CHAPTER II

ROOTS OF CULTURAL AND LINGUISTIC SETTING IN CHAPTER II Roots of Cultural and Linguistic Exclusions in Maharashtra

2. Socio-cultural and historical setting

In order to understand the contemporary life of any community, a knowledge of its historical and cultural background is indispensable. This chapter proposes to narrate the contexts in which certain tribes in have been surviving for the past several generations and to ascertain the perception of the so called civilized communities about the tribes' social and cultural life. The chapter documents the dehumanization of these tribes/groups under the colonial rule, their subsequent devastation, and their struggle to claim equality and cultural recognition. Contemporary society and the State also have been instrumental in stunting the growth of the of India. An attempt has been made in this chapter to highlight how the social system and go\ernment"s approach are equally detrimental to the well-being of these marginalized communities, fhc discussion, it is hoped, will re\'eal the mainstream society's attitude towards tribal/nomadic life and culture. The focus of the chapter, obxiously. is on the \V community-_its nomadic lifestyle, its socio-cultural life its social status, its condition of marginality. etc.

2.1 Criminalizing of a socio-cultural difference

.lack Goody, a British social anthropologist, in his The Theft of History (2006) has commented on the takeo\er of history by the West. Past, in his view, is conceptualized for. presented to and imposed upon the rest of the world by the l:iiropeans (2006:1). Consequently, the great/master narratives of civilization across the woiid encompass onh' those cultures and lifest\les which fit into the trajector> (framework) of the sedentarx notion of society. Digression from this preset, receixed and recognized notion of human civilization was branded as a mark of barbarity, crudity and sa\agery. The exclusion of certain people or groups of people from the pages of history, because of their peculiar cultures, habits and occupations seem to

21 ha\e resulted from the binary opposition between •civilized" and •uncivilized" and also Irom the capitalist mercenary outlook of the so-called settled cultures. The groups that hesitated to abandon their itinerary and ambulatory practices and did not submerge themselves into the popular conceptualized civilization became subjects of detestation. The privileged members of sedentary cultures abandoned these socially •deviant" groups as 'criminals' classes. James Scott (2009), as quoted in Subir Rana (2011). uses the term •non-state spaces' to refer to these groups which refuse to conform to the standard idea of 'civilization" and the state's notion of •modernity', "development" and "progress". To bring this vagrant, itinerant and peripatetic groups within the pur\iev\ ol" hislorx'. Gilles Deleuze (2010) suggests an alternate opposite xersion of history which he calls as •nomadology" (as quoted in Rana. 2011). Deleuze's nomadolog}' etTectixely underscores the necessity of including the nomads, the differences of their cultures, their social systems and languages in order to reframe the existing historiography that is defective in many respects, hi the following section, a historical account of the socio-cultural conditions of nomadic communities in India will be discussed to correlate them with those of the W community, one of these tribes.

2.2 Nomadic/wandering tribes of India: who are they?

N'omuds are groups of communities which travel from place to place for their li\eiihood. The\ include salt traders, fortune-tellers, conjurers, healers, jugglers, acrobats, stor) tellers, snake charmers, animal doctors, tattooists. grindstone makers, basket makers, etc. These groups can be broadly divided into three categories: a) Hunter gatherers b) Pastoralists and c) The peripatetic. Rana (2011) in an article defines nomads as "the different categories of the mobile population having interna! differentiations and hierarchies and yet who cling to each other due to their multiple similarities."' He argues that nomadism as a phenomenon is 'a sub-culture' or 'a counterculture" and •an alternate lifestyle" that subverts and challenges the "great tradition". In his view, the nomads do not want to be part of the State's superstructure. its oppressive model and multiple divisive hierarchies. The geographical, historical, cultural and social dislocation of the "wandering tribes" is an outcome of their fondness for the itinerant lifestyle (Rana. 2011). The commonalitv in the life, habits

22 and culture among the ethnic groups of nomads is phenomenal especially in India. Of these nomadic tribes, more than 150 were branded as criminals by birth under the Criminal Tribe Act (1871) of British India (D'Souza. 2001).

2.3 Notification: denial of humanness'

Dehumanization is the denial of 'humanness' to others. It may take place in different ways: discursively, symbolically or physically. Discursive dehumanization comprises the comparison of people with animals, use of derogatory language to refer to the people or erasing the people from the discourse of history or other disciplines of knowledge. Use of offensive imagery to represent the people is an instance of symbolic dehumanization while chattel slavery and other forms of corporeal abuse is ph}sical dehumanization. The State has its crucial role in bringing order in its system (Nick I kislam. 2006). While dealing with social, cultural or any other kind of inequil). the State's intervention can be decisive. But when the State itself is biased against particular groups of people, the life of social boycott turn out to be the option for these people and the miserable plight resulting from it does not appear to be a matter of compassion for others. In the light of this discussion over the State's role, it would not be an exaggeration to state that the inhuman Act of the erstwhile British government of India passed in 1871 to declare certain tribes as criminals by birth has proved to be a causative factor in the process of dehumanizing these groups discursi\ely, symbolically and physically. Unfortunately, the process has continued till date, llie Ci\il society has never treated them as iiumans' and to substantiate this age-old atrocious social exclusion the State too seems to have played its role. Some were alread\' born-untouchable and the Act sealed their fate by branding them as born criminals. The introducer of this Act in 1871. the British jurist. T. V. Stephens, in his despicable and illogical argument said:

people from time immemorial have been pursuing the caste system defined by job-positions: weaving, carpentry and such were hereditary jobs. So there must have been hereditary criminals also who pursued their forefathers" profession. (D'Souza, 2001)

23 To check the possible threat of crime from these groups, the (Act XXVI! of 1871; hereafter CTA) was enacted under the pretext of legislation in 1871 b\- the British. It was part of the rulers' coercive mission. This strategic law was the part of the British government's calculated step to appease the sedentary (non- nomadic) communities by ensuring them security from the "criminal tribes", who were and still are the victims of social prejudices on account of their itinerant and vagrant lifcsl\lc from lime immemorial and to take hold of the nation unopposed (cf Rajnara\an Chandavarkar. 1998 and D'Souza, 2001). Indeed the conservative elites of princely India and the big landholders proved to be increasingly useful allies to the colonial masters while the tribal groups were considered to be an impediment in the v»ay of establishing the British Raj smoothly. However, there are references to tribal resistance to the British rule in India (see the century-wise references on Wikipedia). For Instance, in Maharashtra the hill tribes offered stiff resistance (1785-1828) to the British rule. Kolis (1785-86). Bhils (1809-28). Ramoshis (1826-27), and many other tribal people re\olted against the rule of the East India Company. The Act. as Dr. Mcena Radhakrisha (2001) states, ostensibly proposed the maintenance of law and order but its actual aim was to conxert hundreds of peripatetic communities into wage earners. Initialh. the law's jurisdiction was restricted mostly to , but in 1879 the Bengal Presidency and other areas were also brought under the Act by extending its purview through an Amendment in 1911. The N4adras Presidency was also co\ered under this brutal law. The Act went through several amendments in the next decade and llnally the CTA (VI of 1924) became law in the remaining areas of India, too.

The officials of the British go\ernment defended the need of CTA (1911 Amendment) b_\' putting forth the following arguments (objectives):

1) to safeguard the rights of societ\- against anti-social infiuences. 2) to reform the lives of the criminal tribes (This step was taken against the will of the members of these tribes (D'Souza. 2001)).

The Act empowered the police to control the individuals from the declared criminal tribes. The members of the tribe had to register theirs and their families' names with the police. For leaving their place of settlement they needed to seek a temporary

24 license; a person mox'ing without tliis license or remaining absent without seeking the license was liable to severe punishment (cf. Radhakrisha. 2001:19). Thus, the lifestyle of peregrination and the vagranc}' of these "wandering tribes' became a crime. Rana (2011) uses the terms 'non-persons" and "non-beings' to refer to the helpless people of these communities. Gayatri Spivak's (2004: 28) term 'subalterns' also refers to these marginalized people who form a major focal group in Subaltern Studies. Comparing this law with fascism, Ganesh Devy, in his foreword to D'Souza's book (2001), states:

If prejudice is a common human instinct, state-sponsored prejudice can spell disaster for humanity. Fascism is one form of it. The 'criminalisation' of a large number of communities is another. In India this criminalisation of communities is credited by historians to British colonial rule... the colonial administration in India displayed its profound ignorance of India's social structure and cultural institutions by formulating a series of Criminal Tribes Acts, beginning with the Criminal Tribes Act of 1871, and turned a large number of nomadic communities and artists into criminals.

