bloemfontein beskryf en sen die verskillende bevolkingsgroepe te bewaar.6 In

Figuur 1. Bloemfontein in 1895. (foto: Nasionale Museum)

2 K. Schoeman, Bloemfontein: die ontstaan van ’n stad 1846-1946, p. 1; J.F. Midgley, The Orange River Sovereignty (1848-1854), Argiefjaarboek vir Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis 12(2) 1949, p. 1. 3 L.H. Meurant, “Description of the Orange River Sovereignty in 1852”, bylae in W.J. St. John, The Bloemfontein diary of Lieutenant W.J. St. John 1852–1853 (ed. K. Schoeman), p. 103. 4 Die Griekwas was ’n groep mense wat deur bloedvermenging tussen Khoi en wit mense, sowel as Maleise en swart slawe, aan die Kaap ontstaan het. 5 P.J. van der Merwe, Die noordwaartse beweging van die boere voor die Groot Trek, p. 249; Midgley, p. 6. Vergelyk ook H.P.N. Muller, Oude tyden in den Oranje-Vrystaat; naar H.A.L. Hamelberg’s nagelaten papieren beschreven, p. 3. 6 P.M. Snyman, Die grondslae van die historiese aardrykskunde en die toepassing van die ‘spesifieke periode’-metode op die historiese aardrykskunde van Bloemfontein tot 1900 (M.A.-verhandeling), p. 114; Schoeman, Bloemfontein, p. 2. Indago Vol. 33 (2017) 25

Maart 1846 het Warden hom met sy afdeling soldate, het die Vrystaat en dus ook Bloemfontein op feitlik die Cape Mounted Riflemen,7 op die plaas ‘Bloem elke gebied ongekende opbloei en vooruitgang beleef Fontein’8 van trekboer Johan Nicolaas Brits by ’n en die Oranje-Vrystaat het tot ’n “modelrepubliek” sterk, standhoudende fontein9 en ’n groot spruit10 ontwikkel.20 In 1880 het Bloemfontein ’n inwonertal gevestig.11 Ten einde die voortdurende probleme in van 2 567 bereik en volle munisipale status verkry, die Transoranje te probeer oplos, annekseer sir Harry met die Skotse sakeman Robert Innes 21 (ca. 1842– Smith (1787–1860), goewerneur van die Kaapkolo- 1896) as eerste burgemeester.22 nie, dié gebied in 1848 tot Britse gebied onder die naam Oranjerivier-Soewereiniteit.12 Na Brand se dood is F.W. Reitz (1844–1934), wat in 1874 die Vrystaat se eerste hoofregter geword Aanvanklik het Bloemfontein se inwoners hoofsaak- het, in Desember 1888 tot vyfde staatspresident van lik uit Engelssprekendes bestaan.13 Met die groei van die OVS verkies.23 ’n Uiters belangrike gebeurte- dié nedersetting en die stigting van kerke en skole, is nis tydens Reitz se ampstydperk was toe die eerste ander blanke kultuurgroepe, soos Nederlanders, Duit- spoorlyn vanaf Kaapstad noordwaarts, Bloemfontein sers, Jode en Afrikaners, ook na die jong nedersetting in Desember 1890 bereik het. Nadat Reitz in 1895 gelok.14 Die vinnige ontwikkeling van Bloemfon- weens gesondheidsredes moes bedank, is hy in 1896 tein het ook swart en bruin mense hierheen laat kom deur M.T. Steyn (1857–1916) as Vrystaatse president om werk te soek.15 Etlike sake-ondernemings is in opgevolg, tot en met die einde van die Anglo-Boere- Bloemfontein gevestig en geleidelik het die neder- oorlog in Mei 1902.24 setting in ’n dorpie ontwikkel.16 Alle voorraad moes voor die koms van die spoorlyn in 1890 deur trans- Bloemfontein het in die bestek van 45 jaar ontwik- portryers met ossewaens vanaf die naaste hawens by kel van ’n klein militêre nedersetting in 1846 tot ’n Port Elizabeth en Oos-Londen aangery word, sodat waardige, welvarende hoofstad van ’n “modelrepu- boumateriaal, klere, meubels en gebruiksvoorwerpe bliek” in die 1890’s. Gedurende hierdie tydperk het moeilik bekombaar en die lewe hier dus duur was.17 Bloemfontein vinnig ontwikkel en die gemeenskap het ’n aantal vêrreikende veranderinge beleef. Dié Op 23 Februarie 1854 is die Bloemfontein-konven- dorp25 was die middelpunt van alle politieke en ekono- sie onderteken, ingevolge waarvan die Transoranje miese gebeure in die Vrystaat en ook die hoofsentrum sy onafhanklikheid verkry het, met J.P. Hoffman van die Vrystaatse regering, handel, regstelsel en on- (1807–1879) as eerste president.18 Die amptelike derwys. Die ontdekking van diamante en goud in naam van die nuwe republiek was “Oranje-Vrij- Suid-Afrika tussen 1860 en 1890 het nuwe markte staat” en Bloemfontein het die hoofstad geword.19 geskep wat Bloemfontein se ontwikkeling en handel Nadat J.N. Boshof (1808–1881) en M.W. Pretorius bevorder het. Die beter vervoergeriewe wat die koms (1819–1901) ook as staatspresidente gedien het, het van die spoorlyn na Bloemfontein in Desember 1890 J.H. Brand (1823–1888) in 1864 die leisels van die meegebring het, het verdere stimulus aan die ontwik- Oranje-Vrystaat oorgeneem en hy is vyf keer as pre- keling van die hoofstad verleen. Die spoorverbinding sident herkies tot met sy dood in Bloemfontein in het Bloemfontein se vroeëre isolasie verbreek en tot 1888. Gedurende sy ampstydperk van bykans 25 jaar groter kontak met ander Vrystaatse dorpe, die res

7 Het ook as die Cape Corps bekend gestaan. Dié Kaapse Korps het oorwegend uit berede Khoi-troepe, onder wit offisiere, bestaan. Schoeman, Bloem- fontein, p. 6; Snyman, p. 118. 8 Warden se spelling van die plaasnaam. Kaapse Provinsiale Argiefbewaarplek, Kaapstad (hierna KPAB), GH10/1: H.D. Warden – B. Maitland, 28.3.1846. Dit was waarskynlik ’n beskrywende naam wat na die bodemgesteldheid verwys het, naamlik die blomme (wilde klawer) wat rondom die fontein gegroei het. P.J. Nienaber, Suid-Afrikaanse pleknaamwoordeboek 1, pp. 172-175. 9 Dit is die plek waar Bloemfontein later aangelê sou word. B.J. Barnard, “Die stigting en stigter van Bloemfontein”, Bloemfontein se eeufees 1846– 1946, bylae tot Die Volksblad, 22.3.1946, p. 22. 10 Dié spruit het later as Bloemspruit bekend geraak. 11 KPAB, GH10/1: H.D. Warden – B. Maitland, 23.3.1846; B.J. Barnard, ’n Lewensbeskrywing van majoor Henry Douglas Warden, Argiefjaarboek vir Suid-Afrikaanse Geskiedenis 11(1) 1948, p. 351. 12 Vrystaatse Provinsiale Argiefbewaarplek, Bloemfontein (hierna VPAB): OSH13: Proclamation by his Excellency Lieutenant General Sir Henry George Wakelyn Smith, 8.3.1848; J.H. Malan, Die opkoms van ’n republiek of die geskiedenis van die Oranje-Vrystaat tot die jaar 1863, pp. 95-96. 13 VPAB: OSH13: Proclamation by His Excellency Lieutenant General Sir Henry George Wakelyn Smith, 8.3.1848; Malan, Die opkoms van ’n republiek, pp. 95-96. 14 A.C. Groenewald, Die sosiale lewensomstandighede in Bloemfontein, 1896–1899 (M.A.-verhandeling), p. 1; A.R. Badenhorst, “Aspekte van die sosiale lewe in Bloemfontein, 1864–1871”, Memoirs van die Nasionale Museum 12, April 1979, pp. 7-8. 15 Schoeman, Bloemfontein, p. 10. 16 Schoeman, Bloemfontein, pp. 13–14; H. O’Connor, Bloemfontein, pp. 4–5. 17 O’Connor, pp. 4–5; Schoeman, Bloemfontein, pp. 13–14. 18 Malan, Die opkoms van ’n republiek, pp. 192–193, 204–208; Schoeman, Bloemfontein, pp. 18–19. 19 The Friend of the Free State and Bloemfontein Gazette (hierna: The Friend), 3.6.1854, p. 1. 20 M.C.E. van Schoor, “OVS presidente het luister aan die modelrepubliek verleen”, Die republikeinse byvoegsel tot Die Volksblad, Februarie 1954, p. 37; O’Connor, p. 8. 21 Innes het sedert 1866 in Bloemfontein gewoon en Inneslaan in Waverley is na hom vernoem. Hy het ook op die bestuur van die Vrystaatse Kamer van Koophandel gedien. 22 Snyman, p. 155. 23 The Friend, 9.1.1889, p. 3; Schoeman, Bloemfontein, p. 109. 24 M.C.E. van Schoor, Marthinus Theunis Steyn: regsman, staatsman en volksman, pp. 56–57, 282–283. 25 Bloemfontein het eers in 1945 stadstatus gekry. 26 Botes & Wessels—Verkeersweë en vervoer in Bloemfontein van Suid-Afrika en selfs die buiteland gelei. Groter staatse hoofstad in die 1890’s dieselfde gelyk. Die voorspoed vir die Vrystaat het meegebring dat Bloem- strate was pylreguit en het mekaar met ’n 90° hoek fontein in die 1890’s op alle terreine vooruitgegaan en gekruis sodat dwarsstrate gevorm is (fig. 2). Ver- ontwikkel het.26 dere ontwikkelings het dieselfde patroon gevolg.30 In die vroegste dae van sy bestaan was Bloemfontein se Teen die laat-negentiende eeu het Bloemfontein se strate nie veel meer as veldpaaie of grondstrate nie. inwoners uit mense van verskillende kultuurgroepe Maitlandstraat31 (fig. 2) was die eerste straat wat met bestaan en Engelssprekendes, Nederlandssprekende groot ysterklippe onder en verskeie lae gruis bo-oor Afrikaners, Duitsers, Jode en Nederlanders het ’n uitgelê is.32 leidende rol in die gemeenskap gespeel. Die ontwik- keling van die dorp het ook swart en bruin mense gelok Bloemfontein se strate het teen 1890 nog uit grond en wat hulle permanent in Bloemfontein gevestig het. klippe met gruislae bestaan. Sedert 1890 is probeer Die meeste blanke inwoners van Bloemfontein was om strate te verhard deur van ysterklip en verskeie lae aldus tydgenootlike bronne, stylvol en ontwikkeld en gruis gebruik te maak.33 Omdat verkeer so toegeneem die Vrystaatse hoofstad het ’n sterk Engelse karakter het dat die straatoppervlakte van die besiger strate dik- gehad. Swart en bruin inwoners het destyds meestal wels tot stof uitgetrap is, is die strate sedert 1890 in ’n ondergeskikte rol as huisbediendes en arbeiders droë weer daagliks met behulp van waterkarre, getrek gespeel. Nadat Asiate in 1890 verbied is om in die deur muile, met water besprinkel.34 In droë weer was Oranje-Vrystaat te boer of besighede te bedryf,27 het stof ’n probleem en na reën het die strate dikwels in die enkele Indiër-handelaars Bloemfontein verlaat.28 moddergate en ’n pappery verander. Die strate was Volgens die Mei 1890-sensus het Bloemfontein toe na ’n reënbui meestal seepglad, terwyl daar dikwels ’n totaal van 3 319 inwoners gehad, waarvan 2 017 ook groot gate en slote in die strate was.35 blankes en 1 302 swart en bruin mense asook ’n paar Indiër-werkers was.29 Huiseienaars moes erfbelasting betaal wat deur die munisipaliteit gebruik is om strate en ander openbare Dit is dan teen hierdie agtergrond dat die verkeersweë gebiede in die dorp in stand te hou. Opbrengste ver- en vervoer van Bloemfontein se inwoners beskryf kry met die verkoop van nuwe erwe is gebruik om en ontleed word, deur in besonder te let op strate en nuwe strate, driwwe, brûe en ander verbeterings te paaie, straatbeligting, sypaadjies, driwwe en brûe, ver- finansier.36 As gevolg van druk verkeer en verspoe- voermiddele soos perde en fietse, verskeie tipes rytuie lings in reënweer moes strate gereeld gegruis word.37 getrek deur perde, openbare vervoer soos poskarre en Tussen strate en sypaadjies was daar op sommige poskoetse, huurrytuie of kebs, spoorwegontwikkeling plekke vlak, oop afleivore wat met ronde ysterklippe en treine, asook verkeersregulasies en ongelukke. uitgelê was. Tog was daar nie genoeg watervore om al die reënwater weg te voer nie en soms was watervore VERKEERSWEË deur vullis en onkruid verstop.38

Eerstens word daar na Bloemfontein se verkeersweë Na die koms van die spoorlyn in Desember 1890 het gekyk. Dit het onder meer strate, paaie, sypaadjies, Bloemfontein se bevolking baie gegroei, handelsbe- driwwe en brûe ingesluit. drywighede en verkeer het toegeneem en strate het heelwat besiger geword. Soos genoem was die totale Strate aantal inwoners van Bloemfontein in 1890 net meer As gevolg van die oorspronklike plan waarvolgens as 3 000,39 in 1896 het dit vermeerder na ongeveer Bloemfontein uitgelê is, het al die strate in die Vry- 5 800 en in 1900 het die Vrystaatse hoofstad ongeveer

26 M.C.E. van Schoor, Die Oranje-Vrystaat, in C.F.J. Muller (red.), Vyfhonderd jaar Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis, p. 247; L. Philip, Phase 1 impact as- sessment of the dormant Jagersfontein mine (Free State) in terms of archaeological and other heritage sites. Unpublished report, National Museum, Bloemfontein, 31.3.2009, p. 4. 27 Volgens ’n ordonnansie wat in 1890 aanvaar is, kon “geen Arabier, Chinees, Koelie [sic] of andere Aziatische kleurling” hulle in die Vrystaat vestig of langer as twee maande in die republiek vertoef sonder verlof van die staatspresident nie. Gouvernements Courant, 11.7.1890. Wanneer terme wat vandag as kwetsend beskou word, uit tydgenootlike bronne aangehaal word, word geen negatiewe konnotasies geïmpliseer nie. 28 S.M. Botes & A. Wessels, “Eetgewoontes van Bloemfontein se inwoners tydens die laat negentiende eeu”, Suid-Afrikaanse Tydskrif vir Kultuurgeskie- denis 28(2), November 2014, pp. 3-6; Schoeman, Bloemfontein, p. 10. 29 VPAB, Census 1890, Schedule A: stad Bloemfontein. Die totale aantal blankes word in hierdie dokument foutief as 2 077 in plaas van 2 017 aange- gee. The Friend, 14.4.1891, p. 3; De Express, 23.12.1890, p. 2. 30 “Walks about Bloemfontein V – Our streets”, De Express, 17.8.1882, p. 3. 31 Staan vandag as Charlotte Maxekestraat bekend. 32 G. Baumann, “Recollections. Personal Reminiscences of the Orange Free State. Village of Bloemfontein”, The Friend, 10.11.1911, p. 4. 33 The Friend, 19.3.1890, p. 3. 34 VPAB, GS183: Versoekskrif: staatsamptenare – pres. Reitz, 18.2.1889; The Friend, 7.4.1891, p. 3, 5.8.1891, p. 3, 5.8.1892, p. 2, 16.8.1892, p. 5 en 16.9.1892, p. 3. 35 Argief vir Eietydse Aangeleenthede, Universiteit van die Vrystaat, Bloemfontein (hierna AREA), PV522/2/1/3: E.N. Roberts, “History bits. Social life in pre-Boer War Bloemfontein”, p. 2; De Express, 8.7.1890, p. 5; The Friend, 30.4.1890, p. 2, 2.7.1890, p. 3, 7.4.1891, p. 3 en 21.4.1891, p. 3. 36 Daily News, 24.2.1890, p. 3; The Friend, 12.2.1890, p. 3, 19.2.1890, p. 3 en 9.9.1890, p. 2. 37 VPAB, OR56: Burgemeestersverslag, 1889–1890, p. 3; The Friend, 4.9.1891, p. 3, 23.8.1892, p. 2 en 24.1.1893, p. 3. 38 AREA, PV522/2/1/3: Roberts, “History bits. Social life in pre-Boer War Bloemfontein”, p. 2; The Friend, 24.3.1891, p. 3 en 22.3.1892, p. 3. 39 VPAB, Census 1890, Schedule A: stad Bloemfontein. Indago Vol. 33 (2017) 27

Figuur 2. Sentrale dorpsgebied van Bloemfontein in 1896: “Generaal plan van de stad Bloemfontein, saamgesteld en verkleind van de oorspronklyke en supplementaire plannen van den Heeren G. Baumann, E. Bourdillon & A.A. Ortlepp, Gouvt. Landmeters, door J.J. Herfst, Dec. 1896 (retraced by W. Joseph, July 1901)”. (kaart: Nasionale Museum)

12 00040 inwoners gehad.41 Teen 1904 het die bevol- die maak en instandhouding van strate te skenk. Na king volgens die amptelike sensus tot 33 883 ge- 1890 is jaarliks aandag aan die herstel en verbetering groei.42 Die groei in handelsbedrywighede word goed van die belangrikste strate in Bloemfontein gegee, ook geïllustreer deur die feit dat daar tussen 1890 en 1900 deur die maak van sypaadjies.44 Soos die dorp verder 137 nuwe besighede vir die eerste keer in The Friend uitgebrei het, moes strate verleng word en nuwe strate geadverteer het.43 is ook aangelê. Maitlandstraat is byvoorbeeld in 1890 van Oos-Burgerstraat tot by die spoorwegstasie ver- Kontak met die markte in die diamantstad, Kimberley, leng en verbeter, terwyl nuwe strate soos Goddard-, het handelsbedrywighede verder bevorder sodat die Salzmann-, Zuid- en Kazernestraat aangelê is45 (fig. hoofstad se grond- en gruisstrate gouer uitgery is. Die 2). stadsraad was dus genoodsaak om meer aandag aan

40 Omdat Bloemfontein in 1900 tydens die Anglo-Boereoorlog deur die Britse magte beset is, het hierdie syfers waarskynlik ook die Britse soldate en amptenare, wat toe in Bloemfontein gestasioneer was, ingesluit. 41 “When city engineer was paid £5 per month”, Supplement to The Friend, 21.3.1946, p. 45; South Africa: Historical demographical data of the urban centers, http://www.populstat.info/Africa/safricat.htm (geraadpleeg 5.12.2017). 42 Schoeman, Bloemfontein, p. 184. 43 H.H.A. Groenewald en A.D Herholdt, Bloemfontein tot 1900: ’n argitektuur-historiese studie, p. 488. 44 VPAB, OR56: Burgemeestersverslag, 1891–1892, p. 4. 45 Daily Express, 11.7.1890, p. 2 en 21.7.1890, p. 3; The Friend, 21.5.1890, p. 3 en 18.9.1891, p. 3. 28 Botes & Wessels—Verkeersweë en vervoer in Bloemfontein

