Social Movements and Rights Claims: the Case of Middle Belt Movement in Benue-Plateau Since 1949

POLAC HISTORICAL REVIEW (PHR) Vol. 4 No 1 January – June 2020 Pages 21 - 31 ISSN: 2476-8049 Website: www.npaw-jhss.com.ng Social Movements and Rights Claims: The Case of Middle Belt Movement in Benue-Plateau since 1949 Nathan A. Yakubu, Department of History, Adamawa State University, Mubi, Adamawa State, Nigeria. E-mail: [email protected]. GSM: 07068400734 Nathaniel B. Gimba, Luka, Department of History, Adamawa State University, Mubi, Adamawa State, Nigeria. E-mail: [email protected]. GSM: 08037462359. Johnson H. Pongri, PhD, Department of History, Adamawa State University, Mubi Adamawa State, Nigeria. E-mail: [email protected] GSM: 08068170901. Abstract The Nigerian state is in a dire quagmire. It is in a state of confusion and contradictions especially in her effort towards nation building. One of the major challenges is the cry of marginalization which cut across numerous minority groups from the colonial era to date. The Middle Belt Movement started during the colonial era as a group whose aim was to pressure the colonial government to establish a fourth administrative region to go along with Western, Eastern, and Northern administrative regions created by the Richards committee in 1948. The movement started with the name non- Muslim League (NML) in 1949, it then changed to Middle Zone League (MZL) in 1950 and finally to United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC) in 1955. This paper examines the challenges confronting nation building in Nigeria especially the middle belt struggle. As a social movement the Middle Belt Movement had led an organized and sustained campaign in support of a social goal which was the creation of an administrative region for the middle belt groups. The creation of Benue-Plateau state as a result of its agitation changed Nigeria's political and social structure. The study relies on primary 21 Vol .4 No. 1 January -June 2020 evidences and also sourced information from secondary sources of data. The paper, however, discovered a growing demand for more attention on the middle belt region as they are considered to be and continuously treated as 'second class' citizens by the northern political establishment. The paper finally argues that, though ideological difference are inevitable among two or more groups or religious faithful but ethno-religious motivated political marginalization can be curbed through an effective sensitization and people oriented programmes unbridled in a policy ofinclusiveness. Key Words: Ethno-religion, Marginalisation, Middle Belt Movement, Nation- building, Nigeria, Social movement. Introduction It is often argued that establishing a vital definition of the Middle Belt is a difficult task. To properly capture the very essence of the true meaning of Middle Belt, it is imperative to identify and appreciate the geographical location, the population and the people of the area and the history of the people.1 The Middle Belt, include Benue, Plateau, Kwara, Kogi, Southern Kaduna, FCT, Niger, Adamawa and Taraba. According to Suleiman states like Kebbi, Gombe, Bauchi, Borno and even Kano and Katsina contain pockets of non-Hausa, on Muslim population that may qualify as Middle Belters in the political sense of the word, since Middle Belt identity is often politically constructed against Hausa-Fulani, Sokoto Caliphate Muslim 2 identity. What do we actually mean by Middle Belt of Nigeria? This seems to be a very simple question but a difficult one in reality. In connection to this; Agaba argued that there is some difficulty finding sound criteria for this area and agreeing on its geographical and cultural limit.3 In a similar vein, Jonah has attempted to capture the meaning of Middle Belt. To him “The Middle Belt comprises people that existed in Nigeria with a consciousness, identity and culture that is different from the Hausa-Fulani and the Kanuri of the 4 North. A deliberate departure from the contemporary definition of the Middle Belt identity is necessary here because of the controversy associated with the term. The general definition based on ethnicity and religion is sentimental and exclusive, hence Ayaode has argued that the Middle Belt is an ideological entity rather than a concise geographical unit.5 The ideological conception of the Middle Belt was conceived and developed on the ideals of self-determination of the minorities in former Northern region of Nigeria 22 Vol .4 No. 1 January -June 2020 appreciating their right to make political and socio-cultural choices. The Movement was built on the idea of a collective pursuit of common goals 6 distinct from those of the Islamic North. There is no consensus among scholars on what constitutes the Middle Belt region, while some scholars perceived the Middle Belt in the context of religion that is Northern Christians as against their Muslim counterparts; others perceive it to include all non-Hausa/Fulani speaking people of the North. Whatever definition one gives to the Middle Belt, one fact remains that this area has