The CTA remained in force, with in-between amendments, till its repeal in 1952. With its repeal the communities in the list were de-notified officially by the Government of India and in 1960 Pandit .lawaharlal Nehru termed them Viimikkta Jul is (free castes). Sadly and ironically, they continue to be under the bondage of poverty, illiteracy, social chauvinism and discriminafion. In 1959, the Government of Maharashtra introduced the Habitual Offenders Act" (other Indian states like and among others had introduced it in 1952 & 1953 respectively) but the harassment of the nomadic communities continued and it was no less brutal than the atrocity they had experienced during the British rule. The Paradhi community, one of the DNTs, especially has to undergo ruthless and agonizing

"habitual offender" means any person who, since his attaining the age of eighteen years,-— (!) during any consecutive period (whether before or after the commencement of this Act or partly before and partly after such commencement) of five years, has been sentenced on conviction on not less than three occasions, to a substantive term of imprisonment for one or more of the scheduled offences committed on separate occasions, being offences which are not so connected together as to form parts of the same transaction and (ii) such sentence has not been reversed in appeal or revision (BOMBAY ACT No. LXI OF 1959 as modified up to the 23rd April 2013).

25 experiences. The other communities from this group, ahhough their agonies are less harrow ing than those of the Pardhis these days, have to lead a stigmatized Hfe till date. Thus, the disgraceful treatment that is being inflicted on the DNTs even in the present times is an outcome of the prejudice that has resulted from the CTA. Condemning the brutality of this inhuman legislation, D'Souza (2001) points out that every member of this group has two dates of births; one is his actual date of birth and the other is the day in 1871 on which the CTA came into force. Thus the 'time past' of these tribes is eternally present in their 'time present' and perhaps will remain in "time future'. There is no sign of any possible change in their condition. These groups are still miles away from any kind of social transformation.

2.4 Tribals' historical displacement and distortion

In her foreword to Meena Radhakrisha's Dishonoured by History: 'Criminal Tribes 'and British Colonial Policy (2001), Mahasweta Devi writes:

Since the history of India has always been written by historians who were still reluctant to see the tribes as a part of India, a true history is yet to be written which will give the tribes their place in history. The hisiovians are generally oblivious of their existence. If this is the situation, it is quite expected that they do not know that the De- notified tribes exist.

It is a harsh reality that most of these communities are still "non-existent" for the government and the society in general. Their poverty, agonies and hardships are simply neglected. The historical studies of these 'wandering tribes' often take the year 1871 as a starting point as if these communities and people had never existed before. It appears that the sociological, anthropological and ethnographic studies conducted by the British officers such as Michael Kennedy (1907 and 1985), Edgar Thurston, a superintendent at the Madras Government Museum (1909), W. Crooke, (1896), R. V. Russell (1916) with the assistance of the Indian oftlcials in the British Government, also were vvritten with the purpose of supporting the government's verdict to enact the CT.'\. This assumption is based on the contents of those studies which mosth, and

26 intentionally. gi\e minute details of the dirty, filthy and vagrant lifestyle, eating habits and social living of these nomadic tribes. The studies further illustrate with highly imaginatixe details about the tribes' methods of burglary.

2.5 Deformation of tribal languages

The colonial officials" distorted representation of these nomadic cultures was extended to the languages used by these tribes which revealed the linguistic chauvinism of these officials. They related the languages with their own unrelated notions of the tribals" character according to which these people opened their mouths to speak deceivingly and their languages had no heritage and ethnic or communicative validity. For the colonial master, the tribes' means of communication were simply sign languages used to betray people or the coiTupt varieties of the dominant languages. As stated earlier, they were already "non-beings' and 'non-persons' and by extension their languages loo were "non-languages", or merely a set of obnoxious signs. \'l, Kennedy, for instance, while talking about the language of Pardhis. writes. "Pardhi's home language is a corrupt guttural mixture of dialects in which Gujerati predominates. As a rule, they talk ver\ loud and in the presence of strangers in Hindustani" (1985:137). His opinions concerning the languages of many other tribes are not different: "they are either corrupt or they talk in an irritating manner" (ibid. 137).

Milind Bokil. a Marathi writer and a sociologist by profession, in his special article on the De-notified in the Economic and Polilicul Weekly (2002) stresses the need of research in the genetic mapping of nomadic communities in India. In his view, there is a lack o\' endea\ours to ascertain the ph\sical affinities between dilTerent nomadic communities in India to understand the missing links. He argues that the DNTs" historical dislocation is a neglected area even in subaltern studies. Thus, experts from the fields of sociology, anthropology. ethnograph\-. demography and historiography should engage in studies of these communities to expose the marginalization the\- have suffered during the colonial and postcolonial times. Such work should highlight the tribes' right to social dignity and equality.

27 The present study is a modest sociolinguistic attempt to explore, to quote Mahasweta Devi's phrase about the studies of DNTs, a "hitherto untrodden virgin field" (Radhakrishna 2001). This chapter, first of all, attempts to recapitulate the origins of the Ws. one of the DNT communities, by tracing its linguistic roots since earlier studies have only relied mostly on the etymological origin of the community's name. In the subsequent sections of this chapter information related to the W community _its origin, traditional occupations, culture, customs and languagC—will be discussed. The primal'} focus of the study is on the W community of Maharashtra and its historical, socio-cultural. economic and linguistic characteristics. For the information related to the community, the chapter relies on the ethnographic studies, which bring to light the colonial view about tribes in India, undertaken by the colonial British officials, such as Kennedy (1907) and Thurston (1909). The view is subjected to critical scrutiny with researcher's own personal observations and experience as a member of the W community. The works of W writers like Bhimrao Chavan (2007) and Satish Pawar (2008)) and an unpublished research work of Dr. Navnath Yetekar also contributed to shape the contents of this chapter.

2.6 The W community: its origins

W's are a geo-historically dislocated pan-Indian peripatetic community found in many parts of India. Apart from . Karnataka and Maharashtra, the community is reported to be found in the other states of India and also in neighbouring Pakistan. Nepal and Sri Lanka (Ethnologue Report. 2009). According to the report of the .loshua Project (http://ioshuaproiect.net/languages/wbq). there are 3,352,000 Ws in India, and in Sri Lanka their population is 1, 52000. In Pakistan there are 5.700 Hindu Ws and the population of Muslim Ws is 103,000. Owing to a lack of concrete data, the place of their origin is unsubstantiated: also. Ws themselves have no knowledge o\' their beginnings. Those who know the similarity between Tclugu and their own W heritage language trace their origins to Andhra Pradesh, the Telugu speaking slate of India. Some associate the origin of their tribe name "Waddar"/ 'Vodda" "Odra" with the origin of the name "Orissa". According to H. V. Nanjunda_\)a and L. K. A. Iyer (1931), "no reliable information is available about

28 their origin. They are said to have arrived in the Mysore State from Orissa, Odra- Desha"" (1931: 659-60).