Teen 1892 het die strate reeds so verbeter dat The naamborde aangebring. Tekenend van die Engelse Friend kon berig dat Bloemfontein se strate goed met karakter van Bloemfontein en die Engelsgesinde dié van enige ander dorp in Suid-Afrika vergelyk kon stadsraad is die meeste straatname in Engels aange- word. In 1892 en 1893 is verskeie strate in die hoof- dui.56 stad herstel en verbeter en daar is ook in die 1890’s begin om van die belangrikste strate in Bloemfontein Straatbeligting te macadamiseer.46 Om die gruisblad van strate ste- Bloemfontein se inwoners moes sedert sy ontstaan vir wig vas te stamp en te verhard, is ’n straatroller in 1892 meer as drie dekades sonder straatbeligting klaarkom aangekoop. Ook in die swart woonbuurt, Waaihoek, en mense het saans met lanterns deur die dorp beweeg. is strate opgeknap. Tog het rytuie strate uitgery en het In Mei 1883 is die hoofstad vir die eerste keer verlig reënwater kort-kort gate oopgespoel, sodat ’n nuwe toe lamppale voor openbare geboue en op straathoeke gruislaag telkens gelê moes word. Die munisipaliteit opgerig is. Sedert 1883 is die dorp saans verlig deur moes alle strate herstel en nuwes bou met ’n begroting paraffienlampe wat elke aand met sononder deur die van £1 00047 per jaar.48 munisipale lampopsteker aangesteek is.57

Veral sedert die koms van die spoorlyn in 1890 het In 1890 is ene mnr. Bluhm deur die stadsraad as daar ’n geweldige uitbreiding op residensiële gebied lampopsteker aangestel en hy het sy pligte aanvank- plaasgevind en nuwe strate is uitgelê.49 Na 1890 is lik uitstekend nagekom totdat die drankduiwel die oor- woonhuise noord en wes van die Vierde Raadsaal in hand gekry het en hy weggeloop en die hoofstad vir President Brandstraat (fig. 2) gebou.50 Hierdie nuwe twee nagte in duisternis gelaat het. In Oktober 1891 is residensiële gebied het as “West End” bekend ge- Albert Gibbs teen ’n salaris van £12 per maand as lamp- word51 en in 1893 het hierdie nuwe woonbuurt reeds opsteker aangestel. Die lampopsteker en sy (swart) tot by Kellnerstraat gestrek. Aan die oostekant het assistent was verantwoordelik vir die aansteek, blus Bloemfontein se blanke residensiële gebied tot verby en herstel van alle straatlampe.58 Hilda Schuur die nuwe stasiegebou aan die oostekant van Mait- beskryf die proses soos volg: “Every evening the landstraat uitgebrei52 (fig. 2). Arm wit mense en lamp lighter, Alfred Gibbs, set out with his boy [sic] spoorwegwerkers het aan die oostekant van die sta- carrying a ladder and a long pole on which hung siegebou gewoon.53 the lamps – these he would put in their iron lamp posts and light them one by one as he went along.”59 In 1891 het die blanke residensiële gebied suid van die spruit in die rigting van Fortheuwel en Monumentkop- Die straatlampe was redelik vêr uitmekaar, maar het pie uitgebrei en gestrek vanaf Monumentweg tot by tog die strate en dorp saans in ’n mate verlig. Aan- Eunicestraat naby die dam.54 Suid- en Kazernestraat vanklik is straatlampe om 23:00 geblus, maar in was in 1896 steeds die heel suidelike strate van die September 1889 het die stadsraad besluit om die lampe blanke deel van Bloemfontein55 (fig. 2). tot middernag te laat brand. In 1890 en 1891 was daar klagtes omdat die straatlampe se lig so flou was en Aanvanklik is straatname op mure van hoekgeboue straatlampe dikwels aan die brand geraak het omdat dit vasgeheg, maar sedert 1891 is straatname op sink- nie behoorlik skoongemaak en in stand gehou is nie.60

46 The Friend, 29.1.1892, p. 2 en 4.11.1892, p. 3. Macadamiseer is ’n tipe straatkonstruksie wat deur die Skot John Loudon McAdam sedert ongeveer 1820 gebruik is. ’n Pad of straat word gemaak deur opeenvolgende lae gruisklip of ander gebreekte of klein klippies te lê en dan laag vir laag te kompakteer sodat ’n taamlike harde straatoppervlakte gevorm word. Later is die klippies of gruis met een of ander bindmiddel gemeng om die pad nóg harder te maak en langer te laat hou. “Macadam road construction”, https://global.britannica. com/technology/macadam-road-construction (geraad- pleeg 3.5.2017). 47 Omdat die waarde van die Suid-Afrikaanse rand teenoor die Britse pond van dag tot dag wissel, word pond nie omgereken na rand nie. In vandag (Desember 2017) se geldwaarde is £1 000 van 1900 gelykstaande aan ongeveer £112 985. “Historic inflation calculator: how the value of money has changed since 1900”, http://www.this ismoney.co.uk/money/bills/article-1633409/Historic-inflation-calculator-value-money-changed-1900.html (ger- aadpleeg 5.12.2017). Op 5 Desember 2017 was een Britse pond gelykstaande aan ongeveer R18. “Convert British Pound Sterling to South African Rand”, http://www.themoneyconverter.com (geraadpleeg 5.12.2017). 48 VPAB, OR56: Mayor’s minute 1892–1893, p. 2; The Friend, 23.8.1892, p. 2 en 20.12.1895, p. 3. 49 Vrystaatse Argiefbewaarplek (hierna VAB), Bloemfontein, MBL1/1/5: Notule, stadsraadsvergadering, 7.1.1889; GS187: stadsklerk – goewermentsekr., 16.5.1890; Municipale kennisgeving no. 19-1889, Gouvernements Courant, 26.7.1889; Daily Express, 3.5.1890, p. 2. Vergelyk ook Snyman, p. 155. 50 The Friend, 21.10.1892, p. 3. 51 The Friend, 9.5.1893, p. 3 en 11.2.1897, p. 2. Vandag staan dié woonbuurt naby Bloemfontein se middestad as Westdene bekend. 52 Daily Express, 21.7.1890, p. 3. Vergelyk ook Snyman, p. 156. 53 The Friend, 3.2.1893, p. 3. 54 The Friend, 18.9.1891, pp. 2–3. Die destydse Monumentweg staan vandag as Oliver Tambostraat bekend. Monumentkoppie en Monumentweg is so genoem na aanleiding van die Basotho-monument wat in dié straat opgerig is, ter ere van burgers wat in die Vrystaat-Basotho oorloë gesterf het. 55 Nasionale Museum (hierna NM), Bloemfontein, GD1255: Generaal plan van de stad Bloemfontein, saamgesteld en verkleind van de oorspronklyke en supplementaire plannen van de Heeren G. Baumann, E. Bourdillon & A.A. Ortlepp, Gouvt. Landmeters, door J.J. Herfst, Dec. 1896 (retraced by W. Josephs, July 1901); The Friend, 26.8.1892, p. 4. Vergelyk ook Schoeman, p. 119. 56 “Walks about Bloemfontein. V – Our streets”, De Express, 17.8.1882, p. 3; The Friend, 10.11.1891, p. 4 en 17.11.1891, p. 4. 57 Daily Express, 4.10.1890, p. 3 en 3.11.1890, p. 2; The Friend, 4.11.1890, p. 4. Vgl. ook Snyman, p. 191. Adderleystraat en die treinstasie in Kaapstad het reeds in 1881 elektriese straatligte gehad, terwyl Kimberley in 1882 en Johannesburg in 1889 elektriese straatligte gekry het. Bloemfontein se elektrisiteitaansluiting is eers in 1900 voltooi. “Electricity in South Africa : Early Years”, http://www.eskom.co.za/sites/heritage/Pages/early-years.aspx (geraadpleeg 7.12.2017). 58 De Express, 23.9.1890, p. 4; The Friend, 13.2.1891, p. 2, 26.9.1890, p. 4, 6.10.1891, p. 3, 16.10.1891, p. 3 en 30.10.1891, p. 3. 59 H. Schuur, “Those were the days in ‘Old Bloemfontein’ ”, The Friend, 18.2.1954, p. 7. 60 The Friend, 25.9.1889, p. 3 en 9.1.1891, p. 3; Daily Express, 22.9.1890, p. 2, 18.10.1890, p. 3 en 24.10.1890, p. 4. Indago Vol. 33 (2017) 29

Daar was ook ontevredenheid omdat die straatlampe Sypaadjies op helder maanlignagte nie aangesteek is nie aange- Sedert 1890 het die Bloemfonteinse munisipaliteit met sien die maan volgens die stadsvaders dan genoeg lig huis- en winkeleienaars saamgewerk om sypaadjies te verskaf het.61 maak, veral in die belangrikste handelsgebiede, en het die stadsraad die helfte van die koste daarvan betaal.67 Sedert 1890 is feitlik jaarliks versoek dat meer lampe Voor 1891 het elke winkel sy eie stoep gehad, wat in die strate aangebring moes word, omdat sommige soms laag en soms hoër was. Die nuwe sypaadjies, strate en selfs Markplein (fig. 2) nie goed verlig was wat nege tot tien voet (2.7 m tot 3 m) wyd was, was nie. In 1895 is melding gemaak van ’n ouer vrou baie gerieflik en veiliger vir voetgangers, veral in nat wat weens die swak straatbeligting in Bloemspruit weer wanneer die strate dikwels in modder verander (die groot spruit wat Bloemfontein destyds in twee het. Daar was kort-kort klagtes dat sypaadjies en selfs gedeel het ) (fig. 2) geval en ernstig beseer is.62 Die strate geblokkeer is deur boumateriaal, handelsware, straatlampe moes spesiaal uit Brittanje bestel word. swart mense wat op sommige plekke saamgedrom het, Nadat die nuwe brûe oor die spruit in 1892 voltooi is, of vasgemaakte perde.68 Daarom het die stadsraad het die stadsraad vier nuwe dekoratiewe straatlampe in Junie 1892 ’n kennisgewing laat publiseer dat dit by elke brug laat aanbring (fig. 3), wat die omgewing streng verbode is vir besighede om handelsware op rondom Bloemspruit beter verlig en ook versier het.63 hulle sypaadjies uit te stal.69

Die aantal sypaadjies is jaarliks vermeerder en tussen 1892 en 1893 is sypaadjies langs ’n hele aantal van die belangrikste strate, asook aan die suid- en westekant van Markplein, aangelê. In 1892 en 1893 is tenders aangevra vir gekapte sandklip-randstene om die sy- paadjies mee af te rond.70

Driwwe en brûe Aangesien Bloemspruit die hoofstad in ’n noordelike en suidelike gedeelte verdeel het (fig. 2), het ’n oorvol spruit tydens reënstorms dikwels verkeer- en kom- munikasieprobleme geskep. Aanvanklik was daar Figuur 3. Die brug oor Gordonstraat, ca. 1894. Let op die versierde straatlampe by die brug. (foto: Nasionale Museum) net drie driwwe wat die dele van Bloemfontein suid en noord van die spruit met mekaar verbind het. In Omdat die bestaande straatbeligting ondoeltreffend Augustus 1891 is ’n verdere drif in die spruit by die was vir die groeiende hoofstad, het die Bloemfonteinse Harveyweg-kruising aangebring wat veral nuttig was munisipaliteit in November 1894 ’n ooreenkoms met vir verkeer suid van die spruit op pad na die spoor- die firma Delfos Brothers aangegaan om die hoof- wegstasie. Inwoners het te perd en met rytuie deur stad van elektriese beligting te voorsien. Volgens die driwwe beweeg, terwyl voetgangers die trapklippe dié ooreenkoms sou 100 elektriese straatlampe, van by die driwwe gebruik het om die spruit oor te steek. ongeveer 16 kerskrag elk, Bloemfontein se strate ver- Wanneer dit hewig gereën het, was dit dikwels on- lig, terwyl daar ook vir die lewering van elektrisiteit moontlik om oor die spruit te kom.71 aan private wonings voorsiening gemaak sou word.64 Aangesien die oorspronklike elektriese kontrakteur Vanweë bogenoemde probleme is daar reeds tussen nie die projek teen die ooreengekome datum kon 1860 en 1875 voetgangerbrûe van hout oor die spruit voltooi nie,65 is ’n nuwe ooreenkoms met die firma by die driwwe in Kerk-, Green-, Fraser- en Gordon- Reunert & Lenz gesluit om die Vrystaatse hoofstad straat opgerig. Hierdie houtbrûe het dikwels, wanneer van elektrisiteit te voorsien. Die uitbreek van die die spruit afgekom het, weggespoel en moes dan weer Anglo-Boereoorlog in Oktober 1899 het die projek herbou word, terwyl die driwwe ook onbegaanbaar onderbreek en eers teen November 1900 is die elek- was. Dit het groot ongerief vir inwoners veroorsaak triese krag van die eerste openbare geboue en ’n aantal huise aangeskakel.66

61 VPAB, A566/134: Address given to “Rotary” by W. Rhodes-Harrison, 8.3.1957, p. 5; Daily News, 20.3.1890, p. 4. Dit was kennelik ’n poging om geld te bespaar. 62 De Burger, 20.4.1895, p. 3 en 20.7.1895, p. 2; The Friend, 4.10.1890, p. 3, 6.10.1891, p. 2 en 22.4.1892, p. 2. 63 Daily Express, 4.10.1890, p. 3; The Friend, 1.4.1892, pp. 2–3. 64 VPAB, OR56: Burgemeestersverslag, 1889–1890, p. 3; The Friend, 17.1.1893, p. 2 en 30.11.1894, p. 2. 65 VPAB, MBL3/1/4: Burgemeestersverslag, 1895–1896, p. 4. 66 Snyman, p. 191; Schoeman, Bloemfontein, pp. 124, 147–148, 174. 67 Daily News, 8.3.1890, p. 3. 68 The Friend, 12.5.1891, p. 3, 17.7.1891, p. 2, 6.1.1893, p. 3, 11.4.1893, p. 2 en 25.7.1893, p. 3. 69 Corporation notice no. 19–1892, The Friend, 14.6.1892, p. 1. 70 VPAB, OR56: Burgemeestersverslag, 1891–1892, p. 4, Mayor’s minute 1892–1893, p. 2; The Friend, 29.1.1892, p. 4, 18.3.1892, pp. 2–3 en 28.7.1893, p. 4. 71 The Friend, 4.8.1891, p. 3; Groenewald en Herholdt, pp. 386–388. 30 Botes & Wessels—Verkeersweë en vervoer in Bloemfontein omdat hulle dan nie aan die oorkant van die spruit kon die twee nuwe brûe vasgeheg.80 ’n Korrespondent van kom totdat die watervlakke gesak het nie.72 The Friend was glad nie beïndruk deur die ingevoerde ysterwerk nie. Hy het dit beskryf as “gingerbread” en As gevolg van die gereelde wegspoel van die hout- sy opinie was: “There is no solidity about the stuff; in brûe het die stadsraad besluit om meer permanente fact it is a disgrace to all concerned.”81 en sterker strukture aan te bring. Daarom is daar in 1891 prysgeld van £30 vir die ontwerp van twee nuwe Die brûe oor Onder-Kerkstraat (fig. 4) en Gordonstraat klip- en ysterbrûe oor die driwwe in Onder-Kerkstraat (fig. 3) is in Maart 1892 sonder enige seremonie vir en Gordonstraat uitgeloof.73 verkeer oopgestel, hoewel die stadsraad ’n heildronk op die voltooiing van die brûe en die vooruitgang van ’n Ontwerp van die Nederlandse argitek en inge- Bloemfontein gedrink het. Gou na die voltooiing is nieur, J.H. Müller, is aanvaar. Volgens dié ontwerp daar vier versierde straatlampe by elke brug aange- sou die nuwe brûe ’n klipfondament hê,74 met tien bring (fig. 3 en 4) wat baie daartoe bygedra het om ysterkolomme wat die yster-bobou sou dra. Die in- die strate te verfraai en beter te verlig.82 gevoerde ysterwerk sou in die klipwerk vasgemessel word. Die breedte van die brug tussen die ysterre- lings was 33 voet (sowat 10 m) en het ’n klipryvlak met twee verhewe voetgangerpaadjies aan weerskante van die ryvlak ingesluit. Die lengte van die brûe tus- sen die twee betonpiere was 45 voet (13.7 m) en die klipwerk het uit ysterklip met sandsteen-hoekklippe bestaan. Müller is ook as toesighouer of inspekteur oor die bou van die nuwe brûe aangestel.75

Die messelwerk van die brûe is gedoen deur Frans William van der Houwen en die ysterwerk is deur Figuur 4. Die brug oor Kerkstraat, ca. 1892. (foto: Nasionale die Belgiese firma Charles Brothers in Gent teen ’n Museum) bedrag van £900 vervaardig.76 Die hoekstene van die nuwe brûe is sonder enige seremonie op 25 Au- Reeds in 1890, met die bou van die spoorlyn vanaf gustus 1891 deur die burgemeester, F.W. Salzmann, Norvalspont na Bloemfontein, is ’n treinbrug oor die gelê. Die hoekstene is van ligkleurige sandsteen ge- spruit aan die oostekant van die hoofstad, naby die maak met dié inskripsie daarop: “Gelegd door F.W. stasie, aangelê. In Desember 1892 het die stadsraad Salzmann, 25 Aug., 1891”.77 Die feit dat hoekstene besluit om nog drie ekstra brûe oor die spruit te laat 83 vir bogenoemde twee brûe gelê is, wys hoe belangrik oprig, naamlik in Green- en Fraserstraat (fig. 2), dit vir Bloemfontein was. asook in Harveyweg, sodat die bestaande driwwe tot niet gemaak kon word.84 Dit sou ook klip- en ys- Nadat ’n geskil tussen Müller en die stadsraad ont- terbrûe wees waarvoor die ysterwerk van die firma staan het,78 is hy deur die bekende Skotse argitek, Harkort & Kie van Duisburg in Duitsland ingevoer Francis Lennox Canning (1856–1895), vervang.79 is. Die totale koste van die brûe, asook hulle vervoer Die kwaai reënstorm in November 1891 wat die spruit en oprigting, het net meer as £3 000 beloop en was 85 in volle vloed laat afkom het, het die stadsraad laat beslis ’n groot aanwins vir die Vrystaatse hoofstad. besef dat die onvoltooide brûe te laag sou wees, omdat die klipwerk tydens die vloed heeltemal onder water Teen 1894 was al drie ekstra brûe, ontwerp deur ar- was. Die klip-onderbou van die brûe moes dus ver- gitekte Stücke en Harrison, voltooi. Op versoek van hoog word en in Januarie 1892 is die ysterwerk van pres. Reitz is die hout-voetgangerbrug wat met die