suffered serious political and religious manipulations by the Hausa/Fulani who are predominantly found in the 7 North East and North West geo-political zones of Nigeria. The aim of this paper is to look at the Middle Belt movement as a social movement vis-a-vis the deprivation the people of the Middle Belt have suffered and how it has served as a catalyst in propelling the people of the region to agitate for social justice, equality and emancipation from the Hausa-Fulani domination by demanding for the creation of an administrative region distinct from the Northern region. Theoretical Framework The Middle Belt movement which started before independence was a reaction to colonial relationships and domination by culturally different groups. The reaction took the form of activating tribal support for creation of a Middle Belt region. This was meant to separate the Middle Belt from the Northern region which was purely dominated by the Hausa- Fulani. The existence of a plural society is an essential condition for the analysis of political problems with conflict models. This is specifically with the theory of internal colonialism which suggests that a situation of plurality exist with inequalities among the group members of the societies. This in turn produces potential and sometimes actual unequal socio-economic and political relationships between the different political groups, it also generate conflicts. The conflict is essentially between dominant groups and 8 the minorities. Factors that led to the Middle Belt Agitation in Northern Nigeria Historical evidence suggests that a period between, 1804-1900 was part of the causes that led to the organization of the Middle Belt Movement and the activated political identities it used to gain support. The socio-economic and political experiences in the relationships between the 23 Vol .4 No. 1 January -June 2020 Middle Belt groups and the Islamic societies (notably the Sokoto Caliphate) in the territories that came to be defined as the Northern Nigeria might best be described and explained in terms of imperialism and colonialism. These experiences were later recollected and they reinforced social and political support for the Middle Belt movement and the religious political identityin 9 organization in the demand for the creation of a Middle Belt Region. The exploitative and marginalised policies of the Islamic society on the Middle Belt groups contributed to activating minorities' identities and the organization of the Middle Belt movement in the north. This served as the roots of the colonial system which the British incorporated in 1900. Before 1940, the British colonial administration subordinated many Middle Belt groups to Islamic leadership through the indirect rule system. As such the Middle Belt Movement was a reaction to colonial relationships with the caliphate and domination of the non-Islamic societies in northern Nigeria. The reaction took the form of activating tribal support for the creation ofa Middle Belt Region. This was meant to separate the Middle Belt from the Islamic society into different units of the Federation. These conditions of subordination created a premise for the Middle Belt groups to exist as internal colonies in relation to the Islamic society. The years between 1950 and 1967 contained many political complexities. It was characterized by measures of political skills that were meant to reduce the spread of political consciousness by carefully building a patron-client relationship in the recruitment of leaders from the Middle Belt areas. This continuing relationship, often contractual, was in a manner where the Islamic society of the North provided rewards and services for willing collaborators among the Middle Belt groups in return for their loyalty 10 and support. More so, the relationship was described as one in which there was internal colonialism, with the Middle Belt groups existing in a dependent and subordinate position in relation to the Islamic society. To put it succinctly, the Middle Belt groups were considered to be and treated as 'second class' citizens by the northern Islamic society. It is such relationship that led to an unequal development of some sections of the North with concomitant consequences of the failure of social and political incorporation of some of the Middle Belt groups into the Islamic society and culture, despite the 11 success of territorial incorporation. It was in this situation that the Middle Belt groups found themselves as malcontents and their grievances subsequently became articulated by Christian leadership in the Middle Belt movement in the 24 Vol .4 No. 1 January -June 2020 demands for the creation of a Middle Belt Region to adjust for their 12 inequalities. Political Growth and Development of the Middle Belt Movement It has been argued that the Middle Belt movement was fostered by missionaries. More so, that the movement was sparked by adverse reactions to moves on the part of the colonial government. There is contention, however, as to what this spark ignited.

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