Some scholars conclude that the 'Voddas" are a Telugu caste of earth-diggers who originally came from Orissa. Thurston (1909) has also expressed a similar view about the origin of Ws. In his opinion "'they are Telugu people, who came originally from Orissa. whence their name" (1909: 422). Athelstane Baines' (1912) writing is also supportive of these views. He points out that. "The derivation usually accepted in the South is from Oriya. formerly Odra. and now Orissa, as it was from that region that these gangs are said to have tlrst emanated". (1912:104)

However, these scholars in their ethnographic studies seem to have taken an ambiguous stand on the issue of Ws' original land. On the one hand they accept the fact that Ws are Telugu people and at the same time trace their base in Orissa. The subject of Ws" origin becomes more controversial and unreliable when some of the scholars rely on the etymological origin of the word 'Waddar'. They associate it with the etymological origin of 'Orissa', a state on the southeast coast of India. The name Orissa is derived from the Pali or words Ora (Ura) or Odra Desa. Taking the base of the word "Odra", these scholars argue that Ws might have originated from Orissa. Howe\er. this argument fails to provide any satisfactory and acceptable evidence to establish this connection of Ws with Orissa: it does not state how. when and vvh\ the community left Orissa as the community has no linguistic or cultural connection with Orissa at present. It is noteworthy that considering the involvement of Ws in the traditional occupation of digging wells and canals, some other scholars cite mythological stories to establish the connection of Ws with Bhagirath, the King of Surya Dynasty who is believed to have brought the Ganges to Earth from the heaven (cf Nanjudayya & Iyer, 1931). Numerous are the stories that talk about the royal and mythological connections of the W community but none of them is adequately authentic and reliable to establish this linkage. Nonetheless, the resemblance of their language with Telugu supplies a ground for the speculation regarding their land of origin. As the language (the point whether it is a language or a dialect will be discussed later in 2.8.1 below) shares a great deal of commonality with Telugu. the official language of Andhra Pradesh, it would not be unreasonable to call Andhra as Ws" land of origin. However, the historical connection again remains

29 Lintraced. The mention of Ws being "Telugu people" or "caste' is already there in the ethnographic worlcs on Indian tribes and castes by Thurston (1909), and Nanjundayya and I\er (1931). Yet one notices in the studies the uncertainty concerning the tribes" origin. Consider, for examples. Thurston's speculation (1909: 424): "Besides Telugu. llie\- are said to speak a peculiar dialect among themselves: and, if this should turn out to be Uriya, the question might be regarded as settled"".

Thurston's statement implies that the WL is a dialect different from the . The Ws' Telugu connection cannot be dismissed easily, for their linguistic connection with Andhra Pradesh is strong. Significantly, there is another connection pertaining to the spirituality of the .A.ndhrites and Ws: the family deity of the Ws is Venkatramana. which is another name of Lord Balaji at Tirumala, a hill town in the Chittoor district of .Andhra Pradesh. Yet. owing to the absence of any historical e\ idencc and because of the present disconnection of the community with any state, it has become difficult to associate it with an\ land. The community members do not claim to be the "sons-of-the- soil" of any place nor does an>- state claim them to be its own people. After all, they are nomads. How can they have a permanent place of settlement? Wherever they go that land becomes their own. Baines (1912) has commented on the Ws" easy adaptability thus: "they do not, like many of the migraior\ tribes, return to their native country, but settle in the Province. In the upper parts of the Jamna valley, for instance, they seem to have given up their traditional pursuit and taken to weaving coarse cotton wrappers, with a little cultivation thrown in"" (1912: 104).

I'hus, prima facie, the nature of Ws" adaptabilit}' to the environment they are placed in appears to be the main reason for the ongoing changes in their socio-cultural life and their use of language. Of course, many other factors are responsible for the variations. The factors will fmd their place in this study at appropriate places.

2.6.1 Legends

Legends are a part and parcel of human society; there is seldom any society, tribal or civil, which does not have a legendary past. Ws share many legends related to their

30 community and traditional occupation of tank-digging. According to the legend shared by many_Ws and scholars like Thurston (1909). Nanjundayya and Iyer (1931). and Nagendra Kr Singh (2006)_-the first W man and woman were created by Lord Shiva out of the drops of his sweat for digging a well to quench his and his wife Parvati's thirst during their wanderings on earth in hot summer days. The man and woman, who were provided with a crowbar, a pickaxe and a basket to dig the well, fulfilled their dut}- and quenched the thirst of the God, who being gratified, asked the couple to demand a boon. The couple demanded something excessive that revealed their greediness. It made Shiva so annoyed and indignant that he cursed the couple and their coming generations to have a life of hard work, i.e. digging wells and tanks, and poverty forever.

Another legend is related to Bhagirath, a Hindu mythological King, who is believed to ha\e brought the Ganges to the earth from the heavens to quench the thirst of his drought-affected subjects and to relieve his 60,000 ancestors from the curse of Sage Kapila. Ws believe that they belong to the clan of the King Bhagirath from whom they ha\e inherited the well and tank-digging occupation. King Bhagirath. using his archileclura! skills, dug the peak of a mountain (the mountain is perhaps the 1 limaUnas!) ha\ ing ihe shape of Lord Shiva"s coiled hair and constructed the canal with the help of the people from his kingdom to change the tlow of the river southwards. Thus the Ws are belie\ed to have descended from the Siiryavanshi or the Surya Dynasty (cf Chavan. 2007).

The 12'^ century legend related to Jasma Devi, a deity of the Od community in , also replicates the Ws" story about their occupation of tank-digging. Jasma, the wife of a simple pond-digger called 'Rooda'. from the W tribe, was so attractive and beautiful that Siddhraj .laisingh. a king of the Solanki dynasty, upon seeing her. was mesmerised and expressed his wish to marry her and make her the queen of Gujarai. .lasma's loyalt>' towards her husband and self-respect made her spurn his olfer and rebuke him for his evil thoughts towards a married woman. To protect her honour and sa\e the people of her communit)' from the king's torture, .lasma committed sati. i.e. she jumped into the funeral pyre of her husband, who was killed b)' the king. It is believed that her curse made the Sahastralinga Tank waterless and left .laisingh without an heir to the kingdom of Gujarat. The Jasma Devi Temple was

31 constructed in her memoryin the ] 2* century near a tank called 'Sahastralinga Talav' located near Pattan, Gujarat.

2.6.2 Multiple identities of Ws

Being a wandering tribe, the Ws move from one place to another looking for their traditional manual work which includes digging wells, canals, building dams, bridges, quarrying, breaking stones, constructing roads, and making grindstone and millstone for sale. Perhaps a few of them have raised themselves above the level of poverty. But a large number of them face financial paucity because of the loss of relevance of their traditional occupations, a consequence of mechanization. While describing Ws, Thurston refers to Mr. H. A. Stuart (1909: 422), who talks of the Oddes or Voddas. commonly called Wudders, as " the navvies [labourers employed in the excavation and construction of a road, railway, or canal] of the country, quarrying stone, sinking wells, constructing tank bunds, and executing other kinds of earthwork more rapidly than any other class, so that they have got almost a monopoly of the trade". The negative social attitude towards W people is reflected in Nanjundayya and Iter's description (1931:659). They write: "In common parlance a Vodda denotes an uncommonly heavy-looking, rude, and uncivilized person".

This insolent connotation of the Waddar being 'ugly', "rude' and 'barbaric' continues to have social acceptance. In Maharashtra and Karnataka, a black complexioned person of any caste is referred to as "Kala Waddar' or 'Kari Wadra' meaning "a black Waddar' and his/her filthiness becomes the mark of 'being Waddar"

.Although Ethnologue (2009) uses the term "Waddar" to refer to the community. Ws are known by different names in different linguistic regions. For instance, in Andhra Pradesh they are referred to as Woddollu and in as Ottan-Nayakan and Oddars. In Maharashtra, they are known as Vadars or Wadari and in Karnataka as bhoi/bhovi (Chandrashekhar Bhat, 1983). In North India and Pakistan, they are known as 'Od". The other alternate names for W, mentioned in Ethnologue (2009),

32 are Od. Oih. Vadari. Vadda Be'.dar, Werders. Wodde, etc. The ethnic population of \Vs in India, Pakistan, Nepal, and Sri Lanka is 3.2 million (Ethnologue, 2009). In Thurston and Rangachari (1909) and Nanjundayya and Iyer (1931) the name 'Vodde' and 'Odda' are used to refer to the people from the W community. Baines's (1912) remark concerning the multiplicity of these labels is worth quoting:

They are practically of one origin under various titles. In the Dravidian country, where they are most numerous, they are called Ottan in Tamil, and Vaddar in Telugu and Kanarese. It is by the name of Od or Odia that they are known north of the Dekkan, up to the Panjabi. (1912: 104).

The point commonly found in ethnographic and sociological works of Thurston (1909), Nanjundayya and Iyer (1931), and Nagendra Kr. Singh (2006) is that the Ws essentially form a Telugu caste.