72 H. Schuur, “Quiet, peaceful days when one could dream”, The Friend, 19.2.1954, p. 14; Schoeman, Bloemfontein, pp. 49, 69, 70. 73 The Friend, 26.9.1890, p. 3; 13.2.1891, p. 1, 10.3.1891, p. 1 en 31.3.1891, p. 3; Schoeman, Bloemfontein, p. 111. 74 VPAB, GS191: J.H. Müller – P.J. Blignaut, 8.4.1891; The Friend, 20.1.1891, p. 3; 23.1.1891, pp. 2–3 en 7.4.1891, p. 2. Müller was die vennoot van argitek J.E. Vixseboxse en verbonde aan die Departement Openbare Werke. 75 De Express, 7.4.1891, p. 3; The Friend, 3.3.1891, p. 3, 7.4.1891, pp. 2–3, 28.8.1891, p. 3 en 18.9.1891, p. 3. 76 The Friend, 9.7.1891, p. 2, 23.6.1891, p. 3 en 4.9.1891, p. 3. 77 The Friend, 18.8.1891, p. 2, 21.8.1891, p. 2 en 28.8.1891, pp. 2–3. 78 Volgens Müller moes hy na baie dom opmerkings van die boukommissie, wat uit leke bestaan het, luister. Brief van Müller in The Friend, 2.10.1891, p. 2. Hy het die stadsraad ook beledig deur hulle in ’n brief te beskryf as ’n span esels wat tot die status van perde verhef is. Schoeman, Bloemfontein, p. 123. 79 The Friend, 22.1.1892, p. 2 en 8.4.1892, p. 3. Canning het onder meer die Presidensie en die Vierde Raadsaal ontwerp. 80 The Friend, 20.11.1891, p. 2, 27.11.1891, p. 2, 5.1.1892, p. 2 en 22.1.1892, p. 2. 81 The Friend, 26.1.1892, p. 3. 82 The Friend, 11.3.1892, pp. 2–3, 1.4.1892, pp. 2–3 en 5.4.1892, pp. 2–3; NM, 01/2218: foto, Kerkstraatbrug, ca. 1892 en 01/1370: foto, Gordonstraat- brug oor Bloemspruit, ca. 1894. 83 Greenstraat word Aliwalstraat en Fraserstraat word Oos-Burgerstraat noord van die spruit. NM, GD1255: Generaal plan van de stad Bloemfontein, 1896. 84 VPAB, OR56: Mayor’s minute, 1892–1893, p. 3; The Friend, 16.12.1892, p. 3. 85 The Friend, 29.1.1892, p. 2, 316.12.1892, p. 3, 6.7.1894, p. 3, 3.8.1894, p. 3 en 4.9.1894, p. 2. Indago Vol. 33 (2017) 31 oprigting van die nuwe brug oor Fraserstraat verwyder na Bloemfontein en Kimberley se markte gebring. is, oor die spruit by die Presidensie86 (fig. 2) aange- Ook handelsreisigers of smouse het gereeld van die bring. Sodoende is maklike toegang vir die president hoofweë gebruik gemaak om hulle goedere in Bloem- en ander inwoners vanaf die presidentswoning na die fontein te verkoop. Dit was dus belangrik dat die Goewermentsgebou in President Brandstraat87 (fig. 2) paaie na Bloemfontein van goeie gehalte moes wees, verleen. Die nuwe brug in Harveyweg naby die stasie maar blykbaar was die Vrystaatse Volksraad nie altyd het heelwat verkeer gedra wat voorheen eers deur ’n bereid om voldoende fondse vir die verbetering en in- gedeelte van die dorp na die naaste brug moes beweeg standhouding beskikbaar te stel nie.92 Die Vrystaatse om die stasie te bereik. Dit het dus verkeersvloei in die regering het wel in 1890 ’n paaie-inspekteur aangestel.93 suidelike deel van die hoofstad verbeter.88 In Junie 1891 het die Volksraad ’n bedrag van £25 000 Paaie vir die maak en verbetering van paaie bewillig. Later Die hoofpaaie wat vanuit Bloemfontein na ander dorpe dié jaar is spesiale masjinerie, bekend as die “new Era gelei het, was aanvanklik nie veel meer as grondpaaie Grader and Ditcher”, uit Chicago ingevoer om pad- nie, hoewel daar effe oordrewe amptelik van hoofweë makery te vergemaklik. Dié werktuig het bestaan uit gepraat is. Daar was dikwels klagtes oor die swak ’n spesiale soort ploeg wat die grond losgemaak en op- toestand van die sogenaamde hoofweë en rytuie is dik- getel het en dit dan op ’n dwars vervoerband gelaai het, wels deur die swak toestand van die paaie beskadig. wat die grond van die uitgrawing na die kant van die Tydens die reënseisoen was die “hoofweë” nie veel nuwe pad verskuif het. Die ploeg is aan ’n soort rytuig meer as modderslote nie en met hewige reën was paaie met ’n stewige staalraamwerk en breë wiele vasgeheg en driwwe dikwels onbegaanbaar. Rytuie het die paaie en is deur 12 perde of muile getrek.94 uitgery en dit was dikwels vol slote en groot gate. Die swak toestand van die paaie was nie net vir reisigers Die hoofweë het bestaan uit grondpaaie wat geskraap ongerieflik en gevaarlik nie, maar dikwels kon poskon- en met ’n laag klipgruis bedek is en is volgens tenders trakteurs nie pos betyds in die Vrystaatse hoofstad aan kontrakteurs toegeken. Omdat die kontrak dik- aflewer nie. Dit het ook soms tot ongelukke gelei.89 wels aan die goedkoopste tender toegeken is, was die gehalte van die padmakery meermale uiters swak en Om Bloemfontein en die Vrystaat se strate en paaie is die werk dikwels verknoei.95 in stand te hou, moes rytuig-eienaars voertuigbelas- ting betaal, maar daar was dikwels klagtes dat daar In Julie 1892 is ’n nuwe wet deur die Volksraad aan- nie genoeg gedoen word om paaie te verbeter nie.90 In vaar waarvolgens daar jaarliks ’n som geld vir die November 1889 is ’n kontrakteur aangestel om “alle maak en instandhouding van verklaarde hoofweë of wegen in het district Bloemfontein in orde te brengen paaie in die Vrystaat beskikbaar gestel sou word. Vir en te houden tot 1 Mei 1890”.91 Terwyl Bloemfon- elke distrik sou ’n distriksraad verkies word, wat met tein se munisipaliteit die instandhouding van die strate die instandhouding van paaie en toesig oor padkon- in die dorpsgebied behartig het, was die Vrystaatse trakteurs in die betrokke distrik belas sou word. Die regering verantwoordelik vir die maak en instand- landdros van elke distrik sou as voorsitter van die dis- houding van paaie of hoofweë in en om Bloemfontein. triksraad optree.96 Die distriksrade het nie oral goed gefunksioneer nie. In 1895 is al die paaie rondom die Die ontdekking van diamante en goud, sowel as spoor- ingange na die Vrystaatse hoofstad weer opgeknap, wegontwikkeling, het groter druk op paaie in die aangesien dit in ’n baie swak toestand verkeer het.97 omgewing van Bloemfontein geplaas. Baie mynma- sjinerie en benodigdhede vir mynbedrywighede moes VERVOERMIDDELE dikwels padlangs deur transportryers na die hoofstad gebring word om dan verder per trein na die myngebie- Hoewel Suid-Afrika en dus ook die Oranje-Vrystaat de geneem te word. Boere het ook hulle plaasprodukte voor 1870 grotendeels ’n landbou- en veeteeltland

86 Die presidentswoning of Presidensie, soos die president se ampswoning bekend gestaan het, is net suid van Bloemspruit geleë, aan die westekant van die destydse dorp. Dit is vandag die Presidensie-museum. 87 President Brandstraat het in die 1890’s net tot by Fonteinstraat, aan die noordekant van die spruit gestrek en is eers later suid van die spruit verleng. NM, GD1255: Generaal plan van de stad Bloemfontein, 1896. 88 The Friend, 2.2.1894, p. 3, 6.4.1894, p. 3.19.10.1894, p. 3 en 20.10.1894, p. 2; Groenewald en Herholdt, p. 389. 89 VPAB, GS183: Kregör en Verster (poskontrakteurs) – goewermentsekr., 4.3.1889 en GS186: Verklaring deur I. Bisseux, 18.2.1890; Daily Express, 7.10.1892, p. 3. Vgl. ook The Friend, 20.3.1891, p. 3, 21.4.1891, p. 2 en 16.2.1892, p. 3. 90 The Friend, 11.12.1889, p. 3 en 5.2.1892, p. 2. 91 VPAB, GS185: J.L. de Beer – goewermentsekr., 21.11.1889. 92 The Friend, 24.7.1889, p. 3, 28.7.1891, p. 2, 5.2.1892, p. 2 en 9.2.1892, p. 3. 93 VPAB, GS187: J.F. Waldeck – goewermentsekr., 27.6.1890, GS188: tesourier-genl. – goewermentsekr., 4.8.1890 en GS188: landdros S.P. de Beer – goewermentsekr., 25.7.1890. 94 The Friend, 19.6.1891, p. 2, 13.10.1891, p. 3 en 29.11.1891, p. 3. 95 De Burger, 25.7.1894, p. 3 en 20.4.1895, p. 3. 96 Wet nr. 9 van 1892, OVS Volksraadsnotule, 1892 (agterin boek, pp. 34–39); The Friend, 5.7.1892, p. 3. 97 De Burger, 20.4.1895, p. 3; The Friend, 3.5.1895, p. 2. 32 Botes & Wessels—Verkeersweë en vervoer in Bloemfontein was, het die ontdekking van diamante en goud na tuie kon aanskaf.103 Maar teen Mei 1898 was daar 1867 tot gevolg gehad dat Suid-Afrika geleidelik ’n reeds ongeveer 350 rytuie in Bloemfontein, waarvan ekonomiese transformasie ondergaan het en in ’n land- naastenby 200 aan leweransiers en 150 aan inwoners bou-mynbouland omskep is. Die vervoer van mense behoort het.104 en goedere, asook handel, het al hoe belangriker ge- word en gevolglik het die rytuig sy glorietyd in die Openbare of passasiersvervoer tussen Bloemfontein laat-negentiende en vroeg-twintigste eeu beleef. en ander dorpe was voor die koms van die spoorlyn in Voor die Anglo-Boereoorlog van 1899 tot 1902, was 1890 in die hande van die kontrakteurs wat pos vervoer motorvoertuie met binnebrand-enjins nog grootliks on- het. Na die ontdekking van diamante het openbare bekend in Suid-Afrika, en trek- en rydiere soos perde, vervoer baie toegeneem en in 1886 is ’n tweeweek- muile, donkies en osse is nog algemeen gebruik. Ry- likse passasiersvervoerdiens tussen Bloemfontein en tuie en rytuig-onderdele is van Brittanje en Europa en die diamantvelde ingestel. Passasiers- en goederever- selfs van die Verenigde State van Amerika (VSA) af voer het in alle rigtings uitgebrei en Bloemfontein is ingevoer, ook na die Vrystaat en sy hoofstad, Bloem- in die 1880’s padlangs met onder meer Kaapstad, Port fontein. Verder is waens en rytuie ook in die Vrystaat Elizabeth, Pietermaritzburg, Johannesburg en Pretoria gebou en Bloemfontein het in die laat-negentiende eeu verbind.105 oor verskeie vaardige wamakers, rytuigvervaardigers, 98 smede en hoefsmede beskik. perde Baie van die blanke inwoners van Bloemfontein het Omdat Bloemfontein tydens die laat-negentiende een of meer perde aangehou wat vir vervoer, veral in eeu eintlik maar ’n groot dorp was, was die meeste die dorp, gebruik is. Perde kon ook by die verskeie plekke en geboue binne stapafstand, maar vir vervoer huurstalle gehuur word. Veral die mans en seuns, maar van voorrade en passasiers buite die destydse dorp, ook vroue, het perd gery, terwyl perde ook gebruik is of tussen die hoofstad en ander dorpe, was ander ver- om rytuie te trek.106 In die 1890’s is vermeld dat goeie voermiddele nodig. Voor die koms van die spoorlyn trekperde en selfs ryperde baie skaars was in die Vry- in Desember 1890 en selfs daarna het Bloemfontein se staat, waarskynlik omdat die aanvraag na perde op die inwoners hoofsaaklik van perde en ’n verskeidenheid diamant- en goudvelde so groot was. Om goeie perde rytuie vir vervoer gebruik gemaak en alle voorrade in Bloemfontein te bekom, was baie duur.107 moes met ossewaens of bokwaens deur transportryers 99 van die naaste hawe, Port Elizabeth, en ander plekke openbare vervoer na die Vrystaatse hoofstad aangery word. ’n Rit met Poskarre en poskoetse ’n transportwa vanaf Port Elizabeth tot by Bloemfon- Aanvanklik is Bloemfontein se pos deur perderuiters tein het gewoonlik tussen 30 en 60 dae geduur, maar vervoer, maar soos die hoofstad en kommunikasie droogtes, swaar reën of teëspoed het dikwels vertra- verder ontwikkel het, is daar van poskarre en later ook gings veroorsaak.100 van poskoetse gebruik gemaak. Die karre of koetse is deur perde, muile, osse en selfs mak sebras getrek.108 Baie van die inwoners het oor hulle eie perde en ry- tuie beskik, terwyl daar ook verskeie huurstalle was Inwoners het dikwels vir vervoer tussen Bloemfon- waar perde, rytuie en waens per uur of per dag gehuur tein en ander dorpe van poskarre (fig. 5) en poskoetse kon word of besoekers en reisende handelaars hulle (fig. 6) gebruik gemaak. Reeds in 1880 is direkte perde en rytuie kon laat. Voorbeelde hiervan was die passasiersvervoer tussen Bloemfontein en Kaapstad huurstalle van Isaac Heneke & J. Green, asook die oor Kimberley ingestel.109 Nadat die spoorlyn tussen Bloemfontein Livery & Bait Stables, almal in Fontein- Kaapstad en Bloemfontein teen die einde van 1890 straat. Baie van hierdie huurstalle het ook karweiwerk voltooi is, kon Bloemfontein se inwoners natuurlik per in die dorp gedoen.101 Teen die 1890’s het fietse ook trein tussen dié twee hoofstede en dorpe tussenin reis. gewild begin raak.102 Murray se poskar het Woensdae van Bloemfontein na Aliwal-Noord via Dewetsdorp, Smithfield en Roux- Aanvanklik was rytuie nie so volop in Bloemfontein ville geloop en Bloemfonteiners kon Thaba ’Nchu, nie, aangesien net meer gegoede persone hulle eie ry- Ladybrand, Clocolan en Ficksburg Dinsdae en Vrydae

98 J. Malan, Rytuie van weleer, pp. 34–35, 69; Groenewald, p. 109. 99 ’n Afstand van ongeveer 650 km. 100 Schoeman, Bloemfontein, pp. 13, 31. 101 Daily Express, 19.4.1890, p. 2, 7.7.1890, p. 3, 18.11.1890, p. 2 en 9.1.1892, p. 2. 102 Schoeman, Bloemfontein, p. 117. 103 Groenewald, p. 106. 104 The Friend (Daily Edition), 14.5.1898, p. 3. 105 Snyman, pp. 193–195. 106 Daily Express, 19.4.1890, p. 2; The Friend, 13.3.1891, p. 3. Vgl. ook S. Leviseur, Sophie Leviseur memories (red. K. Schoeman), pp. 69–70. 107 The Friend, 30.4.1890, p. 3 en 27.10.1891, p. 3; Daily Express, 19.4.1890, p. 2 en 11.10.1890, p. 2. 108 L.J. Conradie, Spaanders wat vlieg: die romantiek van die poskantoor, pp. 72–73; M. Botes, “Hoe ry die poskar hop hop so …”, Culna 62, November 2007, p. 10. 109 Leviseur, pp. 52, 63–64; M. Bidwell en C.H. Bidwell, Pen pictures of the past (red. K. Schoeman), p. 52. Vgl. ook Snyman, p. 194. Indago Vol. 33 (2017) 33

Aanvanklik was poskarre sterk en swaar gebou, met kiste voor en agter waarin die pos gepak is en wat terselfdertyd as sitplek vir die drywers en passasiers gedien het. Later is ligter karre ook as poskarre ge- bruik terwyl die kapkar of tentkar (fig. 5) vanaf 1860 die algemeenste poskar was. Dit was ’n tweewielkar met een of twee sitbanke en ’n vaste kap, wat aan die passasiers en pos ’n mate van beskerming teen die ele- mente verleen het, maar wanneer dit hard gereën of gesneeu het, was die arme passasiers dikwels deurnat. Die poskar was ook nie so gemaklik of sterk soos die poskoetse nie.113

Ofskoon paaie deur die Vrystaatse regering in stand gehou is, was die wapaaie en grondpaaie dikwels in ’n swak toestand, veral na hewige reën, en was ’n reis per poskar nie so gerieflik nie. Inteendeel, dit was klaar- blyklik dikwels ’n (pynlike) belewenis om ’n passasier op so ’n poskar te wees, soos wat ’n korrespondent van die Daily Express uit eerstehandse ondervinding vertel het. Hy moes in Mei 1890 die poskar vanaf Bloem- fontein na Ladybrand haal, wat voor dagbreek uit die Vrystaatse hoofstad vertrek het. Omdat dit reeds laat herfs was, was dit bitterlik koud en moes hy homself Figuur 5. ’n Kapkar in die versameling van die Nasionale Museum. maar in ’n dik jas en kombers toewikkel. Behalwe dat Waenhuismuseum, St. Georgesstraat 95, Bloemfontein. (foto: Na- dit vir hom gevoel het asof die hobbelrige rit sy lewer sionale Museum) uitmekaar geskud het, moes hy ook nog die moeilike kuns bemeester om in ’n bewegende poskar te eet en te drink.114

Donaldson se poskoetse het passasiers van Bloem- fontein twee keer per week na Johannesburg en terug vervoer, via Brandfort, Winburg, Ventersburg, Kroon- stad, Vredefort en Parys. Dié reis het drie dae geduur en daar is nie snags gereis nie.115 Hoewel reise per poskoets (fig. 6) gemakliker as per poskar was, was lang reise met ’n poskoets steeds nie baie gerieflik nie. Daar was gewoonlik net plek vir vier of vyf passasiers binne-in die koets. Die res van die passasiers moes bo-op sit, net agter die drywer en is dus blootgestel aan wind, reën en sneeu.116 In 1891 het Donaldson baie Figuur 6. Replika van ’n Zeederberg-poskoets op uitstalling in die goedkoper tariewe vir retoer-koetsreise na die Witwa- Waenhuismuseum, gebou vir die Van Riebeeckfees in 1952. (foto: Nasionale Museum) tersrand oor die Kersfees- en Nuwe Jaar-vakansietyd aangebied, waarvan besoekers en Bloemfonteiners deur middel van De Bruin se poskar besoek. De Bruin deeglik gebruik gemaak het.117 se poskontrak is in 1891 deur R.W. Glynn oorgeneem en sy meer gerieflike poskoets het voortaan Woensdae Swaar reën, vol riviere en paaie in ’n swak toestand en Saterdae van Bloemfontein af vertrek.110 Volgens het dikwels karre en koetse vertraag. Omdat alle ri- Ada Fischer, eggenote van Abraham Fischer (1850– viere nog nie deur brûe oorspan is nie, moes poskoetse, 1913), bekende staatsman en eerste minister van die poskarre en ander rytuie noodgedwonge by vol riviere Oranjerivier-kolonie,111 het poskarre sowel bedags as of in dorpe wag totdat die vlak van riviere genoegsaam snags gery.112 gesak het sodat hulle kon deurkom. Gevolglik het