2.6.3 W subgroups and traditional occupations

The W communit}' in Maharashtra is divided into three subgroups, according to their traditional occupations, viz.. mali or manmi Waddar (engaged in soil work), kallu or ckigacl Waddar (engaged in stonework) and gadi or hcmdi Waddar (engaged in transport of stones). There is a connection between the names used to address these groups and their occupations. They are known as mati or mamm Waddar, kallu or dagad Waddar and gadi or bandi Waddar. However, in Karnataka, we come across a variation in this division. Indeed, Haines (1912) mentions only two of them—^aZ/w and mannu. What follows is a brief account of these subgroups:

1. Mati or Mannu Waddar: The name is derived from mati (Marathi) and mannu (), both meaning 'soil". There are two sub-groups in this communit). The W name for one group is gampalor or manlor or inannornioflor. which means carriers of soil on their head. The other. gadu/or. means carriers of soil on the donkey's back. Occupationally. they are earth-diggers and they carry soil on self-owned donkeys for piling it to

33

consiruct canals, roads, edges of lands, etc. 1 hey are pig-breeders as well. In the past, the person who owned more number of donkeys and pigs was considered to be wealthy by the other members of the group (see Chavan, 2007 and Yetekar, 2010). Baines (1912), while talking about the expertise of this subgroup in well-sinking, states:

The others, called Mannu or earthy, Vaddar (sic) are migratory, and seek jobs upon large undertakings, working together in their own gangs, by the piece, in the manipulation of which standard the>' show marvellous resource and ingenuity. They are adepts with their large spades, and no unskilled labour can touch them in the output, either on the flat or in well-sinking. (1912: 104)

2. Kallu or Dagad Waddar: The name comes from kallu (Kannada) and dagad (Marathi). both meaning "stone". The W name for them is ralore or handalore. The Ws work in stone quarries. They shape stones into grindstones, millstones, and take them to places on the back of their own donkeys and sell them. They also shape stones for the construction of mansions and make life-like statues of gods, people, animals, birds, etc. The role of the Kallu Ws in the construction of many of the forts, and other admired stone monuments in India, is commendable. The presence of a large number of people from this group in the occupation of construction underscores the significance of the role. 3, Gadi or Bandi Waddar: This group has its name from the Marathi word gadi and the Telugu/Kannada word handi meaning cart. The members of the group are called as handlore (cart owners) in the WL. Their major occupation is transporting stones from one place to another. Traditionally, they ha\'e used stone-wheeled carts and harnessless she-buffaloes to pull them (cf. Ratna Rao, 1990; Chavan. 2007). In the past, they wandered from one place to other in search of work, with their meagre household luggage on this cart; unremittingly this wandering life is still their lot, but only those carts ha\'e vanished. Even toda}' they are mainly engaged in stone quarry work, rubble supply and the construction of roads.

34 H. A. Stuart, in his Manual of North Arcol District of Tamil Nadu (1909), talks about the expertise of the community in quarrying stone, sinking wells, and constructing tank bunds and he states their monopoly in these kinds of work. Apart from the above three subgroups, found in Maharashtra, there is yet another subgroup called L'ppar BhovHOddar. the salt and lime quarry workers of Karnataka. Being endogamous, matrimony outside the subgroups was strictly prohibited in the past and the tradition, with some exceptional cases, is still maintained. It means a gadi/handi Waddar boy can marry only a gadi/handi Waddar girl, not a kallu/dagad Waddar girl or mannu/mati Waddar girl (cf. Chavan, 2007; Pawar, 2008; Yetekar, 2010).

2.6.4 Gotras

Within these subgroups there are different gotraslcXans,. known in the WL as gundglor. gunjcnvor. rapcmor. palldpor, pillor. ryapanor, sanpdngor. kunchdfor, M'uUapore and so on. In each subgroup, there are two sections: brotherly and non- brotherly goirds. The gotras are grouped together, for the sake of maintaining exogamy, as Shivagand and Gangaganu. The following table will help us understand this:

Table 2.1: The group oigotras (clans) in W

Sr. No. Gotras from Shivgana Sr.No. Gotras from Gangdgana

1) arsdlor I) faldfor 2) haddklov 2) kunchydfor 3) dm^g?}or 3) manjydlor 4) dydranglor 4) fillor 5) ihirgddandloi- 5) jetaror 6) gudyalor 6) rjyapdnor 7) gundaglor ~T) ' sdtlor

35 The gotrus grouped under one gana are brotherly clans. For example, all the gotras from shivagcmd form a group of brotherly clans and members from the gangagam form the opposite group. Marriages between these brotherly clans, viz. shivagana and gcmgagana, are strictly prohibited. Marriages within the section are considered incest. For example, the clans such as gunduglore, dandglore, gunjdwor belong to shivagana and paUapor, pitlore, rapanor etc. are from gangdgand. Hence, a marriage within dandagalore clan or between dandagalore and gundgalore. the clans of shivagana. is incest, (cf Pawar (2008). Chavan (2007) and Yetekar (2010). Howe\ er. a shivagana man or woman can marry only a gangdgand man or woman and vice \ersa.

2.6.5 Socio-cultural life

In the Census Report of 1871, the Ws are described as being ''tank-diggers, well- sinkers, and road makers of the countiy who live in detached settlements, building their huts in a conical or bee-hive form, with only a low door of entrance" (as quoted in Thurston. 1909). Thurston describes the members of the W community as a "merr\-making" group, 'contented with a meagre earning", and "indulgent in intoxication". He goes on:

'rhe\' work in gangs on contract, and exery one. except the very old and very young, takes a share in the work. The women carry the earth in baskets, while the men use the pick and spade. The babies are usually tied up in cloths, which are suspended, hammock fashion, from the boughs of trees. They are employed largely in the Public Works Department, and in the construction and maintenance of railways. They are rather a fine-looking race, and all that I have come across are Vaishnavites in theory, wearing the trident prominently on their foreheads, arms, and breasts. The women are tall and straight. They eat e\'er\ description of animal food, and especially pork and field-rats, and all drink spirituous liquors. (Thurston. 1909; 423)

36 The description given b>' Thurston, except for a few trivial differences, is applicable ic) the W's of N4aharashtra and other parts of India, especially of Andhra. Karnataka and Tamil Nadu.

2.6.6 Religion

Ws mostly worship Hindu deities. They perform Hindu rituals and celebrate major Hindu festivals. However, the religious functions and activities of the Ws reflect their distinct socio-cultural identity. According to the data in the Joshua Project, an organisation studying the "unreached ethnic groups' of the world for the spread of Christianity, almost all (99.94%) the Ws in India follow and the rest of them (onh 0.06 %) have converted to Christianit}'. Sri Lankan Ws are totally while in f^akistan there are Hindu Ws and Muslim Ws. In the latter country, the population of Hindu Ws is only 5,700 while there are 103,000 Muslim Ws who apparently are converts to . The people cluster of the two groups in the Project. howe\er. is "Telugu". The primary language mentioned for the groups is 'Od': 3,200 of Hindu Ws and 52. 000 of the W from Pakistan speak this language (see .loshua Project). The same language is said to be spoken by the group in North India. Ws. according to the reports of the former colonial British officials in India and according to Indian and British ethnographers, spoke a corrupt version of Telugu language in Bombay Presidency. Mysore (1931) and South India (1909).

2.7 Customs

The adoption of Hindu customs, rituals and traditions by the Ws seems to be a fairly recent phenomenon which may be the outcome of their contact with other Hindu communities. Although this imitation is growing significantly these days, Ws have had their distinct rituals, dressing style, customs and traditions marking their incongruity with other groups. This difference, which signifies the Ws" animism, may be discussed with reference to the ritual of marriage and occasions of social get-together in the community. The focus on it will be brief since an elaborate discussi(.)n here might gi\e the study an anthropological orientation.