110 Daily Express, 1.5.1890, p. 2; The Friend, 23.6.1891, p. 3, 4.8.1891, p. 1 en 1.9.1891, p. 1. 111 Die Oranje-Vrystaat het van 1902 tot 1910 as die Oranjerivierkolonie bekend gestaan. 112 VPAB, A59/8/2: A. Fischer – mnr. Wiener (?), 10.8.1889. 113 The Friend, 28.7.1891, p. 3; Malan, Rytuie van weleer, pp. 29, 36. Vgl. ook Conradie, pp. 72–73. 114 Daily Express, 6.5.1890, p. 3. 115 Daily Express, 1.5.1890, p. 2; De Express, 15.4.1890, p. 1. 116 Conradie, p. 24. 117 The Friend, 13.10.1891, p. 2, 10.11.1891, pp. 2–3, 8.12.1891, pp. 1–3 en 11.12.1891, p. 1. 34 Botes & Wessels—Verkeersweë en vervoer in Bloemfontein poskoetse en poskarre en hulle passasiers soms noue Huurrytuie: kebs123 en riksjas ontkomings gehad en was reis nie altyd gemaklik nie, Nadat die eerste spoorlyn tot in Bloemfontein ver- en selfs gevaarlik. Dìt het veroorsaak dat pos en pas- leng is, het sogenaamde huurrytuie of kebs (fig. 7), sasiers dikwels laat in Bloemfontein aangekom het.118 wat passasiers by die stasie gaan haal het en hulle na hulle verblyf geneem het, ook hulle verskyning in die Die bekende Bloemfonteinse firma Kregör & Verster, Vrystaatse hoofstad gemaak. So het die Bloemfon- poskontrakteurs van die Vrystaatse regering tydens die tein Livery & Bait Stables ’n aantal huurrytuie gehad laat-negentiende eeu, het passasiers tussen Bloemfon- wat met die aankoms van treine by die stasie gewag tein en Kimberley met hulle poskoetse vervoer, terwyl het om passasiers te vervoer.124 Ofskoon die bekende reise na ander dele van Suid-Afrika op versoek teen Hansom-keb, ’n tweewielrytuig wat sedert 1849 sy spesiale tariewe onderneem is.119 In 1889 het mnr. verskyning in Londen gemaak het, ook in Kaapstad Kregör van bogenoemde firma Europa en die VSA en ander dorpe in Suid-Afrika gebruik is,125 toon foto’s besoek, waar hy ses nuwe, groot koetse, gemaak deur uit die laat-negentiende en vroeg-twintigste eeu dat Cobb & Co.120 bestel het. Dit was uiters gerieflike vierwiel-rytuie as kebs of huurrytuie in Bloemfontein koetse wat van die firma Abbott Downing in New gebruik is126 (fig. 7). York af ingevoer is. In 1890 het Kregör & Verster ’n nuwe koetsdiens vanaf Bloemfontein na Johannes- Huurrytuie is deur individue bedryf en aanvanklik burg ingestel wat vir Bloemfontein se inwoners baie kon keb-eienaars hulle eie fooie vasstel, maar aan waardevol was, aangesien die spoorlyn van Bloemfon- die begin van 1891 het die stadsraad begin om regu- tein na Johannesburg en Pretoria eers in 1892 voltooi lasies vir die huurrytuie op te stel en vaste tariewe vir is.121 Kregör & Verster het verder passasiers na die sekere afstande te bepaal. Huurrytuie kon ook vir ’n Vrystaatse goudvelde, Potchefstroom en Klerksdorp sekere tydsduur gehuur word en kinders onder 12 het vervoer.122 halfprys betaal.127 Ofskoon huurrytuie beslis in ’n behoefte voorsien het, was daar klagtes dat die kebdry- wers soms meer as die vasgestelde tarief vra, veral vir vreemdelinge. Daar is ook gekla dat sommige van die

Figuur 7. Huurrytuie of kebs voor die stasiegebou in Bloemfontein, ca. 1911. (foto: Nasionale Museum)

118 De Express, 18.2.1890, p. 7; The Friend, 26.2.1890, p. 3, 27.1.1891, p. 3, 13.1.1891, p. 3, 30.1.1891, p. 2, 21.4.1891, p. 3, 5.5.1891, p. 3 en 28.7.1891, p. 3. 119 Daily Express, 19.6.1890, p. 3 en 28.6.1890, p. 3. 120 Cobb & Co. was ’n bekende vervoermaatskappy en koetsmakers wat in 1853 gestig is deur Amerikaners wat hulle in Australië gevestig het, maar gou wêreldwyd takke oopgemaak het. “When Cobb & Co. was king”, http://www.cobbandco.net.au/features/68-when-cobb-a-co-was-king.html (geraad- pleeg 4.8.2012). 121 The Friend, 14.8.1889, p. 2, 18.12.1889, p. 2, 9.7.1890, p. 3 en 10.2.1891, p. 3; Daily Express, 8.7.1890, p. 2. 122 The Friend, 17.7.1889, p. 3 en 22.3.1892, p. 3. 123 Keb is ’n aanvaarde Afrikaanse naam vir enige huurrytuig en kom van die Engelse woord cab wat ’n afkorting van die Franse naam cabriolet is. Malan, Rytuie van weleer, pp. 134–135. 124 Daily Express, 9.1.1892, p. 3. 125 Malan, Rytuie van weleer, p. 110. 126 K. Schoeman, Bloemfontein in beeld, 1860–1910, p. 135, foto 334 en p. 183, foto 483. 127 The Friend, 6.1.1891, p. 3, 20.1.1891, p. 3, 13.2.1891, p. 3 en 9.6.1891, p. 3. Vgl. ook Schoeman, Bloemfontein, p. 124. Indago Vol. 33 (2017) 35 kebdrywers parmantig en onbeskof teenoor passasiers was en onverskillig gery het.128

Volgens bogenoemde regulasies moes alle huurrytuie voor 31 Julie 1891 by die munisipaliteit geregistreer wees en ’n lisensie hê. Die koms van huurrytuie het nuwe werksgeleenthede vir Bloemfontein se inwoners geskep, aangesien wit en swart mense huurrytuie besit en as kebdrywers opgetree het.129 Drie stadsraadslede is in 1894 benoem om as komitee van toesig oor die huurrytuie te dien. Dié komitee moes toesien dat keb- regulasies nagekom word en het ook, saam met die stadsklerk, die toestand van huurrytuie en die trekper- de geïnspekteer voordat ’n lisensie vir ’n keb toegeken is. Staanplekke vir kebs was beskikbaar by die stasie, Markplein en op ander plekke wat van tyd tot tyd deur die kebkomitee aangewys is.130

Figuur 8. Riksjas op Markplein, Bloemfontein. (foto: Nasionale ’n Ander tipe huurrytuig, wat vandag nog in Durban Museum) te sien is, was die riksja, wat teen 1897 in Bloemfon- tein se strate verskyn het (fig. 8). Riksjas is getrek gewoonlik deur twee perde getrek. ’n Wagonette kon deur swart mans wat geklee was in die kenmerkende gewoonlik tussen agt en tien mense vervoer en kon ’n hooftooisel en mondering en het gewoonlik een of kap hê, maar dit was nie noodsaaklik nie.136 twee passasiers vervoer.131 In 1896 het ’n Belgiese maatskappy aansoek gedoen vir ’n konsessie om ’n Twee jaar later het W.G. Cox, eienaar van Bloemfon- tremstelsel in Bloemfontein te bedryf, maar die stads- tein-hotel, ’n wagonette vir dieselfde doel bestel. Dié raad het dit van die hand gewys omdat die dorp nog wagonette is deur wa-maker Jas. Ensor van Bloem- nie groot genoeg was vir so ’n stelsel nie.132 fontein gemaak en kon nege sittende persone vervoer. Daar word ook in 1891 melding gemaak van ’n “om- Ander openbare vervoer nibus137 wagonette” (fig. 10) wat deur die eienaars van Volgens Ada Fischer het daar in 1889 ’n passasiers- die Vrystaat-hotel, C.P. Stock en sy seun, aangekoop is kar tussen Bloemfontein en Kimberley geloop en het die reis van ongeveer 170 km een en ’n halwe dag geduur. Tussen Bloemfontein en Johannesburg het ’n passasierswa elke 14 dae geloop en dit het vier dae geneem om dié reis te voltooi. Daar is nie snags ge- reis nie en passasiers moes dus saans langs die pad oorslaap.133

Reeds teen die einde van 1890 het A. Peters, eienaar van die Phoenix-hotel, ’n elegante wagonette by ’n wamaker in King Williamstown bestel om sy gaste in styl van die spoorwegstasie na die hotel te vervoer.134 ’n Wagonette (fig. 9) is ’n ligte rytuig met vier wiele wat gewoonlik deur perde getrek is. Dit het agter ’n dwars drywersitplek twee sitplekke in die lengte wat na mekaar toe kyk.135 Wagonettes het taamlik van Figuur 9. ’n Wagonette. (uit: J. Malan, 1981, Rytuie van weleer, mekaar verskil, het altyd ’n koetsierbok gehad en is p. 111)

128 The Friend, 6.1.1891, p. 3, 6.3.1891, p. 2, 1.5.1891, p. 3 en 18.8.1891, p. 3. 129 The Friend, 24.7.1891, p. 4, 31.7.1891, p. 1, 17.3.1893, p. 3 en 18.1.1895, p. 3. 130 The Friend, 2.2.1894, p. 3, 27.3.1894, p. 2, 6.4.1894, p. 3 en 27.3.1894, p. 2. 131 De Burger, 15.5.1897, p. 3; De Express, 6.6.1899, p. 2. 132 The Friend, 3.3.1896, p. 3. 133 VPAB, A59/8/2: A. Fischer – mnr. Wiener (?), 10.8.1889. 134 De Express, 4.12.1890, p. 4; Daily Express, 5.12.1890, p. 2. 135 “Wagonette”, http://www. thefreedictionary.com/wagonette (geraadpleeg 1.8.2012); “Wagonette”, http:// www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/wagon- ette (geraadpleeg 1.8.2012). Die naam “wagonette” is aanvaarbaar in Afrikaans. Vergelyk ook Malan, Rytuie van weleer, pp. 111, 136. 136 Malan, Rytuie van weleer, p. 111. 137 Omnibus is ’n verouderde term vir ’n rytuig wat ’n aantal passasiers gelyk kon vervoer en vir openbare en private vervoer gebruik is. Vandag word daar bloot van ’n bus gepraat. ’n “Omnibus-wagonette” was klaarblyklik kleiner as ’n “omnibus” en het meer soos ’n waentjie of rytuig gelyk. “Omnibus”, http:// www.audioenglish.net/dictionary/omnibus.htm (geraadpleeg 1.8.2012). Vergelyk ook Malan, Rytuie van weleer, p. 12. 36 Botes & Wessels—Verkeersweë en vervoer in Bloemfontein

In die vroeë 1890’s word daar van rytuigvervaardi- ger J. Ensor en wamaker H. Walther in Bloemfontein melding gemaak.142 John Goller het sy wamakery in 1895 agter die Vrystaat-hotel in Bloemfontein bedryf, terwyl H. Keefe ’n rytuigskilder was.143 Fred W. Es- senwein het Amerikaanse rytuie en landbougereedskap in Bloemfontein verkoop, terwyl rytuie, saals en tuie ook by P.G. Marais van die plaas Luxemburg naby Bultfontein gekoop kon word.144 Waar rytuie nie deur die eienaar self gedryf is nie, het swart mense gewoon- lik as koetsiers opgetree, meestal deftig in pluiskeil en manelpak geklee145 (fig. 11).

Figuur 10. ’n Omnibus-wagonette. (foto: J. Malan, 1981, Rytuie van weleer, p. 12) om hul gaste heen en weer tussen die stasie en die hotel te vervoer. Dié rytuig is uit Londen ingevoer en omdat dit vere en ’n luukse binne-afwerking gehad het, was dit baie gemaklik vir die passasiers. Die Vrystaatse wapen is op die deurpaneel geverf, waaroor die naam Vrystaat-hotel in klein letters gegraveer is.138

139 rytuie Die meeste van die rytuie wat in die negentiende eeu in Europa, Brittanje en die VSA beskikbaar was, is in Suid-Afrika en ook in Bloemfontein gebruik. Som- mige rytuie is van die buiteland af ingevoer, terwyl Figuur 11. Jan Steyn se rytuig in Aliwalstraat, met sy swart koetsier, ander rytuie, veral waens, ook deur Suid-Afrikaanse Piet, voor op die bok, ca. 1909. (foto: Nasionale Museum) wamakers gemaak is. Die Kaapkolonie, en veral die Paarl, was baie bekend vir wamakery, en van hier- Pres. F.W. Reitz se amptelike rytuig die waens en rytuie is ook in Bloemfontein verkoop. Die tender van poskontrakteurs Kregör & Verster vir Bloemfonteinse sakemanne Frank Oldfield en George die vervoer van pres. F.W. Reitz na plekke in die Vry- Reeler het waens en rytuie, gemaak deur bekende staat, is in 1890 aanvaar. Dié firma het toe besluit wamakers van Oudtshoorn, bestel en verkoop. Die om ’n spesiale, doelgemaakte rytuig vir die president ontdekking van diamante het die handel en die maak te laat maak wanneer hy die Vrystaatse dorpe en dis- van rytuie en waens gestimuleer en daar was etlike wa- trikte van tyd tot tyd besoek het. Omdat die vervoer makers en rytuigskilders in Bloemfontein en in ander van Reitz in die Vrystaat deel van Kregör & Verster 140 se verantwoordelikheid was, moes hulle vir die rytuig plekke in die Vrystaat. Wanneer ’n wa of rytuig 146 voltooi is, is dit deur spesialis-vakmanne versier of betaal. Dit was dus nie staatseiendom nie. geskilder. Versier- en skilderwerk is dikwels volgens die smaak van die koper gedoen, veral as dit plaaslik Reitz se amptelike rytuig of koets het in Oktober 1891 gemaak is, maar meestal was daar ’n standaardaf- per trein in Bloemfontein aangekom. Dit is vervaardig werking. Hoewel ’n spesiaal-voorbereide gansveer deur die bekende wamaker W.C. Cooper van Kaapstad, aanvanklik vir die skilderwerk gebruik is, is dit later volgens ’n ontwerp en spesifikasies van poskontrak- gedoen met ’n apparaat in die vorm van, en wat gewerk teur R.J. Verster. Die voorkoms van die rytuig was lig het soos, ’n koekversierspuit.141 en elegant en die vakmanskap uitstaande. Die bak- werk is ’n karmosyn (dieprooi) kleur147 geverf met geel

138 The Friend, 6.11.1891, p. 2. 139 Negentiende-eeuse rytuie is ’n studieveld op hul eie. Daarom word die rytuie wat algemeen tydens die laat-negentiende eeu in Bloemfontein voorge- kom het, hier net oorsigtelik bespreek. Vir verdere inligting oor rytuie kan J. Malan, Rytuie van weleer, geraadpleeg word. 140 The Friend, 20.2.1891, p. 2, 17.3.1891, pp. 1, 3, 24.3.1891, p. 3 en 18.3.1892, p. 1. Vgl. ook Malan, Rytuie van weleer, pp. 35, 61–76. 141 Malan, Rytuie van weleer, pp. 58–59. 142 Het Vrijstaatsch jaarboek en almanak 1893, p. 79; The Friend, 23.6.1891, p. 3. 143 De Express almanak en kalender, 1895 (geen bladsynommers). 144 De Express, 18.3.1890, p. 9; The Friend, 10.3.1891, p. 1. 145 A.B. Balfour, Twelve hundred miles in a waggon, p. 40; Schoeman, Bloemfontein in beeld, p. 160, foto 409. 146 VPAB, GS188: Kregör & Verster – pres. Reitz, 24.7.1890; The Friend, 9.10.1891, p. 2. 147 In die Engelse berig in The Friend word daar genoem dat die rytuig in “lake colour” geverf was. In Afrikaans word “lake colour” na karmosynkleur of dieprooi vertaal, maar dit is belangrik om daarop te let dat “lake colours” verskillende kleure kan wees, afhangende van watter natuurlike pigment vir die verf gebruik is. Dit sluit onder meer rooi, pers, geel, groen, blou en bruin in. “Lake colours”, http://www.standardcon. com/lakecolours.htm (ge- raadpleeg 2.8.2012); “Pigments”, http://www.visual-arts-cork.com/artist-paints/colour-pigmentshtm (geraadpleeg 2.8.2012). Histories is die term “lake colour” klaarblyklik vir ’n diep- of wynrooi kleur gebruik. “Lake”, http:/www.thefreedictionary.com/Lake (geraadpleeg 2.8.2012). Indago Vol. 33 (2017) 37 skilderwerk, terwyl die onderstel geel geverf was, met swart skilderwerk. Beide sypanele is met die Vry- staatse wapen versier en agterop was ’n groot bagasie- rak vir die president se bagasie. Reitz se amptelike ry- tuig is deur ses perde getrek, wat deur twee jong swart mans (die drywer en sy helper) hanteer is.148

Wanneer Reitz deur die Vrystaat gereis het om die ver- skillende dorpe te besoek, kon hy soms as gevolg van swak paaie en vol riviere nie sy bestemming of selfs ’n plaashuis voor donker bereik nie. Omdat hulle nie in die donker verder kon reis nie, moes die president noodgedwonge die nag in die veld deurbring. Gevolg- lik is die presidensiële rytuig ontwerp met beweeglike sitplekke sodat die luukse binnekant van die koets in ’n gemaklike slaapkamer met ’n bed omskep kon word. Gordyne op rollers is reg rondom die binneruim aangebring, terwyl die voorkant skuifvensters gehad het. Die kussings was van bruin leer, afgewerk met kant. Die gordyne was van sy en die vloer is met ’n tapyt bedek. Pres. Reitz kon dus met ’n rytuig reis wat sy hoë amp waardig was.149 Figuur 12. ’n Model van ’n skotskar op uitstalling in die Waenhuis- museum, Bloemfontein. (foto: M. Botes) Karre150 Kapkarre was ’n gewilde rytuig onder Bloemfontein dit redelik donker. Ná twee ure oppad het die maan se inwoners en ’n jong man het by voorkeur ’n kapkar deur die wolklaag gebreek en moes die reisigers tot gebruik wanneer hy ’n meisie uitgeneem het.151 ’n hulle ontnugtering ontdek dat hulle honderd meter van Kapkar is ’n tweewielkar met een of twee sitbanke die Railway-hotel in Bloemfontein is, waar hulle voor en ’n vaste kap (fig. 5), wat gewoonlik deur perde of hulle vertrek ’n drankie teen die koue geniet het. Hulle muile getrek word. Kapkarre kon ook gehuur word.152 het dus twee ure lank ál om die perderesiesbaan by Skotskarre (fig. 12) was ook algemeen in Bloemfontein die hedendaagse Ramblersklub gesirkel, in die waan beskikbaar. Skotskarre is sedert 1860 in Suid-Afrika dat hulle die Modderrivier nader. Na die aanvanklike bemark en is ’n eenvoudige kar wat deur osse, perde skok het hulle seker gemaak dat hulle die regte pad na of muile getrek word.153 Daar is ook dikwels gebruik Thaba ’Nchu volg.155 gemaak van perdekarre wat deur een of meer perde getrek is. Nog ’n tipe kar wat in die tydgenootlike Waens koerante vermeld is, is ’n vulliskar wat deur die muni- Die bekende ossewa of kakebeenwa (fig. 13) was lank sipaliteit van Bloemfontein gebruik is.154 die belangrikste vervoermiddel waarmee goedere ver- voer is, terwyl mense ook per ossewa gereis het.156 Ofskoon die drywers van poskarre, poskoetse en ander Die Nederlandse boerewa wat deur perde getrek en openbare vervoer klaarblyklik die Vrystaatse paaie aanvanklik aan die Kaap gebruik is, was nie geskik goed geken het, het private reisigers, veral diegene vir lang afstande in Suid-Afrikaanse toestande nie. wat snags gereis het, soms verdwaal. ’n Mens lees Dit het wel die basis gevorm van die Suid-Afrikaanse in die tydgenootlike koerante amusante stories, soos osse- of kakebeenwa wat algemeen tydens die Groot van twee van Bloemfontein se inwoners wat in Junie Trek en later in die negentiende eeu gebruik en deur 1890 na Thaba ’Nchu wou reis om die volgende dag osse getrek is.157 Kinders wat die Sondagskole van na die perderesies daar te gaan kyk. Hulle het om die verskillende Bloemfonteinse kerke bygewoon het, middernag vrolik met ’n kar en perde uit Bloemfon- is dikwels met ossewaens vir hulle jaarlikse piekniek tein vertrek. Omdat dit ’n bewolkte aand was, was na die betrokke plek aangery. In 1890 is byvoorbeeld