37 2.7.1 Marriage

The nuptial s\stem of the W community is certainly a mark of its cultural uniqueness. The mairiage ceremony comprises two stages, the pre-wedding and wedding stages: a) The Pre-wedding Stage

i) Gotra and nuptial bond

As mentioned in 2.6.4 above, the gotra of the person plays an important role in deciding the possibility of a marital relationship. Ws are very orthodox on this issue; in the event of a violation of this norm (see 2.6.4), i.e., if the marriage takes place between the guna [shivgana or garigdganci). the families of the bride and bridegroom have to undergo a social boycott. In the past, the parents themselves, taking the consent of the bride and bridegroom for granted, would make a decision about the marriage of their wards. Once the agreement between the parents of the bride and groom took place, they would convey it to the baiJ (the community leader) and punch (a council of people, commonly accepted as leaders b)' the community concerned) and the punch would give permission to the marriage only if the norms regarding the gotra and gana are observed. A remarkable aspect of the W marriage system is that no dowry or gifts are demanded by the groom or his family; instead, the groom's people offer a bride"s price to her famih'. The expenses of marriage would be either shared b}' both lamilies or borne b> the family that is fmancialh' better.

ii) Gadhuv: ceremony for deciding the day and date of wedding

The decision regarding the day and date of the wedding, called gudhuv in W, is made 15-20 days before the wedding day at a small social function at the bride's place and in the presence of X\\Q punch or community members. This declaration is made with the consent of the punch and other members from the community, mostly to avoid the overlapping of wedding days.

38 b) The Wedding

i) Gandam: a sacred ceremony

Another ritual followed till date in the W marriage system is 'gandam \ a ritual ol" putting on of sandal wood paste on the body of the bride and groom separateK' at the local temples of their family deity {kiildevta/devi). This is done 2-3 days before the actual day of wedding. On this sacred day of their family deity (usually a Monday, Tuesday, Friday or Saturday), women from the community are invited by the families of the bride and groom at their respective places to wear new glass bangles (usually of green colour) as a token of affection. In the evening women from the community bring a bucket each of hot water from their own houses and bathe the bride/groom amidst the women's singing of traditional wedding songs. After that the bride/groom is made to put on a new sari/dress and taken to the temple of her/his family deity where the ritual of putting on sandal wood paste takes place.

ii) Gangasthal ( a place of water)

In the past, marriages in the W community used to last for five days, depending on the financial position of the families involved. On the first day of the wedding fi\e suvasinsis (married women whose husbands are still alive), including mothers of the bride and groom, by putting airamunthyal (small earthen pots, containing water) on their heads.and men along with other guests go to a place of water (usually a well) to perform the puja of Ganga, the goddess of water.

iii) Jyadi ( a ceremony of formal agreement between the male parents of the bride and groom)

y\fter coming back from the gangasthal {he panchs, relatives and invited guests of both sides would come together in the marriage pandal for the ritual named Jyadi. The panch would make the male parents of both the bride and groom,

39 orallx. declare in the presence of the community members the agreement of marriage between their wards. For this ceremony a black woollen blanket would be spread at the centre and a shasa (a square design of uncooked rice by spreading it in vertical, horizontal and cross order) would be made by the male members, especially from the opposite gana, on it. Then all the members would sit around it for the ceremony of agreement; next, betel leaves and areca nuts would be distributed among the male members present on the occasion. Only then would further rituals of the wedding follow. Previously, Ws did not consult the astrologer to divine an auspicious day, date and moment for the wedding. They even did not need, like other Hindu castes, a Brahmin priest to perform the rituals during the v\edding ceremony. However, with their increasing affinity to the Hindu religion, quite a few have adopted these customs now.

vi) Feast for wedding

A meal consisting of hhakari (round flat unleavened bread made ofjowar). dal- rice. curry, chutleny and Uipsi (a sweet dish made of broken wheat and jaggary) is served on the day of fusum (the evening of the first day). Fusum is the ritual of applying turmeric on the bodies of the bride and groom. On the wedding day, in the past. Ws used to ser\e goat meal, hhakari and rice.

2.7.2 Festivals and religious ceremonies

Ws maintained a strong sense community life (these days, sadly, this feeling of oneness is vanishing fast). They would do absolutely nothing that would result in the declaration of a social boycott by the punch and other members of the community. Ws celebrate the Hindu festivals of Diissera. Diwali. Ugadi (Gudi padva). etc. Ugadi isespecially important, for it brings them together to worship their family deity. However, the uniqueness of their social life lies in the ceremony of performing the piiju for their famih' deity with the people of their gotra. This distincti\eness of their socio-cultural life needs to be discussed briefiv here.

Tl-li^fii^

40 2.7.2.1 Ws' collective/jwyrt/worship

\\s i)hser\c. allhough some oT ihcm are disinterested in and eonsider it ritualistie these da>s. their age-old tradition of holding a social-get-together. It is a kind of comniunit)' gathering whereby people of the W community gather together to worship, to offer various objects to their deity and to eat together as a community. One of the occasions for this community gathering is the third or fourth Tuesday of the ashaadha (called as skadi in WL), the fourth month on the Hindu calendar, whereby Ws living in the same locality (Jaljam), perform the puj a o^ Mar a gumma or Mariaai by sacrificing billy goats and cocks. The other occasion for such a get- together is when Ws of the same gotra/kiihim come together after every three or five \ears to perform the puja, lasting for 2-3 days, for their respective family deity_ Yulkunnia. Margamma. Diirgamma. Dharamjadii. Venkatramana, etc. To meet the expenses of this ritual, including pandal, music, feast and other incidental demands, il is obligatory for each famih's married male member, belonging to the goira kiihim concerned, to give vunlu. a financial contribution.

This particular ritual of performing puja for the family deity is arranged to appoint a person from the gotra concerned as a priest for the deity. The authority to perform the puja is the legacy of the eldest son of a particular family belonging to that gofralkiilum after the death of his father (if there is no son. the nephew of the person is given this responsibility). As part of this ritual, a procession, amidst the performance of dance and traditional songs, is taken out to a place of water (a \'illage well/lake ri\er). After his head being shaved, the heir apparent takes a sacred dip in the water and puts on neu clothes to perform the puja. The priesthood is thus bestowed upon him. To this ceremony, each family invites as guests its relatives from other gamis and gotrus. who bring gifts like clothing, copper/brass/stainless steel pots and money for the hosts.

2.7.2.2 Folksongs and dance

On this occasion of bestowing priesthood, amateur groups of W artists from different places are invited to perform songiil (a performance of traditional V/ folk

41 songs and folk dance). They come by accepting shuwa, an invitation sent through a shallawod (the messenger from the community), and on the assurance of a suitable honorarium and hospitalities. The competing performance between these artist groups (each group consists of 10-12 male members only') is enjoyed throughout the night by the guests and hosts including men. women and children. During this performance, the artists stand in a circle holding a diimadi in one hand and beating it with the other. One of them (the leader of the group) stands at the centre by tying a similar diimudi around the waist and beating the surface of it with two sticks to create rh>lhm._The man in the centre sings folk songs and narrates folktales while other performers from the group serve as chorus. This simple but splendidly rhythmic presentation, using minimum stage properties, is the special feature of their performance.

2.7.3 JeitpanchayatlCommwmty council

As in the case of other nomadic tribes. Ws have their own caste council which is called /T// panchdyal. an autonomous court-like system of the community to resoh'C disputes among the members. This council, although it has no formal structure, consists exclusively of elderly men (jxnicha)- with good social and financial status. The leader of the Jcif panchayat is called haiia. The community members have to respect council's verdict, whether acceptable or unacceptable, and there was no guaranty of unprejudiced, impartial, and fair decisions. Not accepting the judgement would to lead to social boycott. Earlier, the community members had no right to lodge a complaint with the police against a wrongdoer from the community; both parties were to appeal for justice to the pancha committee by paying a particular amount called kiincim, an allowance paid to the punch for their travelling and other expenses (see Chavan. 2002). Ws" caste council system underscores the dominance of a patriarchal system. W women are not permitted to participate in Jul panchayat and \oice their feelings and opinions.

Women are not allowed to participate or perform in it; they can simply be the audience, a flat surfaced and round hollow (from the other side) piece of leather drum held in one hand, used exclusively by the Waddar artists.

42 2.7.4 Eating habits

Ws eat all kinds of food. Their vegetarian food consists ofhhaki'i made of jowar. dal curry, and select cheap vegetables. Earlier, eating chapaiis was considered to be a sign of richness so they were prepared only on special occasions. Non-vegetarian food—goat-meat, chicken, fish, etc is eaten on gandawaram (masculine days!) such as Sunday and Wednesday and also on the day following a festival. Having such food is almost a social custom and a matter of prestige among the Ws. Not eating non-vegetarian meals is considered to be "a non-Waddar' characteristic by the clderK Ws. Although mali-lVs eat pork, it is not common among gadi Ws (they even consider it unholy to touch pigs) and pathanvuls. Irrespective of subgroups, no W eats beef In the past, they also ate the tlesh of wild animals like rabbit, deer, mountain lizard, and even wild mice.