148 Balfour, p. 40. Geen foto van Reitz se amptelike rytuig kon opgespoor word nie. 149 The Friend, 9.10.1891, p. 2. 150 In die negentiende eeu was die term “kar” ’n oorkoepelende naam vir alle rytuie met twee wiele wat gewoonlik deur perde of muile getrek is. Malan, Rytuie van weleer, p. 135. Karre is soms ook deur donkies getrek. De Burger, 6.6.1894, p. 2. 151 VPAB, A507/6 (toevoeging A519): C. Skea – K. Schoeman, 16.3.1979; Leviseur, p. 70. 152 Daily Express, 19.12.1890, p. 4; The Friend, 24.6.1892, p. 3 en 17.5.1892, p. 2. Volgens Jacques Malan is “kapkar” die korrekte Afrikaanse benaming vir “Kaapse kar”, wat dikwels in die ou literatuur en koerante gebruik is. In Engels word dit wel ’n “Cape cart” genoem. Malan, Rytuie van weleer, p. 135. 153 Daily Express, 2.8.1890, p. 2; The Friend, 20.1.1891, p. 3, 18.10.1892, p. 1 en 11.4.1895, p. 2; Malan, Rytuie van weleer, p. 120. 154 The Friend, 24.6.1892, p. 3 en 18.10.1892, p. 1. 155 Daily Express, 13.6.1890, p. 3. 156 Daily News, 7.3.1890, p. 3. 157 Malan, Rytuie van weleer, pp. 20–21, 81–82. 38 Botes & Wessels—Verkeersweë en vervoer in Bloemfontein

Figuur 14. ’n Bokwa in die versameling van die Nasionale Museum, op uitstalling in die Waenhuismuseum, Bloemfontein. (foto: Nasio- nale Museum)

dendaagse woonwa of karavaan ingerig was. Dit het ’n slaapvertrek gehad wat met gordyne afgeskort is en selfs meubels en toerusting soos veldstoeltjies, kiste, Figuur 13. ’n Gerestoureerde ossewa uit ongeveer 1820, op uitstal- balies en/of wastafels, lampe en ’n watertenk.162 ling in die Waenhuismuseum, Bloemfontein. Hierdie gerestoureerde kakebeenwa het as die Dirkie Uys-wa deel van die simboliese Os- sewatrek van 1938 gevorm. (foto: Nasionale Museum) Poswaens is spesiaal gebruik om pos binne dorpe te vervoer. Toe die bekende Bloemfonteinse vervoerfir- tien ossewaens benodig om die Sondagskoolkinders ma Kregör & Verster in 1890 die kontrak gekry het van Bloemfontein se NG Kerk na die piekniekplek by om die pos tussen Bloemfontein se spoorwegstasie Laer Tempe te vervoer.158 en die poskantoor te vervoer, het hulle ’n poswa van Kaapstad af bestel. Dié poswa was die eerste van sy Goedere en produkte is met ossewaens of trans- soort in die Vrystaat, en op pres. Reitz se versoek is die portwaens van die naaste hawe, Port Elizabeth, na Bloemfonteinse poswa oranje geverf, met die wapen Bloemfontein aangery. Goedere is ook, voor die spoor- van die Vrystaat op die kante geskilder. Nadat Kregör verlenging na Johannesburg en Pretoria, per ossewa & Verster ook die kontrak gekry het om pos vanaf van Bloemfontein na Johannesburg vervoer. Na die Bloemfontein na Johannesburg en Pretoria te vervoer, opening van die spoorlyn vanaf Kaapstad het verkeer met Kaapse dorpe baie toegeneem. Van die goedere was vir Bloemfontein bestem, maar groot hoeveelhede moes per ossewa na Johannesburg en Pretoria vervoer word, omdat die spoorlyn Johannesburg en Pretoria eers in 1892 bereik het.159

Bok- of transportwaens (fig. 14), wat eintlik maar stewiger en groter tentlose ossewaens is, is sedert 1880 toenemend gebruik om goedere mee te vervoer. Bok- waens is veral deur transportryers en boere gebruik om boumateriaal, voedsel, landbouprodukte en myntoe- rusting te vervoer.160 In 1891 word melding gemaak van ses spesiale waens wat W. Reeler, Bloemfontein se goedere-vervoerkontrakteur, uit die Kaapkolonie bestel het. Dié waens was waarskynlik ossewaens of bokwaens, aangesien dit deur osse getrek is.161

In 1892 is reiswaens (fig. 15) wat deur osse, perde of muile getrek kon word, ook in Bloemfontein ge- adverteer. Jacques Malan definieer ’n reiswa as ’n Figuur 15. ’n Reiswa van die Bristol Wagon & Carriage Works (foto: osse- of perdewa met ’n vaste tent wat soos die he- J. Malan, 1981, Rytuie van weleer, p. 91)

158 Daily Express, 13.10.1890, p. 2. 159 The Friend, 4.9.1891, p. 3; Snyman, p. 196. 160 Malan, Rytuie van weleer, pp. 32, 133; Daily Express, 12.12.1890, p. 2. 161 The Friend, 20.2.1891, p. 2. 162 The Friend, 19.1.1892, p. 2 en 24.6.1892, p. 3; Malan, Rytuie van weleer, pp. 91, 135. Indago Vol. 33 (2017) 39 is nog twee soortgelyke poswaens vir hulle deur die Die phaeton-familie Bloemfonteinse wamaker Jas. Ensor gebou.163 In die 1890’s is daar in Bloemfontein ook melding ge- maak van verskeie rytuie wat volgens Jacques Malan Daar is ook in Bloemfontein van lykswaens (fig. 16) tot die phaeton-familie behoort, onder meer die phae- gebruik gemaak wat spesiaal ontwerp is om lyke ton self, asook spaiders, hondekarre en buggies. Alle tydens begrafnisse te vervoer. Dit is gewoonlik ’n rytuie wat oop is aan die kante, met vier wiele en wat ligte, langwerpige rytuig met vier wiele en glas- of bedoel is om deur die eienaar self gedryf te word (dit houtsykante wat deur twee of vier perde getrek is.164 wil sê sonder ’n koetsierbok), is lede van bogenoemde Daar was ook kleiner kinderlykswaens165 (fig. 17) wat familie. Hierdie rytuie het ’n ligte konstruksie met een gebruik is om die stoflike oorskot van kinders tydens of twee bankies wat vorentoe kyk, met of sonder ’n kap begrafnisse te vervoer. Hierdie waentjies was kleiner en is gewoonlik deur twee perde getrek.168 as die lykswa vir volwassenes en is gewoonlik met die hand gestoot.166 Kinderlykswaens was klaarblyklik nie Phaetons (fig. 18) self was in Suid-Afrika nie so al- so algemeen nie, maar by die Waenhuismuseum167 in gemeen nie en is gewoonlik in groter dorpe en stede St. Georgestraat, Bloemfontein, word een van hierdie gebruik.169 Sakeman Arthur W. Beck en mev. H.F. Gill uitsonderlike rytuigies bewaar (fig. 17). van Bloemfontein het albei oor ’n phaeton beskik.170 In 1894 is daar in Bloemfontein ’n “vis-à-vis phaeton”171 en in 1895 ’n ligte viersitplek-vis-à-vis (fig. 19) wat blykbaar deur ponies getrek is, te koop aangebied.172

In die laat 1870’s het ’n rytuig soortgelyk aan die ligter phaetons in Suid-Afrika beskikbaar geword en

Figuur 16. ’n Lykswa uit die negentiende eeu op uitstalling in die Waenhuismuseum, Bloemfontein. (foto: Nasionale Museum)

Figuur 18. Die Paarlse rytuigmakers Retief, De Ville & Kie se New York-phaeton. (uit: J. Malan, 1981, Rytuie van weleer, p. 105)

Figuur 17. ’n Seldsame kinderlykswa op uitstalling in die Waen- Figuur 19. ’n Vis-à-vis–rytuig uit die agtiende eeu. (uit: J. Malan, huismuseum, Bloemfontein. (foto: M. Botes) 1981, Rytuie van weleer, p. 27)

163 VPAB, GS189: ouditeur-genl. – pres. Reitz en Reitz se kommentaar op brief, 23.10.1890; De Express, 11.11.1890, p. 3. Vgl. ook The Friend, 11.11.1890, p. 3, 20.3.1891, p. 3 en 26.8.1892, p. 3. 164 Malan, Rytuie van weleer, p. 135; Eerste Raadsaal- en Waenhuismuseum, St. Georgestraat, Bloemfontein, besoek 10.6.2011. 165 Die ligter lykswa of rytuig, wat met die hand gestoot is, is ook ’n lykbaar genoem. 166 Malan, Rytuie van weleer, p. 135; Eerste Raadsaal- en Waenhuismuseum, St. Georgestraat, Bloemfontein, besoek 10.6.2011. 167 ’n Satelliet van die Nasionale Museum. 168 The Friend, 17.4.1891, p. 3 en 27.5.1892, p. 3; Malan, Rytuie van weleer, p. 104. 169 Malan, Rytuie van weleer, pp. 104–105. 170 The Friend, 24.4.1889, p. 3 en 18.6.1895, p. 3. 171 Volgens Malan is die vis-à-vis nie werklik deel van die phaeton-familie nie, maar is dit eerder ’n ligte oopkoets met bankies wat na mekaar toe kyk en hoort dit eerder by die private koets-familie. Vis-à-vis is ’n Franse term wat “gesig-na-gesig” beteken. Malan, Rytuie van weleer, pp. 26, 40, 103, 136. 172 The Friend, 6.4.1894, p. 2 en 11.4.1895, p. 2. 40 Botes & Wessels—Verkeersweë en vervoer in Bloemfontein die beskrywende naam spider gekry omdat dit met sy bel-victoria met vier sitplekke ook beskikbaar was.178 groot wiele en ligte bakwerk soos ’n spinnekop lyk Volgens ’n foto van pres. Reitz en sy gesin wat in die (fig. 20). In Afrikaans is dit ’n spaider genoem. Daar 1890’s voor die Presidensie geneem is, het Reitz ’n was ’n groot verskeidenheid spaiders, maar almal het dubbel-victoria (fig. 22) besit. Hierdie rytuig sou by vier wiele gehad en is deur een of meer perde getrek.173 Reitz se status gepas het en is deur net een perd ge- Spaiders was ’n algemene gesig in Bloemfontein, ter- trek.179 wyl hondekarre, wat eintlik ook maar ’n tipe spaider is, in die 1890’s ook te koop aangebied is.174

Figuur 21. ’n Enkel-victoria wat klaarblyklik aan pres. M.T. Steyn behoort het. (uit: J. Malan, 1981, Rytuie van weleer, p. 41)

Figuur 20. ’n Spaider op uitstalling in die Waenhuismuseum, Bloem- fontein. (foto: Nasionale Museum) Private koetse In Suid-Afrika was daar hoofsaaklik drie soorte pri- vate koetse, naamlik die victoria, die landau en die brougham. Malan definieer ’n koets as ’n deftige vier- wielrytuig getrek deur vier of meer perde wat deur ’n koetsier gedryf word. Die onderskeidende kenmerk vir ’n koets is die koetsiersbok of -bank heel voor, en koetse het sitplek vir twee, vier of ses mense met ’n vaste of afslaanbare kap.175 Figuur 22. Pres. F.W. Reitz en sy gesin in ’n dubbel-victoria voor Dr. C.J.G. Krause (1825–1889)—sendeling uit Duits- die Presidensie, ca. 1894. (foto: Vrystaatse Provinsiale Argiefbe- land wat in 1854 na Bloemfontein gekom en vanweë sy waarplek) goeie mediese kennis as geneesheer gepraktiseer het, Enkele broughams180 is ook in Bloemfontein aange- pres. Reitz en regter (later pres.) M.T. Steyn het almal 181 176 tref. Die brougham is ’n ligte toekoets (fig. 23) wat ’n victoria besit. Die victoria was in verskillende klaarblyklik in 1839 deur die Britse staatsman lord modelle beskikbaar, maar het almal koetsiersbokke, Henry Brougham (1778–1868) vir een tot vier persone terwyl die bakvorm byna skuitvormig is. Victorias is ontwerp is. Die brougham, met sy vaste kap, het deure deftige rytuie met vier wiele, ’n hoë koetsiersbok en en vensters en is binne nogal luuks. Dit is getrek deur ’n afslaanbare kap wat skuiling aan passasiers gebied een of meer perde en is gedryf deur ’n koetsier wat het. Dié rytuig is laag op die grond en het geen deure buite voor op die bok gesit het.182 nie. Kenmerkend van die victoria is die vier lang, geboë modderskerms. Waar die voor- en agtermod- fietse derskerms in die middel van die rytuig bymekaarkom, In ongeveer 1888 het ’n nuwe vervoermiddel, die is die trappe. Die tweesitplek-victoria soos pres. Steyn 177 fiets, sy verskyning in Bloemfontein gemaak en teen s’n (fig. 21) was meer algemeen, hoewel die dub- 1890 was hierdie nuutjie reeds baie gewild. Baie van

173 E. Fischer, “Introduction” in Bidwell en Bidwell, p. 19; Malan, Rytuie van weleer, p. 105. 174 Daily Express, 2.8.1890, p. 2; The Friend, 20.2.1891, p. 2, 1.3.1892, p. 4 en 11.4.1895, p. 2. 175 Malan, Rytuie van weleer, p. 100. 176 Hierdie rytuig is na koningin Victoria van Brittanje vernoem. 177 Malan, Rytuie van weleer, p. 41. 178 Daily Express, 24.10.1890, p. 2; Schoeman, Bloemfontein in beeld, p. 46, foto 100. Vgl. ook Malan, Rytuie van weleer, pp. 40–41, 102. 179 VPAB, foto 725: Pres. Reitz en sy gesin in koets voor die Presidensie, 1890’s. 180 Word uitgespreek as ‘broems’. 181 Malan, Rytuie van weleer, p. 42. 182 Malan, Rytuie van weleer, pp. 12, 41–42, 103. Indago Vol. 33 (2017) 41

Figuur 24. Maitlandstraat met fietsryers en ander rytuie, ca. 1911. (foto: Nasionale Museum)

Figuur 23. Twee broughams in Bloemfontein, 1899. (foto: Nasionale opwaai nie en soms was hul uitrusting met leerom- Museum) boorsels afgewerk. Volgens Roberts het sommige ‘waagmoedige’ vroulike fietsryers selfs rompe gedra die blanke inwoners het ’n fiets aangeskaf sodat daar wat tussen die bene vasgewerk was. teen 1895 reeds van ’n “bicycle mania” gepraat kon word.183 Die eerste fiets was die sogenaamde penny Mans en seuns het meestal kuitbroeke met Norfolk- farthing met ’n groot voorwiel en ’n baie klein agter- 186 187 188 baadjies en pette vir fietsry gedra. Die fietsver- wiel. Baie gou is die penny farthing deur ’n fiets met keer in Bloemfontein het voortdurend toegeneem, twee wiele van dieselfde grootte vervang, maar nog 189 want swart mense het ook begin fietsry (fig. 24). steeds met soliede rubberbande of “bone shakers”. In 1895 het Dunlop ’n nuwe soort fietsband ontwerp, vervoermiddele van swart en bruin mense naamlik die lugband, wat bestaan het uit ’n hol rub- Teen die einde van die negentiende eeu en aan die begin berband wat met lug gevul is. Die lugband was meer van die twintigste eeu het die meerderheid swart en bruin bestand teen lekplekke, het minder stamperig gery en mense in Bloemfontein nie private vervoermiddele danksy die riwwe op die rubber, het die bande nie so 184 besit nie. Daar is min geskryf oor vervoermiddele wat maklik gegly nie. deur hulle gebruik is, maar in 1890 word daar melding gemaak van ’n “Kafir [sic] cart”, met eiervormige wiele Hoewel die eerste fiets in Frankryk ontwerp is, het die 190 en wat deur twee perde getrek is. Dit was waarskyn- Amerikaners en Engelse die uitvinding verbeter en in lik ’n selfgeboude perdekar, want uit foto’s blyk dit Suid-Afrika is fietse aanvanklik vanaf die buiteland af dat swart en bruin mense van perde- en donkiekarre ingevoer. Bekende Suid-Afrikaanse fietsvervaardigers gebruik gemaak het. Die enkel-disselboom donkie- wat in Bloemfonteinse koerante geadverteer het, was of perdekar, asook die skotskar, getrek deur donkies, onder meer Rudge & Whitworth Cycles, met takke in perde of muile, was die algemeenste private ver- Port Elizabeth, Johannesburg en Kaapstad, die Coven- voermiddel in die laat-negentiende en vroeg-twin- try Machinist’s Company wat die gewilde Swift-fiets tigste eeu onder diegene wat dit kon bekostig (fig. vervaardig het en op soek was na agente om hulle fietse 25). Hierdie karre is ook as nutsrytuie vir die vervoer te verkoop, en laastens die bekende Raleigh Cycles van brandhout, steenkool en ander goedere gebruik. wie se fietse sedert 1895 by G.A. Fichardt in Bloem- 185 Enkele meer gegoede swart en bruin mense het ook fontein te koop was. kapkarre besit (fig. 25). Ofskoon die meerderheid ge- loop het na waar hulle wou wees, het sommiges wel Almal in Bloemfontein het fietsgery—mans, vroue 191 fietsgery (fig. 24), terwyl foto’s toon dat daar in die en kinders (fig. 24). Teen 1895 was dames op fietse, swart woonbuurt Waaihoek van kapkarre en skotskarre steeds in rompe geklee, reeds ’n algemene gesig in 192 gebruik gemaak is (fig. 25). Dan het swart en bruin Bloemfontein. Die vroue het lood in die some van 193 mense ook per trein gereis. hulle rytabberd se rompe vasgewerk sodat dit nie kon

183 The Friend, 26.2.1890, p. 3; Schoeman, Bloemfontein, p. 117. 184 AREA, PV522/2/1/3: E.N. Roberts, “History Bits. Bicycles” (ongepubliseerde artikel), pp. 1–3; The Friend, 3.1.1895, p. 3. 185 The Friend, 19.6.1894, p. 3, 11.1.1895, p. 1, 22.2.1895, p. 3, 18.6.1895, 30.7.1895, p. 1 en 26.11.1895, p. 1. 186 ’n Norfolk-baadjie was ’n lospassende baadjie met een ry knope wat hoog teen die nek vasgemaak het, met stolpplooie (box pleats) op elke voorpant en in die middel van die rug, groot sakke op die heupe, met ’n gordel of halfgordel van dieselfde materiaal. Norfolk-baadjies is gewoonlik van tweed gemaak en die baadjie het tot in die middel van die dy gestrek. “Victorian Men’s Fashions, 1850–1900: Coats and Jackets”, http://www.victorianweb. org/art/costume/nunn18.html (geraadpleeg 30.7.2012). 187 Pette, wat dikwels deur mans vir sportgeleenthede gedra is, is in die winter gewoonlik van tweed of wol gemaak en in die somer van ligter materiale soos katoen of linne. 188 De Burger, 3.7.1895, p. 2; AREA, PV522/2/1/3: Roberts, “History Bits. Bicycles”, p. 3. 189 Schoeman, Bloemfontein, p. 193. 190 Daily Express, 29.4.1890, p. 2; Schoeman, Bloemfontein in beeld, p. 75, foto 162. 191 NM, 01/3757: foto, Maitlandstraat met fietsryers, ca. 1911. 192 NM, 01/419: foto, straat in Waaihoek, ca. 1900. 193 De Express, 21.2.1891, p. 3; The Friend, 11.12.1892, p. 3. 42 Botes & Wessels—Verkeersweë en vervoer in Bloemfontein

Figuur 25. Straattoneel in die swart woonbuurt Waaihoek, ca. 1900, met ’n kapkar en skotskarre, vervoermiddele wat deur swart en bruin mense gebruik is. (foto: Nasionale Museum)

SPOORWEGONTWIKKELING EN TREINE goud aan die Witwatersrand in 1886 en die markte wat dit geskep het, asook die druk verkeer deur die Vry- Tydens pres. J.H. Brand se bewind (1864–1888) is staat na die goudvelde, het tot handelsopbloei in die aandag geskenk aan die moontlikheid van ’n spoorlyn Vrystaat en veral in Bloemfontein gelei, wat weer die om Bloemfontein met die kus te verbind. Reeds in aanleg van die spoorlyn vanaf Norvalspont na Bloem- 1862 is die eerste spoorlyn in Suid-Afrika wat tussen fontein bespoedig het. In Julie 1888, skaars ’n week twee dorpe geloop het, tussen Kaapstad en Wellington voor Brand se dood, het die Volksraad die aanleg van aangelê, en in 1884 het die spoorlyn vanaf Kaapstad ’n spoorlyn deur die Vrystaat in beginsel goedgekeur die Vrystaatse grens by die Oranjerivier bereik. Dit en in Januarie 1889 het die Volksraad, na ’n ellelange was ’n gulde geleentheid om die spoorlyn vanaf Nor- beraadslaging, met 35 stemme teen 17 besluit om valspont aan die Oranjerivier tot by Bloemfontein te die spoorlyn, wanneer dit Bloemfontein bereik het, verleng, maar sekere groepe in die Vrystaat was gekant na die Vaalrivier te verleng.196 Die spoorlyn vanaf teen die spoorwegontwikkeling. Terwyl die aanlê van Norvalspont tot by Bloemfontein is deur die Kaapse spoorlyne in die Vrystaat veral na die ontdekking van spoorwegowerhede per konsessie op hulle koste goud in 1886 aan die Witwatersrand en die bykomende gebou en eers in 1897 het die Vrystaatse regering die markte wat dit sou meebring, groot steun in Bloemfon- spoorwegstelsel van die Kaapkolonie oorgeneem en tein geniet het, was die inwoners van die Vrystaatse bedryf.197 platteland en kleiner Vrystaatse dorpe oor die alge- meen nie ten gunste van spoorwegontwikkeling nie Bloemfontein se stadsraad en meeste inwoners was en hulle verteenwoordigers in die Vrystaatse Volks- ten gunste van die spoorlyn omdat hulle die ekono- raad het dit tydens Volksraadsvergaderings duidelik miese voordele van ’n spoorlyn deur Bloemfontein gemaak.194 besef het.198 Die stadsraad het besluit om grond vir die spoorwegstasie en woonplek vir spoorwegwerkers Ofskoon die kwessie sedert 1875 jaarliks in die Volks- “ten oosten van den stad en ten noorden van de Spruit, raad bespreek is, was die “remskoen-party” in die en zijn gelegen in Hanger- en Bergstraat”199 beskikbaar Volksraad daarteen gekant omdat hulle bang was dat te stel. Die naderende spoorlyn en bouwerk aan die die spoorlyn die OVS meer afhanklik van die Kaap stasiegebou het groot opwinding onder Bloemfontein sou maak. Daar was ook ’n vrees vir die onkoste se inwoners veroorsaak. Op 10 Oktober 1890 het die en moontlike skuld wat spoorwegontwikkeling kon eerste lokomotief die Vrystaatse hoofstad nie-amptelik meebring. Die transportryers, wat goedere met waens binnegestoom (fig. 26). Die koms van die spoorlyn na tussen die hawens en Bloemfontein vervoer het, was Bloemfontein is een van die ingrypendste gebeure in uiteraard bang dat die koms van treine hulle hul bron die negentiende eeuse geskiedenis van die Vrystaatse van inkomste kon ontneem.195 hoofstad en met die opening van die spoor is drie dae lank fees gevier. Op 17 Desember 1890 het die eerste Pres. Brand, wat die ekonomiese voordele van die amptelike trein, sy lokomotief met Vrystaatse, Trans- spoorlyn besef het, was ’n voorstander daarvan, maar vaalse en Britse vlae versier, die Bloemfontein-stasie het heftige teenstand ondervind. Die ontdekking van onder ’n boog van immergroen plante binnegestoom

194 M.C.E. van Schoor, “Spoorwegontwikkeling in die republiek van die Oranje-Vrystaat”, South African Railways and Harbours Magazine, March 1946, pp. 196–197. 195 S. Leviseur, “My most memorable day in Bloemfontein: the coming of the railway”, Supplement to The Friend, 21.3.1946, p. 59; Snyman, p. 143. 196 OVS Volksraadsnotule, 16–17 Januarie 1889. Vgl. ook Schoeman, Bloemfontein, p. 110; Snyman, pp. 142–144. 197 Bloemfontein Directory 1898, p. 31; Schoeman, Bloemfontein, p. 138. 198 Van Schoor, “Spoorwegontwikkeling”, p. 197. 199 VPAB, MBL1/1/1/5: Stadsraadsnotule, 7.11.1889. Indago Vol. 33 (2017) 43 en die sykoord wat oor die spoor gespan is, gebreek. Onder “blazen en snorken” van die lokomotief het pres. Reitz die spoorlyn oop verklaar, waarna die fees- telikhede begin het.200 Die eerste lokomotiewe wat in die Vrystaat diens gedoen het, is ’n opsigtelike helder oranje kleur geverf, om te pas by die naam van die republiek, naamlik Oranje-Vrystaat.201

Figuur 27. Vertrek van passasierstreine op Bloemfontein-stasie, ca. 1900. (foto: Nasionale Museum)

Sy skryf in haar herinneringe dat daar ’n stadige trein en ’n sneltrein was. Die stadige trein het bedags teen ongeveer vier myl per uur (6 km per uur) aangekruie, terwyl die sneltrein snags teen ongeveer 19 myl per uur Figuur 26. Die eerste lokomotief in gebruik op die spoorlyn vanaf (30 km per uur) voortgestoom het. Volgens Balfour Norvalspont tot Bloemfontein. Afgeneem op Kaalspruit naby was treinvervoer in Suid-Afrika in die 1890’s baie ge- Bloemfontein deur H.B. Austin in September 1890. (foto: Nasionale maklik, maar die treine was nie vinnig nie. Ook was Museum) daar dikwels oponthoude in die vorm van vee of sprin- Nadat die spoorlyn vanaf Norvalspont Bloemfontein kane op die spoor, waarvoor die trein genoodsaak was bereik het, is daar dadelik begin met die verlenging na om te wag. Sprinkane was so ’n plaag dat derduisende die Vaalrivier. Sedert die opening van die Bloemfon- van hulle doodgery is, met die gevolg dat die spoor só tein-Norvalspont spoorlyn teen die einde van 1890, het glad begin raak het van die sprinkaan-oorblyfsels, dat die treine moes wag totdat die spoor skoongemaak kon goedere- en passasiersverkeer met die koloniale dorpe 207 geweldig toegeneem202 (fig. 27). Die Vrystaatse hoof- word, anders het die treinwiele gegly. stad is in September 1892 per spoor met Johannesburg en in Januarie 1893 met Pretoria verbind203 en in Junie Stoomtreine is ook in ’n beperkte mate vir padver- 1893 kon The Friend berig dat baie mense per trein via voer gebruik. Die veevrektes tydens die runderpes Bloemfontein na Transvaal gereis het. Waar reise na van 1896–1897 het Vrystaatse inwoners en sakelui die Kaapkolonie per ossewa soms maande geduur het, ook na vervoermiddele wat nie van diere afhanklik was Port Elizabeth per trein nou net 24 uur vêr, terwyl was nie, laat kyk. In 1897 het ’n straatlokomotief, wat Kaapstad binne 34 uur bereik kon word.204 deur ’n stoomenjin aangedryf is, vir die eerste keer sy verskyning in Bloemfontein se strate gemaak. Die Hoewel die Kamer van Koophandel hom aktief vir besturende direkteur van die Koffiefonteinse Diamant- die bou van ’n spoorlyn tussen Bloemfontein en die maatskappy, Alfred Moseley, het die straatlokomotief diamantvelde van Kimberley beywer het en die Volks- spesiaal vanaf Brittanje ingevoer omdat daar tydens raad in 1895 die bou van hierdie spoorlyn goedgekeur die runderpes te min gesonde osse was om brandstof het, is dit eers na die Anglo-Boereoorlog voltooi.205 aan te ry, met die gevolg dat die myn se produksie Treine is dikwels vertraag deur ontsporings, ongeluk- aansienlik gedaal het. Voordat die straatlokomotief na Koffiefontein gestuur is, is dit in Februarie 1897 eers ke, spoorlyne en brûe wat beskadig is of weggespoel 208 het, asook deur sprinkane of diere op die spoor.206 in Bloemfontein gedemonstreer.

Alice Blanche Balfour, ’n reisiger wat Bloemfontein in 1894 besoek het, het per trein vanaf Kaapstad gereis.

200 Leviseur, “My most memorable day”, p. 59; Schoeman, Bloemfontein, pp. 110–112. 201 De Express, 21.10.1890, p. 2; The Friend, 31.10.1890, p. 3. Vgl. ook M. Botes, “Die Vrystaat se oranje choo-choo”, Culna 61, November 2006, p. 9. 202 Snyman, p. 196. 203 “Geweldige groei van spoorweë in OVS”, OVS eeufees-bylaag tot Die Vaderland, 13.2.1954, p. 7; G.J. Lamprecht, Die ekonomiese ontwikkeling van die Vrystaat van 1870 tot 1899 (D.Phil. – proefskrif), p. 244. 204 The Friend, 2.2.1892, p. 2 en 13.6.1893, p. 3; Schoeman, Bloemfontein, pp. 112–114. 205 The Friend, 21.5.1895, p. 1; “How Chamber of Commerce has served the Free State for 63 years”, Bloemfontein’s centenary 1846–1946, supplement to The Friend, 21.3.1946, p. 63. 206 Daily Express, 29.12.1890, p. 4; The Friend, 2.2.1892, pp. 2–3. 207 Balfour, pp. 34–35, 39. 208 The Friend (Daily Edition), 4.2.1897, p. 2; Groenewald, pp. 108–109. 44 Botes & Wessels—Verkeersweë en vervoer in Bloemfontein

Belangstellende inwoners het in die hoofstad of omdraai van rytuie op brûe of by die toegang tot saamgedrom om te kyk of ’n stoomenjin beter as osse brûe was verbode. Dit is ten strengste belet om met of ander trekdiere is. Hooggeplaastes, soos die staats- perde, kruiwaens, fietse en rytuie op enige sypaadjie president, goewermentsekretaris, Volksraadslede en of voetpad te beweeg. Persone wat verkeersregulasies burgemeester, het ook die geleentheid bygewoon en oortree het, moes voor die landdros van Bloemfontein die orkes van die Vrystaatse Artillerie het musiek verskyn en is gewoonlik ’n boete of selfs gevangenis- verskaf. Die straatlokomotief is die President Steyn straf opgelê.212 genoem en die president het sy naamgenoot voor sy nooiensrit gedoop. Die demonstrasie het nie sonder VERKEERSTOENAME EN PROBLEME voorval verloop nie, want by die Tweetoringkerk in Charlesstraat het die enjin probleme ondervind. Dit is Met die aanlê van die spoor tot by Bloemfontein het gou uitgestryk, sodat die rit kon voortgaan. Tog kon handel ’n groot opbloei beleef sodat verkeer in die die demonstrasie die toeskouers, waaronder ’n aantal strate al hoe meer toegeneem het.213 Tydens stads- boere, nie heeltemal van die straatlokomotief se nut- raadsvergaderings is reeds in 1890 opgemerk dat rytuie tigheid oortuig nie. Op ’n gelyk straat sou hy dalk en waens onverskillig ry en dikwels ’n gevaar vir voet- van nut kon wees om waens of ander vervoermiddele gangers en ander padgebruikers is. Transportwaens te trek, maar die straatlokomotief sou hom nog eers vol produkte het strate en deurgange so geblokkeer dat deur driwwe en teen steil opdraandes op moes bewys, ander rytuie baie moeilik kon verbykom, wat dikwels veral in reënweer, wanneer strate en paaie dikwels in tot ongelukke gelei het. In 1895 was daar klagtes dat modder verander het.209 waens en osse die hele Markplein en Adderleystraat volgestaan het.214 Bouers het dikwels die helfte van VERKEERSREGULASIES die straat waar hulle werk met boumateriaal beset, sodat rytuie en waens kwalik daar kon verbykom. Reeds in 1890 het Artikel 130 van die munisipale Verder het inwoners soms rytuie met ingespande perde regulasies bepaal dat geen rytuig of ander voorwerpe sonder toesig in die strate gelaat en wanneer perde dan langer as 48 uur in enige openbare pad, plein, deurgang vir iets geskrik en weggehardloop het, is rytuie dikwels of plek mag staan nie. Verder moes rytuie in enige beskadig en perde soms beseer.215 openbare straat of plek, veral na sononder, nie in die pad van enige ander verkeer wees nie en moes so na Omdat Bloemfontein se inwoners nie aan sulke hewige as moontlik aan mure of huise parkeer word, sonder verkeer gewoond was nie, is daar gou gekla dat die om enige ingang te versper.210 strate van die hoofstad onveilig en selfs lewensgevaar- lik vir veral voetgangers geword het. Daar is ook In 1891 is verder bepaal dat geen rytuig of enige ander opgemerk dat die strate te nou was vir al die rytuie, obstruksie tussen sonop en sononder in enige straat, dat leë waens dae lank voor winkels gestaan en die pad voetpad, gang, of enige openbare deurgang gelaat versper het, dat verkeersregulasies nie nagekom is nie mag word vir ’n tydperk langer as wat dit absoluut en dat die drywers van rytuie en kebs uiters vinnig en nodig was om goedere op of af te laai nie. Geen ry- onverskillig deur Bloemfontein se strate gejaag het. tuig of ander obstruksie sou toegelaat word om enige Verder is voetpaadjies deur handelsware en boumate- straat, voetpad of enige ander openbare deurgang te riaal versper, sodat voetgangers met lewensgevaar in blokkeer of toegang daartoe te belemmer nie, ook nie die besige strate moes loop.216 snags nie.211 Rytuie in die strate het mekaar na willekeur links of In 1892 is die verkeersregulasies verder uitgebrei om regs verbygesteek, terwyl drywers van waens met die te bepaal dat iemand wat besig was met bouwerk of geklap van hulle lang swepe perde verskrik en voet- die verkoping van goedere, nie meer as ’n vierde van gangers in gevaar gestel het. Gevolglik het perde op die betrokke straat in beslag kon neem nie. Die geklap loop gegaan of verbygangers geskop, rytuie het soms van swepe in openbare strate is streng verbied. Verder omgeslaan, voetgangers is deur swepe raak geslaan en is bepaal dat perderuiters en drywers van enige tipe mense het onder rytuie se wiele beland. Hoewel die rytuig verplig was om straathoeke baie stadig te be- gebruik van swepe in die dorp deur verkeersregulasies nader en deurgaans aan die linkerkant van die pad te verbied is, het sekere wadrywers hulle nie daaraan ge- hou, ook wanneer brûe oorgesteek word. Die stilhou steur nie. Verder was die straatbeligting onvoldoende,

209 Daily Express, 8.2.1897, p. 3; The Friend, 4.2.1897, p. 2. 210 Daily Express, 28.11.1890, p. 3. 211 The Friend, 22.5.1891, p. 2, 23.6.1891, p. 3 en 6.10.19891, pp. 2–3. 212 “Regulatien voor de goede orde in de stad Bloemfontein”, Gouvernements Courant, 22.4.1892; The Friend, 20.2.1891, p. 2, 26.4.1892, p. 2 en 1.12.1893, p. 2. 213 The Friend, 13.3.1891, p. 2, 16.10.1891, pp. 2–3 en 10.11.1891, pp. 2–3. 214 The Friend, 4.8.1891, p. 2, 16.10.1891, p. 3 en 2.8.1895, p. 2. 215 Daily Express, 23.5.1890, p. 3; The Friend, 15.1.1890, p. 3, 27.3.1891, p. 3 en 16.10.1891, pp. 2–3. 216 The Friend, 13.3.1891, p. 2, 14.7.1891, p. 2, 31.7.1891, p. 2, 4.8.1891, p. 2, 8.9.1891, p. 3, 6.10.1891, p. 2, 13.10.1891, p. 2 en 11.3.1892, pp. 2–3. Indago Vol. 33 (2017) 45 veral in sommige strate in die middel van die dorp wat het ook plaasgevind, wat gewoonlik weer die perde baie verkeer gedra het. In 1894 was daar klagtes dat op loop laat sit het sodat verdere skade of beserings groepe mense, wit en swart, in die strate staan, wat hierdeur veroorsaak is. Wanneer Bloemspruit in vloed weer die pad vir rytuie versper het.217 was, is rytuie soms deur die stroom meegesleur.221