2.7.5 Clothing

Ws, like many other nomadic groups in India, have a patriarchal social structure. Their women's clothing style, especially of those belonging to earlier generations, accentuates this dominance of men. W men used to wear dhoti, kurta, a traditional sliirt and turban while women wore long cotton saris. However, women did not put on bodice earlier as the\ believed that Sita, the wife of Lord Rama, was captivated b> Ravana because of her lo\c for the blouse made of the skin of golden deer. The W women wore brass or silver bracelets on their left hand and glass bangles on the right. Being strict adherents of patriarchal norms, Ws did not allow their women, in the past, to wear footwear of any kind. Women were not even allowed to use cosmetics or exhibit their beauty. Women breaking these norms were considered to be dissolute.

Ho\\e\er, these restrictions on v\omen"s clothing have been lifted to some extent in the present times. W women of second and third generations are allowed to wear bodices and designer saris these da>'s: they can also wear footwear now. Unmarried girls, but not married women, can wear sahvar kamiiiez. Intriguingly. it is not easy for any of them to wear dresses of western style. The restrictions on women's

43 clothing thus gi^'e an idea about the subdued status of the W women in their pre(!()ini)ianti) patriarchal community.

2.8 Linguistic and cuJtura! heritage

All Ws. irrespective of their geographical states/locations, speak the WL or Wadari (as known in Maharashtra and abbreviated as "wbq' in Ethnologue, 2009, but here referred to as WL) a Dravidian, South-Central language, related to Telugu. The Telugu language has had its strong influence on it and to some extent, due to its long contact, the influence of Kannada and Marathi. Because of the presence of a large number of Telugu words in it. one can trace back the origins of the WL to Andhra Pradesh. These points will be illustrated in later sections. Tracing its linguistic lineage. Lthnologue (Lewis. 2009) identifies it as Dravidian. South-Central Telugu Language. The perception of Baines (1912) about the Ws is that "Their appearance shows that they belong to the darker race, and their language, though modified by distance into a varietx of local dialects, has a Telugu basis"'. (1912:104)

Thus the language seems to have Telugu roots but having been in contact with other languages in other regions it has attained certain distinct characteristics that tempt one to underscore its dissimilarity with Telugu. In the absence of a written script, the inter-generational transmission of the language has been oral. It is the possession of this heritage language that distinguishes this group remarkably from the other groups pre\ iousl_\ existing in the barter swstem of Maharashtra (discussed in 2.9 below). fhe other ethnic groups in Maharashtra, although named by different caste names, might feel a sense of oneness with the local traditions and cultures because of their common linguistic inheritance. But Ws and certain other DNTs are often considered as outsiders because of their different linguistic identity. This meaning of exclusion is evident in Nanjundayya and Iyer's (1931) comment on the WL: "A Vodda is so very noisy, even in his sober conversation, that any loud and disorderly talk is known as Vodda's secret conversafion". (1931: 659)

Being nomads, they are neither insiders nor outsiders anywhere. In Maharashtra, for example, their distinct linguistic and cultural traditions have kept them awa\ from

44 the mainstream of the ML speaking population. Similarly, their language cannot easily be accepted as one of the dialects of Telugu because, in spite of its roots in Telugu. it does not ha\'e much surface-level affmity to the Telugu language or culture, [n other words, a monolingual Telugu speaker and a W speaker will remain muluall} uninleiligible. Needless to sa\'. it is unlike the cultural affinity between Padmshali and Telugu. Marwari and Rajasthan or Sikh and Punjabi.

2.8.1 Is W a language or dialect?

While stating the problem of language identification, Ethnologue (2009) admits that how one chooses to define a language depends on the purposes one has in identifying that language as distinct from another. According to Quirk and Greenbaum. geographical dispersion is one of the major factors contributing to language \ariation and in the course of time on account of poor communications and relalixc remoteness, such dispersion makes dialects become so distinct that the\' are regarded as different languages (2000:2). Some scholars base their definition of language purel\ on linguistic grounds. Others consider the social, cultural, or political factors in their definition. In addition, speakers themselves often ha\'e their own perspectives on what makes a particular language uniquely theirs (Lewis. 2009). Chambers and Trudgill (1998) underscore two varieties of languages: autonomous and heteronymous.

The former refers to a distinct and independent variety, with other varieties dependent on it; it e\'olves as a result of social, political or cultural factors (Collins and .U)nes. 1998: 138) while the latter means the part of the autonomous variety irrespccli\e ol' its structural similarities and \ariations. Thus, although there is a great degree of structural similarity between and , vet they are two distinct or autonomous languages but there are some varieties which, despite their divergent structures, are treated as dialects of the same language. Apparently, no expert studies have yet been undertaken to establish whether the WL is a language or a dialect. The commonly held nofion is that it is one of the dialects of Telugu. This notion may be the outcome of the extensive presence of Telugu lexical and syntactic items in the language. However, it does not help one conclude that it is a

45 dialect because similar extensive syntactic and lexical borrowing from Sanskrit can be seen in the major Indo-Aryan and Dra\'idian languages as well. Nonetheless, a close analysis of this language (This researcher prefers to call W a language and the reasons for the preference will be established) at different levels should help us establish that it is not simply a dialect, but a language with its own linguistic features (discussed in 2.8.2 and Chapter 6). Like any other language, W also has an abstract system that generates utterances. These abstract systems, as linguists point out. consist of sets of units and principles, which are selected and applied differently from one language to another, despite many similarities (Mufwene, 2004:1-2). The stand adopted in this study seems to be congruent with the view stated in the Wikipedia that Waddar, Chenchu. Savara, and Manna-Dora are all closely related to Telugu. However, the Wikipedia gives a separate list of Telugu dialects which does not include in it Waddar and the other three languages.

2.8.2 Features of the WL

Attributing the status of language to an>' \ariety depends on the number of speakers, the linguistic features such as s\nta\ and grammar, social perception, etc. In terms of speakers the WL has a large number of speakers and they are not restricted to any particular region; the language used by this community is. irrespecti\e of the geographical locations, is W only. For instance, the WL is spoken in Maharashtra and Karnataka by this community. Like any other language it has regional and social dialectal forms. In the context of Maharashtra, it is noticed that the WL spoken in Solapur district differs from that of Latur district. For instance, the W word for 'ear' in the Solapur variety is gumma while in the Latur variety it is shawul. Similarly, for •pull" the words J aggu and giinjju are used respectively. Again, as discussed in 2.6.3 abox'e. there are three subgroups in the W community of Maharashtra_^(^(;7t// or hancli Waddar or ikmclnllore. luali or nunimi Waddar or inunllior and pcirharval or jxi/dvor. The WL \aries according to these subgroups. For instance, for the Lnglish word 'meal' ihc\ use nanzirr in gculi Waddar dialect and miirjci in pdlharval dialects. \'e\ertheless. there is a high degree of mutual intelligibilit)' within these subgroups and this dixision of groups in W community is more or less the same ever\w'here in India.

46 Thus on the linguistic front, it ma\- be argued. W is a distinct language. It. especialh' the Maharashtrian ^•arie^\'. differs from Telugu. This is not to deny the s>ntactic resemblances between the two languages. For instance, the SOV structure is used in both these languages and both are verb-fmal languages and many of the syntactic features are common to Indo-Aryan languages. However, on the phonological, morphological and lexical levels both the languages differ considerably. If there are some similarities, they are like the similarities found among many Indo-Aryan languages (for instance, bahin in the ML and hahcm in Hindi or chhadd in Punjabi and chhod in Hindi. Similarly, the word nam stands for "name' both in Hindi and Gujralhi languages whereas in ML there is a slight variation in the final consonant; the word ndv is used for it). The point is. considerable variations in phonology. morpholog\ and lexis do affect the mutual intelligibility of the speakers of the above mentioned languages. The TL and WL too have such minor similarities and large variations at different linguistic levels. For instance, the difference in pronunciation is apparent in the use of the consonants /• and d in the words rem and daa. meaning "come" and p and /'in the wordspo and /o meaning 'go'; the vowel /a:/ is used in the TL mdnni while /I/ is used in the WL mi:m to mean 'we". The morphological differences can easily be understood in the words:

/. wcislunnuvu (TL) and MXilJcekcmdv (WL) for "Are you coming?"