“woest rijden” Inwoners, ook kinders, wat op perde of op donkies Voor en nadat genoemde verkeersregulasies ingestel gery het, is dikwels deur hierdie rydiere afgegooi of is, het koerantberigte met opskrifte soos “Woest Rij- selfs geskop, terwyl perde soms voetgangers beseer den”, “Furious Driving”, “Careless Driving”, “Sad het.222 Ook fietsryers het soms met rytuie gebots of Accident”, “Alarming Accident”, “Terrible And Fatal geval en onder perde se hoewe beland.223 In die ge- Post Cart Accident”, “A Narrow Escape”, “Amper raadpleegde bronne kon geen statistiek oor die aantal Overreden” en “Serious Carriage Accident”, gereeld ongelukke opgespoor word nie. in die plaaslike koerante verskyn.218 Sedert 1890 was daar ook treinongelukke in die Perderuiters en drywers van rytuie het soms onver- omgewing van Bloemfontein waarin passasiers, trein- skillig en dikwels heeltemal te vinnig gery vir die drywers en diere beseer of gedood is. Selfs wanneer verkeerstoestande van die tyd – dermate dat daar ongelukke nie naby Bloemfontein plaasgevind het nie, van “Woest Rijden” gepraat is. Reeds in die 1880’s was sommige van die passasiers, drywers en stokers is spoedbeperkings ingestel wat bepaal het dat enige wat beseer is, inwoners van Bloemfontein.224 perd of rytuig wat deur perde getrek is, nie vinniger as agt myl (sowat 13 km per uur) op ’n reguit pad en Voetgangers, veral kinders, asook passasiers in ry- nie vinniger as ses myl (sowat 10 km per uur) oor ’n tuie, is soms deur treine raakgery en beseer of gedood. brug of om ’n hoek mog ry nie. Dit is uiteraard nie ’n Paar keer het van die inwoners byna tussen die altyd nagekom nie. Verder was rytuie, asook trek- en platform en die bewegende trein ingeval nadat hulle rydiere, baie gevaarlike vervoermiddele indien hulle probeer het om passasiers in die bewegende trein vanaf nie behendig hanteer is nie. Dit het dikwels gebeur die platform te groet. In 1892 het ’n beskonke man dat perde met ’n rytuig op loop gesit het en dan het tussen die platform en bewegende trein ingeval en is van die passasiers uitgeval en seergekry, of is voet- redelik ernstig beseer.225 gangers verskrik of beseer. Rytuie het ook van tyd tot tyd omgeslaan met die gevolg dat passasiers uitgegooi Spoorwegwerkers is nogal dikwels beseer en selfs en beseer is.219 gedood wanneer hulle op die voetplaat of die baan- ruimer226 buite die stadig bewegende trein gestaan of ongelukke afgespring het om waens of trokke aan mekaar te kop- Ongelukke het uiteraard ook nie uitgebly nie. Daar pel, of in die uitvoering van hulle pligte voor ’n trein was heelwat ongelukke met poskarre en poskoetse, beland het.227 In 1894 het ’n rangeerder, ene Ded- terwyl private en huurrytuie in Bloemfontein ook in wydd, se voet tussen die spoor en ’n veiligheidstaaf ongelukke betrokke was. In die tydgenootlike koe- vasgehaak terwyl hy by die Bloemfontein-stasie besig rante lees mens dikwels van kebs, rytuie en waens wat was om ’n trok aan ’n lokomotief te koppel, en is sy omgeslaan het, of van passasiers, veral kinders, wat been ernstig beseer.228 Treine het soms beeste of ander uit rytuie geval en beseer is. Soms het insittendes of diere op die spoor getref, veral snags wanneer sig swak drywers van kebs, rytuie en waens wat uitgeval het, was, terwyl botsings tussen treine wel van tyd tot tyd ook onder die wiele van die rytuig beland, met ernstige voorgekom het. Deur hierdie ongelukke is treine dik- gevolge. Dikwels het insittendes net groot geskrik en wels vertraag.229 ’n paar skrape opgedoen, maar soms is inwoners ern- stig beseer of selfs gedood.220 Botsings tussen rytuie

217 De Burger, 20.2.1895, p. 2; The Friend, 13.3.1891, p. 2, 14.7.1891, p. 2, 31.7.1891, p. 2, 4.8.1891, p. 2, 8.9.1891, p. 3, 6.10.1891, p. 2, 11.3.1892, pp. 2–3, 7.12.1894, p. 3 en 20.4.1894, p. 3. 218 The Friend, 12.3.1890, p. 3, 20.2.1891, p. 2, 17.4.1891, p. 3, 4.9.1891, p. 3, 27.5.1892, p. 3, 16.9.1892, pp. 2–3, 27.1.1893, p. 3 en 8.5.1894, p. 3. 219 De Burger, 6.6.1894, p. 2; The Friend, 12.3.1890, p. 3, 2.4.1890, p. 5, 13.3.1891, p. 3; 17.4.1891, p. 3 en 1.8.1899, p. 3. Vgl. ook J. Haasbroek, “Van- melewe se woest rijden in Bloemfontein”, Nasionale Museum Nuus 26, April 1984, pp. 26–27 en Snyman, p. 196. 220 De Burger, 5.5.1894, p. 2 en 19.9.1894, p. 2; The Friend, 30.1.1889, p. 3, 4.3.1892, p. 2, 27.5.1892, p. 3, 15.11.1892, p. 3, 19.1.1894, p. 3, 13.2.1894, p. 3, 13.11.1894, p. 3 en 26.7.1895, p. 3. 221 The Friend, 19.5.1891, p. 3, 23.1.1894, p. 3, 26.1.1894, p. 2, 21.9.1894, p. 2 en 26.7.1895, p. 3; De Burger, 6.6.1894, p. 2 en 19.9.1894, p. 2. 222 Daily Express, 31.7.1890, p. 3 en 1.8.1890, p. 3; The Friend, 6.8.1890, p. 2, 6.1.1891, p. 3, 10.2.1891, p. 3, 14.4.1891, p. 3 en 1.7.1892, pp. 2–3. 223 Daily Express, 17.4.1890, p. 3; The Friend, 22.4.1890, p. 10. 224 The Friend, 14.11.1890, p. 3, 6.1.1891, p. 3 en 13.8.1895, p. 3. 225 The Friend, 20.1.1891, p. 3, 3.2.1891, p. 3, 5.5.1891, p. 3, 12.1.1892, pp. 2–3 en 29.12.1891, pp. 2–3. 226 Staan in Engels as “cow catcher” bekend. 227 The Friend, 10.4.1891, p. 3, 26.6.1891, p. 3, 22.9.1891, p. 3, 17.11.1891, p. 2 en 27.12.1892, p. 3. 228 De Burger, 5.5.1894, p. 2; The Friend, 4.5.1894, p. 2. 229 De Burger, 2.5.1894, p. 2; The Friend, 17.2.1891, p. 3, 1.5.1891, p. 3, 17.7.1891, p. 2, 29.3.1892, p. 3, 1.4.1892, p. 2, 6.9.1892, p. 2, 10.1.1893, p. 3, 1.5.1894, p. 2, 13.8.1895, p. 3 en 8.10.1895, p. 2. 46 Botes & Wessels—Verkeersweë en vervoer in Bloemfontein

SLOT van Bloemfontein na Kimberley is eers na afloop van die Anglo-Boereoorlog voltooi. Gevolglik is bok- of As gevolg van die ontdekking van diamante en goud transportwaens steeds gebruik om goedere vanaf die in Suid-Afrika, asook die koms van die spoorlyn en naaste hawens soos Port Elizabeth en Oos-Londen na treinvervoer na Bloemfontein in die laat-negentiende Bloemfontein te vervoer. Ofskoon die spoorlyn tus- eeu, is handel bevorder en het die Vrystaatse hoofstad sen die Kaap en Transvaal voor die Anglo-Boereoorlog vinnig ontwikkel en meer welvarend geraak. Danksy die enigste was wat Bloemfontein bereik het, was dit hierdie ontwikkeling is strate en straatbeligting ver- voldoende om die lewe in die Vrystaatse hoofstad in- beter, nuwe strate en sypaadjies gemaak en sterker brûe grypend te verander. gebou. Inwoners het in die groter welvaart gedeel en meer welgestelde inwoners kon dus ’n verskeidenheid ERKENNINGS rytuie, wat deur perde getrek is, vir private gebruik aanskaf. Openbare vervoer het steeds in gewildheid Ons opregte dank aan die Direkteur en Raad van die toegeneem namate die vroeëre isolasie van Bloemfon- Nasionale Museum, vir die geleentheid om hierdie ar- tein verbreek is en verskeie rytuie is hiervoor gebruik. tikel te publiseer, asook aan die beoordelaars, dr. Bart Verkeer in die Vrystaatse hoofstad het toegeneem en de Graaff (Middelburg, Nederland) en prof. emeri- ongelukke het dus nie uitgebly nie. Gevolglik moes tus Fransjohan Pretorius (Universiteit van Pretoria) strenger verkeersregulasies ingestel en toegepas word. vir hulle nuttige wenke. ’n Woord van dank ook aan NB-uitgewers, ’n afdeling van Media24 Boeke, vir Hoewel daar in die 1890’s sprake was van verdere toestemming om foto’s van verskeie rytuie uit die pub- spoorwegontwikkeling, het die spoorlyn vanuit Natal likasie deur Jacques Malan, Rytuie van weleer (1981) voorlopig by Harrismith geëindig en die spoorlyn te publiseer.

BRONNE

I Argivale Bronne GS189: Inkomende stukke, Bloemfontein, September – De- sember 1890. AREA: Argief vir Eietydse Aangeleenthede, Universiteit GS191: Inkomende stukke, Bloemfontein, Maart – Junie van die Vrystaat, Bloemfontein 1891. E.N. Roberts-versameling (PV522) 2/1/1: Aantekeninge en herinneringe. Argief van die Hoë Kommissaris (OSH) 2/1/2 – 2/1/4: Artikels, geskrifte en aantekeninge. OSH13: Proklamasies en regeringskennisgewings, Februa- rie 1848 – April 1854. KPAB: Kaapse Provinsiale Argiefbewaarplek, Kaapstad Argief van die British Resident, Bloemfontein (GH) Karel Schoeman-versameling (A507) GH10/1: British Resident, Griqualand: acceptance of situa- A507/3: Koerantknipsels, 1890–1955. tion – spot chosen for Residency, February 1846. A507/4: Gedenkbylaes van The Friend oor Bloemfontein en die OVS, 1946–1954. VPAB: Vrystaatse Provinsiale Argiefbewaarplek A507/6: Korrespondensie i.v.m. die geskiedenis van Bloem- Ongepubliseerde bronne fontein en herinneringe van ou inwoners van Bloemfontein, Abraham Fischer-versameling (A59) o.a. mev. Josephine Pritchard, mev. Blanca Marais en mej. A59/8/2: Korrespondensie met verskeie persone, 1889– Rose Ehrlich. 1906. A59/9/3: Oranje en Blou Boeke en diverse dokumente i.v.m. Argief van die stadsklerk van Bloemfontein (MBL) OVS Spoorweë, 1889–1897. MBL1/1/5: Notule, stadsraadsvergaderings,1889. MBL3/1/2: Burgemeestersverslag, 31 Aug. 1889 en 31 Aug. Argief van die Goewermentsekretaris (GS) 1890. GS183: Inkomende stukke, Bloemfontein, Februarie – Junie MBL3/1/3: Burgemeestersverslag, 31 Aug. 1892. 1889. GS185: Inkomende stukke, Bloemfontein, September – De- The Friend-versameling (A566) sember 1889. A566/134: Praatjie deur argitek W. Rhodes Harrison oor ou GS186: Inkomende stukke, Bloemfontein, Desember 1889 Bloemfontein op 8.3.1957. – April 1890. GS187: Inkomende stukke, Bloemfontein, April – Junie II Staats publikasies 1890. Bloemfontein Corporation. 1892. Mayor’s minute 1st GS188: Inkomende stukke, Bloemfontein, Junie – Septem- September, 1891 to 31st August, 1892. Bloemfontein: ber 1890. Barlow Brothers. Indago Vol. 33 (2017) 47

Bloemfontein Corporation. Mayor’s minute 1st September, Malan, J.H. Die opkoms van ’n republiek of die geskiedenis 1892 to 31st August, 1893. Bloemfontein: Barlow Bro- van die Oranje-Vrystaat tot die jaar 1863. Bloemfon- thers, 1893. tein: Nasionale Pers, 1929. Census 1890 (Verslag van den census genomen op 31 Maart Malan, J. Rytuie van weleer. ’n Monografie van die Na- 1890). Bloemfontein: C. Borckenhagen, 1890. sionale Kultuurhistoriese en Opelugmuseum, Pretoria. De Gouvernements Courant, 1889–1900. Pretoria: J.L. van Schaik, 1981. Notulen der verrichtingen van den hoogedelen Volksraad Midgley, J.F. The Orange River Sovereignty (1848–1854), van den Oranjevrijstaat, 1889–1892. Bloemfontein: C. Argiefjaarboek vir Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis 12 (2). Borckenhagen, s.a. Parow: Die Staatsdrukker, 1949. Stadsraad, Bloemfontein. Verslag van den burgemeester van Muller, H.P.N. Oude tyden in den Oranje-Vrystaat; naar Bloemfontein, voor het jaar eindigende 31sten Augustus H.A.L. 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Schuur, H. “Quiet, peaceful days when one could dream”, “Lake colours”, http://www.standardcon. com/lakecolours. The Friend, 19.2.1954. htm (geraadpleeg 2.8.2012). Van Schoor, M.C.E. “OVS presidente het luister aan die “Pigments”, http://www.visual-arts-cork.com/artist-paints/ modelrepubliek verleen”, Die republikeinse byvoegsel colour-pigmentshtm (geraadpleeg 2.8.2012). tot Die Volksblad, Februarie 1954. “Lake”, http:/www.thefreedictionary.com/Lake (geraad- Van Schoor, M.C.E. “Spoorwegontwikkeling in die repu- pleeg 2.8.2012). bliek van die Oranje-Vrystaat”, South African Railways “Omnibus”, http:// www.audioenglish.net/dictionary/omni- and Harbours Magazine, March 1946. bus.htm (geraadpleeg 1.8.2012). “Walks about Bloemfontein V – Our streets”, De Express, “Victorian men’s fashions, 1850–1900: Coats and Jackets”, 17.8.1882. http://www.victorianweb.org/art/costume/ nunn18.html “When city engineer was paid £5 per month”, Supplement (geraadpleeg 30.7.2012). to The Friend, 21.3.1946. “South Africa: Historical demographical data of the urban centers”, http://www.populstat.info/Africa/safricat.htm VII Jaarboeke en gidse (geraadpleeg 5.12.2017). Bloemfontein Directory, 1898. Bloemfontein: Barlow “Wagonette”, http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/ Brothers, 1898. wagonette (geraadpleeg 1.8.2012). De Express almanak en kalender, 1895. Bloemfontein: C.F. “Wagonette”, http://www.thefreedictionary.com/wagonette Borckenhagen [1895]. (geraadpleeg 1.8.2012). Het Vrijstaatsch jaarboek en almanak, 1893. Bloemfontein: “When Cobb & Co. was king”, http://www.cobbandco.net. Barlow Brothers, 1892. au/features/68-when-cobb-a-co-was-king.html (geraad- pleeg 4.8.2012). VIII Ongepubliseerde verslae Philip, L. Phase 1 impact assessment of the dormant Jagers- X Museum- en visuele bronne fontein mine (Free State) in terms of archaeological and Eerste Raadsaal- en Waenhuismuseum, Bloemfontein other heritage sites. Unpublished report, National Mu- Eerste Raadsaal- en Waenhuismuseum, St. Georgestraat, seum, Bloemfontein, 31.03.2009. Bloemfontein, besoek 10.6.2011.

IX Internetbronne Nasionale Museum, Bloemfontein “Convert British Pound Sterling to South African Rand”, GD1255: “Generaal plan van de stad Bloemfontein, http://www.themoneyconverter.com (geraadpleeg saamgesteld en verkleind van de oorspronklyke en 5.12.2017). supplementaireplannen van de Heeren G. Baumann, E. “Electricity in South Africa – Early Years”, http://www. Bourdillon & A.A. Ortlepp, Gouvt. Landmeters, door J.J. eskom.co.za/sites/heritage/Pages/early-years.aspx (ge- Herfst, Dec. 1896 (retraced by W. Josephs, July 1901).” raadpleeg 7.12.2017). 01/419: foto, straat in Waaihoek, ca. 1900. “Historic inflation calculator: how the value of money has 01/1370: foto, Gordonstraatbrug oor spruit, ca. 1894. changed since 1900”, http://www.thisismoney.co.uk/ 01/2218: foto, Kerkstraatbrug, ca. 1892. money/bills/article-1633409/Historic-inflation-calcula- 01/3757: foto, Maitlandstraat met fietsryers, ca. 1911. tor-value-money-changed-1900.html#ixzz50NJFZRbx (geraadpleeg 5.12.2017). Vrystaatse Provinsiale Argiefbewaarplek “Macadam road construction”, https://global.britannica. Foto 725: Pres. Reitz en sy gesin in rytuig voor die Presi- com/technology/macadam-road-construction (geraad- densie, 1890’s. pleeg 3.5.2017). Indago Vol. 33 (2017) 49

NATURAL SCIENCES Indago, Vol. 33, 2017, pp. 49–56 Further evidence in support of the status of small mammals as ecological indicators in areas cleared of alien vegetation in South Africa

1 1,2,* Jean J. de Klerk & Nico L. Avenant

1 Centre for Environmental Management, University of the Free State, Bloemfontein, South Africa 2 Department of Mammalogy, National Museum, Bloemfontein, South Africa *Corresponding author: [email protected] Abstract Small mammal communities are potential indicators of habitat integrity in southern African grassland ecosystems. As such, the assessment of small mammal diversity and community structure in rehabilitated areas could allow judgments to be made regarding the success of implemented eradication programs. In this study evidence in support of their status as ecological indicators is presented by investigating small mammals in an area cleared of alien vegetation in the Albany Thicket Biome of the Eastern Cape Province, South Africa. Small mammal community variables were studied in a degraded area infested with alien black wattle (Acacia mearnsii), an area cleared of black wattle, and a control area with no records of alien vegetation. During 5 400 trap nights 690 individuals were captured, with an overall trap success of 12.8%. Significant differences were found between degraded, rehabilitated and control plots. Small mammal total abundance, individual species’ abundance, rela- tive abundance, species richness, and diversity were highest in the control plot and lowest in the infested plot. Intermediate values were obtained in the rehabilitated plot; most of these were significantly higher than in the infested area. One year after rehabilitation the rehabilitated plot shared a Bray-Curtis similarity value of 0.93 with the control plot, markedly higher than with the infested plot (0.67). This case study is applicable to rehabilitation, habitat integrity and environmental management. Keywords: community structure, ecological integrity, indicators, small mammals, succession. INTRODUCTION sustainable habitat management (see Carey & John- son 1995; Ferreira & Van Aarde 1997; Avenant 2000, Alien invasive plant species pose a major threat to 2003, 2011; Kaminski et al. 2004; Avenant & Caval- biodiversity worldwide. In South Africa over 200 in- lini 2007; Avenant, Watson & Schulze 2008). This troduced plant species have been classified as invasive group responds relatively quickly to changing envi- (Poona 2001; Chamier et al. 2012) and are consi- ronmental conditions, is adapted to microhabitats (and dered to be the most significant threat to biodiversity is therefore affected by small-scale changes), and can after direct habitat destruction (Holmes et al. 2000). be utilised as an inexpensive, relatively quick, esti- Alien invasives are associated with various negative mate of habitat health and improvement (Avenant & impacts, both direct (e.g. native species loss and in- Cavallini 2007; Avenant et al. 2008; Avenant 2011). creased fire intensity) and indirect (e.g. decreased soil Small mammals have not, however, been used as absorption and river flow) (Chamieret al. 2012). indicators in studies relating to alien vegetation eradi- cation programs. Alien invasive plant species eradication programs have been ongoing across many areas of South Africa In areas of southern Africa with invasive plants, small for a long time, and their schemes have been classified mammal species richness and diversity have been as some of the most ambitious in the world (Rouget et found to be lower in areas with Lantana sp. than in al. 2004; Galatowitsch & Richardson 2005). These less disturbed areas (Avenant & Kuyler 2002), and eradicated areas reportedly recover to a natural eco- the community structure changes with vegetation logical state and therefore improve the biodiversity succession and ecological integrity (Fox 1982, 1990; and ecosystem functioning of the area. Apart from Foster & Gaines 1991; Avenant 2000; Schweiger et al. vegetation itself, a number of other indicators of re- 2000; Avenant & Cavallini 2007; Avenant et al. 2008; covery, such as insects (Pearson 1992) and reptiles Avenant 2011). By assessing the small mammal di- (Letnic et al. 2004), have been considered, but these versity and community structure in rehabilitated areas, are relatively cumbersome, require long periods of judgments can therefore be made about the recovery time, are season-dependent, specialists must be in- of ecosystems post-eradication. Avenant (2005, 2011) volved, and interpretation of results is not always suggested a hypothesis where small mammal species clear. richness and diversity increase with succession of an area, as more specialist species enter the habitat and A limited number of studies have identified small the relative contribution of generalist species decrea- mammal communities (including mouse, shrew and ses in the pre-climax phase; in the post-climax phase sengi) as indicators of ecological integrity, and have the process is reversed. suggested that this group of mammals is useful for

Manuscript processed and edited by S. Moodley (Associate Editor) and M.F. Bates (Editor-in-Chief). 50 De Klerk & Avenant—Small mammals as ecological indicators

Using a standard capture-mark-release-recapture tech- lities, and rebait traps if necessary. nique, our study explored the extent to which small mammal community variables indicate improved The measures of abundance used were trap success, integrity in southern Africa’s Albany Thicket Biome species richness, and species diversity. Trap success about one year after alien invasive black wattle Acacia (an indication of density) for each plot was deter- mearnsii (De Wildeman 1925) was eradicated. mined as the number of small mammals captured per 100 trap nights (Avenant 2011). Species richness is MATERIALS AND METHODS the number of species collected, and diversity is ex- pressed using both the Shannon and Simpson indices This study was conducted at Kariega Game Reserve (Magurran 2004). Species evenness was calculated (lat -33.58°, lon 26.61°) in the Albany Thicket Biome, using Smith and Wilson’s Evar formula (Smith & approximately 45 km south of Grahamstown, East- Wilson 1996; Tuomisto 2012). The Bray-Curtis sim- ern Cape Province, South Africa. Mean temperatures ilarity index was used to test similarity between the range from 9°C in June and July (mid-winter) to three areas (Magurran 2004). 26°C in January and February (mid- to late-summer) (Weather Bureau 1986). Three homogenous plots Data were tested for normality using a Shapiro-Wilks’ were selected in the dominant vegetation type, Kowie W test. To investigate any differences in the num- Thicket (Parker 2004; Hoare et al. 2006): (i) an area ber of species and number of individuals trapped heavily infested with black wattle, (ii) an area cleared between plots, Friedman Anovas were used. Wilco- of black wattle 12 months prior to the study, and (iii) xon matched pairs tests then indicated between which a control area with no black wattle. These plots were groups the differences lay. For a comparison of di- between 3 km and 8 km apart, on similar substrate versity and evenness scores per trap session, t-tests (sandy soil with some lithosols), aspect and elevation for dependent samples were used, and Spearman rank (570 m a.s.l.). order was used for correlations. Statistical analyses were performed using Statistica for Windows (Statsoft Plots were sampled by using 77 x 65 x 290 mm Inc., Tulsa, Oklahoma); the 95% level (p<0.05) was PVC live traps. Traps were placed on three parallel regarded as statistically significant for all tests. transects within each plot, and left open for four con- secutive days and nights during each of three survey RESULTS periods. These survey periods were once monthly, from October till December 2013, and excluded the A total of 690 individuals were captured during the 5 three days prior and post full moon when many noc- 400 trap nights of the study, giving an overall trap suc- turnal species are less active (Price et al. 2013; Upham cess of 12.78% (Table 1). In total, five small mammal & Hafner 2013; N.L. Avenant pers. obs.). species were recorded: one musk shrew (Crocidura flavescens Geoffroy, 1827) and four rodents. In all Each transect had 50 traps, spaced 5 m apart (Tew & three areas Rhabdomys pumilio (Sparrmann, 1784) Todd 1994; Ferreira & Avenant 2003). Considering was the most abundant, followed by Otomys irrora- a 10 m attraction zone, the total area covered by each tus (Brants, 1827) and Micaelamys namaquensis (A. transect was at least 5 300 m2, and the total area co- Smith, 1834). vered in each plot at least 15 900 m2. All transects were more than 200 m apart, and more than 100 m All five species were collected in the control plot from the edge of any homogenous area. A total of 150 (Table 1). This plot also had the highest trap success traps in each plot, and therefore a total of 450 traps on (16.55 ± 4.71), total abundance (N = 298 individuals; the three plots, were placed simultaneously per survey 43.19% of the total number of individuals trapped), period. Standardised bait consisted of a mixture of species richness (4.33 ± 0.58), and both Shannon H’ peanut butter, rolled oats, sunflower oil and marmite, (0.732 ± 0.048) and Simpson’s D (1.654 ± 0.039) di- to attract as wide a variety of small mammal species versities. The Evar evenness value at the control plot as possible (see Avenant 2011; Kok, Parker & Barker was low (0.300 ± 0.034). 2013). All individuals caught were hair-clipped on the left buttock (first survey period), right buttock (second In comparison, only three species were recorded from survey period) and left buttock again (third survey the black wattle infested plot. This plot also had the period) to enable recording of recaptures. Trapped lowest trap success (7.277 ± 2.343), total abundance animals were all released at capture sites. (N = 131; 18.99% of the total number of individuals trapped), species richness (2.67 ± 0.58), and Shannon A trap night was defined as one trap set for a 24 h H’ (0.530 ± 0.026) and Simpson’s D (1.440 ± 0.046) period (Rowe-Rowe & Lowry 1982; Avenant 2011). diversities (Table 1). This plot’s evenness value Each plot therefore had a total of 600 trap nights per (0.494 ± 0.196) was the highest of the three (Table 1). survey period (150 traps per area for four days) and a total of 1 800 trap nights at completion of the study. In the cleared plot all five species were collected, Traps were checked twice a day, at 06H00–08H00 and with most community variables (trap success, total 18H00–19H00, to ensure consistency, prevent morta- abundance, species richness, diversity, evenness) Indago Vol. 33 (2017) 51

Table 1. Summary of small mammals trapped at three plots and during three months at the Kariega Game Reserve, South Africa. Infes- ted, plot in area infested with alien black wattle Acacia mearnsii; Cleared, plot in area cleared of black wattle; Control, plot in area with no records of alien vegetation.

intermediate (Table 1; Figs 1–3). The total of 261 Both the Shannon and Simpson’s diversities were individuals captured contributed 37.83% to the total highest in the control plot (H’ = 0.731 ± 0.048; D = number of individuals for all areas. 1.654 ± 0.039), intermediate in the rehabilitated plot (H’ = 0.641 ± 0.107; D = 1.490 ± 0.106) and lowest Abundance of small mammals differed between the in the infested plot (H’ = 0.530 ± 0.026; D = 1.440 three plots (F2,12 = 19.5; p<0.0001), with the number ± 0.046) (Fig. 3). The differences were significant of individuals captured differing significantly between between the control and infested plots only. Species all plots (Fig. 1). Similar patterns were observed for evenness scores were highest in the infested plot, the three most abundant species Rhabdomys pumilio intermediate in the rehabilitated plot, and lowest in (F2,12 = 18.178; p<0.001), Micaelamys namaquensis the control plot. These differences were, however, (F2,12 = 7.590; p<0.024) and Otomys irroratus (F2,12 not significant (t-tests for dependent samples; p>0.2). = 9.50; p<0.009), with significantly fewer individuals Evar correlated significantly with Shannon H’ (R = caught in the infested plot than in the control or reha- -0.7; p< 0.04), but not with Simpson’s D (R = -0.57; bilitated plots (Wilcoxon matched pairs tests; p<0.03); p> 0.1). for all three species more individuals were trapped in the control plot compared to the rehabilitated plot, but The Bray-Curtis index (Fig. 4) indicated that the small none of the comparisons were significant (p>0.05). mammal community in the rehabilitated area, cleared Saccostomus campestris (Peters, 1846) and Crocidura of alien black wattle, was markedly more similar to flavescens were found in both the control and rehabili- that in the control area (0.93), compared to that in the tated plots, but not in the infested plot. black wattle infested area (0.67).

Species richness per plot differed in a similar way DISCUSSION between plots (F2,12 = 11.029; p<0.004), with more species caught in the control and rehabilitated plots Small mammal communities have been investigated than in the infested plot (Z = 2.521 and Z=2.395, re- as bioindicators in many different environmental con- spectively; p<0.02) (Fig. 2). No significant difference texts (Fox & Fox 1984; Kirkland 1990; Ferreira & Van was found between the rehabilitated and control plots. Aarde 2000; Carey & Wilson 2001; Klenner & Sulli-

Figure 1. Mean, standard error and standard deviation of the num- Figure 2. Mean, standard error and standard deviation of the num- ber of small mammal individuals trapped per day in the three study ber of species trapped per day in the three sampling plots. Letters plots. Letters in superscript refer to homologous groupings derived refer to homologous groupings derived from Wilcoxon matched from Wilcoxon matched pairs tests. pairs tests. 52 De Klerk & Avenant—Small mammals as ecological indicators

Figure 3. A comparison of (a) Shannon and (b) Simpson’s small Figure 4. Bray-Curtis values indicating small mammal community mammal diversities on the three sampling plots. Vertical bars similarity between three sampling plots at Kariega Nature Reserve, denote 95% confidence intervals. Letters refer to homologous South Africa. groupings derived from t-tests for dependent samples. van 2003; Pearce & Venier 2005; Hoffmann & Zeller diversity scores is, therefore, not sufficient (Avenant 2005; Klinger 2006; Glennon & Porter 2007; Haupt- 2011). The initial use of evenness values (Avenant fleisch & Avenant 2015). The variable most often 2005) has also been considered, but was dropped from referred to in such studies is species richness. Accor- the hypothesis as no consequent trend could be found ding to Tilman’s hump-shaped curve model (Tilman (Avenant 2011). Trap success and density estimates 1982), species richness increases with advancing suc- are also of no use in this hypothesis, but are an indi- cessional stages up to the point of ecological climax, cation of primary productivity/grazing capacity (Van followed by a post-climax decline. Studies that have Horne 1983; Joubert & Ryan 1999; Avenant 2003, demonstrated correlations between species richness 2011). and declines in ecosystem function, resilience and resistance support this model (e.g. Wootton 1998; The current alien eradication study supports Avenant’s Cardinale, Nelson & Palmer 2000; Johnson 2000; Mc- (2011) hypothesis. Higher species richness and di- Cann 2000; Petchey 2000; Fonseca & Ganade 2001). versity were found in the more pristine control plot The model has also been supported by several studies compared to the black wattle infested plot. Although conducted on rodents in southern African (Joubert & habitat specific to some extent, all species found in Ryan 1999; Rowe-Rowe 1995; Rowe-Rowe & Lowry the infested plot (O. irroratus, R. pumilio, M. nama- 1982; Monadjem & Perrin 2003; Avenant & Cavalli- quensis) can be regarded as generalist species in the ni 2007; Avenant et al. 2008; Avenant 2011) and in study area (see Avenant 2011). On the other hand, Chinese grasslands (Wang et al. 1999), and in other the control plot also had a specialist species (C. fla- biomes in Africa (e.g. Joubert & Ryan 1999; Eccard, vescens—insectivores are considered good indicators Walther & Milton 2000; Avenant & Kuyler 2002) and of increased habitat health; Avenant 2011, Pocock & North America (e.g. Abramsky & Rosenzweig 1984). Jennings 2008) plus another species, S. campestris, which is not associated with disturbed areas. One Other small mammal variables referred to in Ave- year after eradication of black wattle, the rehabilitated nant’s (2011) hypothesis—that reflect the integrity of area already had scores for all of these variables fal- the environment—are species diversity (which often ling in-between scores for disturbed and more pristine correlates positively with species richness), presence sites, and showed markedly closer similarity to the or absence of generalist species (their domination more pristine control site (Bray-Curtis value of 0.93). of small mammal communities is often associated Taking all information into account, the rehabilitated with lower ecological integrity/higher disturbance), area can therefore be assumed to lie in a succession presence or absence of specialist species (occur more position between the disturbed infested area and the frequently in areas with higher ecological values), more pristine control area. and presence or absence of specific indicator species known to enter or leave the system at certain suc- Although no alien vegetation has been recorded in the cessional stages. These variables are correlated and control area (Kariega Reserve Alien Removal Plan, together they indicate the successional position on the unpublished), there are a number of indications that hump-shaped integrity curve. This acquiescence of this area is not in pristine condition: 1. Shannon di- variables is most useful, especially as the number of versities of less than 0.8 are considered low (Avenant small mammal species trapped, as well as trap suc- & Cavallini 2007; Avenant et al. 2008; Whitting- cess (e.g. ranging between 0% and 23.20% in South ton-Jones, Bernard & Parker 2008); 2. species richness Africa’s Grassland Biome, with a seasonal mean of was lower than expected, with at least two more small 1.91 ± 1.29 for specific transects), can be very low mammal species (i.e. Dendromus melanotis A. Smith, in some systems; the sole use of species richness and 1834 and/or Dendromus mesomelas Brants, 1827, Indago Vol. 33 (2017) 53 and Mus minutoides Smith, 1834) expected to also creased primary productivity and grazing potential in be present in similar, pristine habitat in the study area such areas (Dye & Jarmain 2004; Yapi 2013). The (following Els & Kerley 1996; Skinner & Chimimba inclusion of small mammal community variables as 2005; Krystufek et al. 2007; Whittington-Jones et al. indicators of successful management during alien 2008); 3. these “missing” species can all be considered eradication programs is, therefore, supported. specialist species (Avenant 2011); and 4. dominance by one diurnal (R. pumilio), one crepuscular (O. ir- ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS roratus) and one nocturnal (M. namaquensis) species (Avenant 2011). It will therefore be interesting to see Stenden South Africa is acknowledged for financial how the small mammal variables change on the re- assistance. The owners, management and staff at habilitated plot if progressive succession is allowed Kariega Game Reserve are thanked for allowing this to occur uninterrupted. Depending on whether the work on their premises. Frances van Pletzen pro- same expected disturbance—that influences current vided assistance and co-ordinated this work with the community structure on the control plot—is allowed Kariega Game Reserve conservation program. Ger- to play a role on the rehabilitated plot, integrity in the hard van der Westhuizen, Jason Friend and Brendon recovering area may even exceed that of the control Jennings assisted with data collection and accommo- area (O’Farrell et al. 2008; Avenant 2011). dation during the study period. This paper is based on research supported in part by the National Research In conclusion, whereas the small mammal variables Foundation of South Africa (Grant specific unique re- identified above indicate the success of the black ference number UID 86321). We thank the reviewers, wattle eradication program in improving the ecolog- Rhodes Makundi (Sokoine University of Agricul- ical integrity of the rehabilitated area, the higher trap ture, Morogoro, Tanzania) and Morgan Hauptfleish success in the more pristine control and cleared plots (Namibia University of Science and Technology, also agreed with other rehabilitation studies which Windhoek, Namibia). indicated that black wattle eradication leads to in-

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VOLUME 29 2013 Part 1: Couri, M.S., Kirk-Spriggs, A.H. & Pont, A.C. New distribution records of Afrotropical Muscidae (Diptera) based on material at the National Museum, Bloemfontein ...... 1

Part 2: Bates, M.F. First records of the egg-eating snake Dasypeltis confusa Trape & Mane, 2006 in Nigeria and Chad, with range extensions for Ghana ...... 17

Part 3: Du Bruyn, D. & Wessels, A. The British soldiers’ Bloemfontein: impressions and experiences during the time of the British occupation and Lord Roberts’ halt, 13 March-3 May 1900 ...... 29

VOLUME 30 2014 Part 1: Bullock, K.L., Viljoen, F. & Kotze, J.J. Habitat associations and impact of habitat degradation on small mam- mals in the Heritage Park, North West Province, South Africa ...... 1

Part 2: Olbricht, G. & Sliwa, A. Elephant shrews (sengis) – neither rodent nor shrew: A historical perspective 18

Part 3: Kneidinger, C.M., Van Heerden, H., MacFadyen, D., Van der Merwe, M., Avenant, N.L. & Van der Bank, H. Species identification, habitat preferences and population genetics ofMastomys natalensis (A. Smith, 1834) and M. coucha (A. Smith, 1836) in an enclosed area, Kruger National Park, South Africa ...... 31

Deel 4: Haasbroek, H. Die ontstaan van die unieke ondergrondse Reservoir-galery (2002) by Oliewenhuis-kunsmu- seum in Bloemfontein ...... 47

Part 5: Coetzee, L. Rare new species of the genus Afroleius Mahunka, 1984 (Acari, Oribatida, Mycobatidae) from South Africa ...... 71

Part 6: Hugo-Coetzee, E.A. A new species of Adrodamaeus (Acari, Oribatida, Gymnodamaeidae) from South Africa 87

VOLUME 31 2015 Part 1: Bezuidenhout, H., Bradshaw, P.L., Bradshaw, M. & Zietsman, P.C. Landscape units of Mokala National Park, Northern Cape Province, South Africa ...... 1

Deel 2: Haasbroek, H. Die 1922-debat rondom die strewe na en besluit oor ’n nuwe Bloemfonteinse markterrein 29

Part 3: Badenhorst, S. & Boshoff, W.S. Animal remains from an early Twentieth Century Rural Farming Community at Orange River Railway Station, South Africa ...... 49

Indago

VOLUME 32 2016 Neethling J.A. & Haddad C.R. A systematic revision of the South African pseudoscorpions of the family Geoga- rypidae (Arachnida: Pseudoscorpiones) ...... 1

Conradie, W., Reeves, B., Brown, N. & Venter, J.A. Herpetofauna of the Oviston, Commando Drift and Tsolwana nature reserves in the arid interior of the Eastern Cape Province,South Africa ...... 81

Du Bruyn, D. A Baker garden with a touch of Jekyll: Early history (1903–1905) of the garden at Westminster Estate near Tweespruit, Free State, with special reference to the role played by the Duke of Westminster, Sir Herbert Baker and Gertrude Jekyll ...... 99

Haasbroek, H. Henry Selby Msimang en die loonagitasie van 1919 in Bloemfontein ...... 119