2. ncivi ippiK/Ji office ki vellali (TL) and ndk ippiici office ka yellahek (WL)

meaning "I've to go to office nov\".

S. velldli (TL) andJel/dhek (WL)mean 'have lo ^o '.

During a presentation made b\- the researcher on the WL at one of the international conferences organized by the Dravidian Linguistic Society at the Central Universit}- of Hyderabad, some of the Telugu linguists argued that W is one of the dialects of the TL and it cannot be treated as a separate language. But there are innumerable examples to illustrate such phonological, morphological and lexical differences between the WL and the TL. 'fhe researcher's own observations and experience, too. substantiate the lack of mutual intelligibilit>- between the TL and the WL. Touring man\ of his \isits to Hvderabad. the researcher tried to communicate with the local

47 T speakers in the WL but they failed to understand it. The same experience has been shared by many of his relatives and W friends who are good speakers of the WL. On one occasion, while travelling by an auto in Hyderabad, the researcher tried to respond to the auto-dri\er, who was talking to him in the TL, in the WL. After listening to the researcher's responses, the auto-driver switched over to Hindi as he realised that the person whom he was talking to was not a T speaker. To cite another instance for this lack of mutual intelligibility, the researcher and his former landlord, a TL speaker, could never talk to each other in the W language or T alone. The researcher had to use the ML as the landlord failed to understand the WL and vice versa. The researcher's family members and relatives too have had similar experience. They could not use the WL while talking to the landlord's family or relative as they failed to understand the WL and vice versa. Geographical dispersion, as suggested by Quirk and Greenbaum (2000). can be one of the reasons behind this lack of mutual intelligibility between the TL and the WL. More examples for the WL divergences will be discussed in Chapter 5.

Languages, according to David Crystal (2000), are \aluable because they promote community cohesion and vitality, foster pride in a culture, and give self-confidence to a community. Cultural identity is manifested through rituals, music, painting, crafts, and other forms of behaviour and language is one of the major means of cultural expression. Ws, like other nomadic communities, too have their own rituals, folklore, nomenclature, marriage system, food habits, customs, and beliefs which play a vital role in establishing their distinct cultural identity even as they mark their digression tVom the ways and customs of other sedentary communities. However, the community's identity becomes more prominent if it has a language of its own. As stated elsewhere, irrespective of the state they live in, Ws speak the WL with its dialectical variations. It has all the levels of language structure_phonology (pronunciation), grammar, vocabulary, etc. As it is the case with most languages, the WL also has undergone changes caused by language contacts in diverse geographical and socio-cultural settings. Consequently, the WL is influenced largely by the contact languages of Telugu and, to some extent, Kannada and Marathi languages. Regrettably, the maintenance of the language has been possible only because of the underprivileged and illiterate population of the community; the use of the language is restricted to these members only and hence it is often considered as a

48 s>mbo! of illiteracy, poverty and backwardness. Factors like urbanization and education also are bringing aboul drastic changes in the linguistic behaviour of the new generation members of the W community. li is a well-known fact that there exists a close connection between a language and the community that speaks it. The identity of a community is often based on the language it speaks or vice versa. For example. Mundari is the language of the of Munda tribes. Gondi is spoken by Gond or Gondi people, etc. Nonetheless, there may be a single heritage language which is used by diverse communities. For example. Marathi is the language spoken by the Maratha community in Maharashtra but there are other communities also for whom Marathi is the heritage language. So Marathi is not simply the language of the Marathas, it is also the language of the upper caste Brahmins and lower castes like Mahars in Maharashtra. It is also the language of other communities which have been traditionally known as hara halutedars. the twelve service-providing castes, and alutedars,ihe eighteen occasional service providing castes, in the social system (jajmani) of Maharashtra. Sometimes the same language comes to be known by the names of different communities which use it. If the language \aries according to the users" region, social ckiss. age and gender, it is often considered to be a dialect of the same language. Thus. Varadi Marathi in Maharashtra reflects the regional variation in the use of Marathi while the variation in language according to the gender of the users is more or less the same in all parts of Maharashtra. A notable exception is found in Kolhapur where the illiterate and sem.iliterate female speakers tend to use verbs like the male speakers, although gender-marker verbs are available in Marathi as in many other Indo-Aryan languages. However, there is a possibility, although it is yet a matter of debate, of the language being varied in the Indian context according to the caste or ethnic origin of speakers. The communities such as Waddar. Vaidu (wandering c;uacks), Nandiwale (bull deckers) in Maharashtra speak languages which resemble TL significantly. Perhaps, having been in Maharashtra for some centuries now. their heritage languages haxe come in contact with the official language of the statc-Marathi. These languages are often referred to as corrupt forms of the f L and are known by their community names, for example, Wadari. TirmaU.'Nandiwallas, etc. Interestingly, these groups can easily identify a stranger who belongs to their community from the language s/he speaks. In other words, a W

49 can dilTcrentiale between a Vaidu and a Nandiwale person on the basis of the language they speak.

2.9 Ws in the socio-cultural setting of Maharashtra hidia's social system appears more or less the same everywhere and hence understanding it with reference to Maharashtra can provide a better ground for this study. Maharashtra being the former Maratha Empire, Marathas are obviously the dominant group here. Historically, in the social stratification. Marathas were and are al the centre o\' the social s\slem of Maharashtra. Brahmins, although comparatively they arc in minority, stood in line with them, hideed. Brahmins held themselves, of course, not unopposed, in a superior position, hi the caste hierarchy of Maharashtra, the Marathas and Brahmins have considered themselves superior to the other castes. traditionally, Maharashtrian society is constituted by a number of castes. The Marathi term guvgada was used to refer to a typical traditional rural society. It meant "a group of people who were divided by castes and permanently settled or leading a sedentary lite in a \illage"" (Cha\an. 2002). The gavgdda consisted of the dominant castes, mainh the Maratha landlords, farmers and Brahmins, and at the peripher\' were haluledars {Jajnumi SNStem) and ululeddrs. In this gdvgudd structure the so called upper caste groups considered themsehes as "insiders" and the peripheral cominunilies/castes were the 'outsiders within". The umbrella term used to refer to both hard haliileddrs and ululeddrs was a/hard pugad jdtis (eighteen varieties of caste). E\cry caste from /a;/nan; system provided its services strictly according to its caste-based traditional occupations, decided from birth. For example, the chdmhhdr (shoe maker) made footwear and other commodities prepared out of the leather of dead animals. Pard (washer man) washed the clothes of the upper caste people. Lohdr (blacksmith) provided iron equipment used for carts in farming and so on. In exchange of their services, the prominent groups would give them grains during the harxesting season. While talking about this system Baines (1912) states: The staple staff of artisans and menials is remunerated directly from the soil in recognised proportions of the harvest, so much threshed grain from each landholder. The completeness of the organisation varies

50 considerably in different parts of the country, but where it exists, its main features are much the same (1912:42)

The bard bahiteddrs included:

1) C 'hoiigiila 2) Mahar (watchman) 3) Siitar (carpenter) 4) Lobar (blacksmith) 5) Kumbhar (potter) 6) Chambhar (shoe maker) 7) Nhawi (barber) 8) Sonar (goldsmith) 9) Joshi (village astrologer) 10) Pciril (washerman) 11) Gurav (idol-dresser) 12) Ko/i (water carrier)

Apart from these 12 castes, the villagers had to depend on the services of aalutedars such as scili (weavers), teli (oilman), shimpi (tailor), mali (gardener), kdsar (bangle seller), tamholi (betel leave seller), want (grocer), dhors (cattle skin rarer), mdng (watchman), etc. for their occasional needs. People belonging to these different castes accepted their subdued position as part of their lot and heredity and never revolted against the discrimination for several generations. The castes such as mahcir. chdmhhdr. dhor and mdng were treated as untouchables and were forced to live outside the vesi (village entrance). Other castes, being touchable, were allowed to live inside the \'illage but within the sphere of their own caste group, namely. galU or all. for example, mdli galliali. kiimhhdr galli/ali. etc. Although heterogeneous in their occupations and customs, to some extent, all these caste groups largely shared a common culture. They were part of the varnd order and religious system.

51 2.10 Nomadic and de-notified tribes in context

Beyond this periphery, groups of people who have never been part of this system H\ed: lhe\' ha\'e had no place in theJajmani system. The\' survived without living and their being was intangible. Being branded as "outsiders" (as if they were aliens), these groups had to be at the merc\' of the so-called insiders. These heterogeneous groups, with distinct customs, cultures, and traditions and especially distinct languages, wandered from one place to another to eke out a li\ing. They lived mpals (temporary shelters) with the permission of a village headman. Their distinct cultural and linguistic identity marked them out as strangers and outsiders, perhaps 'aliens". There are forty-two such main tribes and, further, hundreds of related subgroups have also been found in Maharashtra till date. Officially (as mentioned in 2.3 above), they are termed as nomadic and de-notified tribes (DNTs). DNTs have remained detached from the mainstream social s}stem and have succeeded largely in maintaining their distinct identity through their customs and traditions and. by and large, their distinct languages, f'ach group has its own unique dialect, gods and goddesses, marriage and funeral rites, traditional occupations and art forms.

Being xagrant. these communities sporadically came in contact with people from the established social system and graduall)- it became the routine per se. For instance. mindhvLilas and makachvalds started \'isiting the villages to beg for food and grains; domharis and garudis would show their tricks to entertain the villagers while the communities such as Wadddrs would provide services related to stonework and Vaidiis (wandering quacks) sold drugs and medicines. Most of these tribes were nomadic artisans and traders. Yet these communities were allowed neither to settle in \ illages nor to become part of the established social order. They always remained, and were treated as. 'outsiders", aliens and an unacceptable lot by XVLQ guvgddd.

The tribes with traditional occupational skills could find their source of livelihood, although the reward was scanty, by providing their services. However, certain tribes without specific skills from the DNT. out of sheer desperation, were forced to resort to petty theft. To add to their prolonged misery and humiliation, the erstwhile British Government in India declared the Criminal Tribes Act (CTA) in 1871. This inhuman

52 Act. covering 198 tribes all over India (including 14 tribes from Maharashtra), stigmatized these commtmities as "born criminals" and forced them to live in "the restricted settlement area" under the surveillance of police. The law forced them to lead a subdued, animal-like existence which was responsible for the contemptuous attitude the established social system maintained towards them. The 14 tribes from Maharashtra included Berad. Bestar, Bhcimta, . Chhapparband, Kaikadi, Kanjurhhat, Katabi, Paradhi, Rdjparadhi, Bhdmtd, Rdmoshi, Vaghari and Wudddr.

2.11 Present context

In this section, a brief review of the present social, economic, political and educational profile of the W community will be taken. After the linguistic reorganisation of Indian states^ Maharashtra became the state of Marathi speaking people'.

2.11.1 Socio-economic and political condition

According to the National ,'\d\'isor\' Council Working Group on De-notified and Nomadic Tribes, there has been no census of the DNTs of India though their number runs ink) milhon. Ahhough the) are found in man\ slcites. there is no uniformity in the official categorisation of the DNTs. In some states they belong to the OBC and in others to the SC and ST categories. In states like Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu they are categorized as DNTs only. On account of this heterogeneous classifications. DNTs are still deprived of government/official benefits and are among the most underprix'ileged and destitute communities today. In her review of South Asian nomads, undertaken for CREATE, .Anita Sharma (2011:14) points out that in colonial and postcolonial South ,'\sia nomads have never found their legitimate place in official documents and legal mechanisms ha\e largely fax'oured agriculture, urban planning and infrastructural development and forest ecology and preservation.

See States Reorganization Act (of India), 1956 In 1960, as an outcome of the Sayumkta Maharashtra Movement the state of Maharashtra, including Mumbai, was declared the Marathi speaking State.

53 W's ha\c been engaged in their traditional occupation, stone quarrying, for several generations but with changing social conditions and mechanisation their monopoly in it has come to an end. Consequently, they have lost their major means of livelihood. Only a handful of them ha\'e succeeded in coping with this change while a large number of the Ws are still leading a miserable life. jMajority of Ws are victims of exclusion and marginalisation due to the government's unwillingness to take them into consideration for an inclusive development programme. For the sedentary communities, the Ws are still filthy and dirty and people to be kept at a distance. Being social minorities, political representation of Ws is almost negligible; except for a few positions held in local bodies no W has ever represented his community in the state legislati\e assembly of Maharashtra. Socio-culturally, too. the community is largely disorganised. Comparing the socio-economic condition of the community with that oi' other minorit\- communities-such as Kanadi, Marwadi, Punjabi. Sindhi. Fadmashali (Telugu). etc. - should be a rewarding exercise since it will sureh bring out the proportion of social discrepanc>' it faces in independent India. The communities listed above, although social minorities they are, enjoy the privileged status on social, cultural, economic, educational, linguistic and even political fronts. The option of learning in their heritage language or learning the language as one of the three languages in school curriculum is available to the students from these communities. In section 2.8.1 above, the researcher has challenged the view that W is a dialect of Telugu and has established its autonomy. The linguistic affinity of the minoriiN communities to the languages of their lands of origin can add to the researcher's position. IJnlike the Padmashali guardians, no W parent in Maharashtra is found to be sending hfs/her ward to a Telugu medium school or opting for T as one of the three languages in the school curriculum. It is often seen that most of the people from tl'ie aforesaid communities take pride in associating themselves with the land of their origin. Thus, for instance, a Marwadi person claims his Rajsthani origin while a Padnicishali has his 'desham^' (Andhra Pradesh) to be proud of. Ws being 'rootless' and ha\ing "no history' can claim no land as their own and hence the land and culture which provide them bread and space for survival becomes their "homeland".

'desham' in Telugu literarily means 'country' but here it means the land of one's origin. Telugus use the word to refer to Andhra Pradesh.

54 2.11.2 Literacy rate

^'he literac)- rate of the W community, as in the case of many other DNTs, is very low. The female literacy rate is almost negligible. It is not very easy for the W children to acclimatize to a curriculum which hardly takes their lives and environment into consideration. The dominant culture-centric curriculum often makes them feel alienated in the classroom and it fails to sustain their interest in learning. Further, the medium of instruction is always the dominant regional language, not their heritage language. Consequently, the dropout rate among the school-going W children is very high. Presently, Marathi is the official language of Maharashtra and also the major language of communication in public domains and medium of instruction in government and government-aided schools and colleges. Along with the Marathi medium schools, the schools for the numerically minority communities, like Urdu medium schools, also have adopted the community languages.

There are some schools imparting education in the major regional languages such as Guajarati. Kannada. Punjabi. Telugu. etc. in select cities and in some schools the option to learn an)' one of the above languages as a part of the three language formula is also made a'v'ailable. However, no school has ever ventured to provide education in any ol" the heritage languages of the de-notified communities. Hence, in the absence of their heritage language, the children from the W and other DNTs, who manage to go to schools, have no other choice but to attend the Marathi medium schools. Consequently, the ratio of literacy among these tribes is a matter of great concern.

2.12 Conclusion

Attitude is the \\a\ a person views something or tends to behave towards it. often in an evaluaii\e way. It can be a positixe or negative evaluation of people, objects. e\'ent. acti\ities. ideas, or just about anything in your environment. Eagly and Chaiken (1993:1) have defined attitudes as "a psychological tendency that is expressed by exaluating a particular entity with some degree of favour or disfavour". Social psychology has already underscored the role of socio-cultural factors in attitude development.

55 The information related to the CTA, social-cultural scenario in Maharashtra, the social, political and economic status of the DNTs in Maharashtra, etc. discussed in this chapter would, hopefully, serve as a background in understanding the linguistic behaviour of the W community. The major attempt here has been to establish the correlation between social psychology and development of the linguistic attitude and behaviour of the W community. However, in the next chapter the focus of discussion would he different theories on bilingual behaviour, language maintenance and language shift, reversing language shift, etc.

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