Irish-American Nationalism 1900-1916: Butte As a Case Study
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University of Montana ScholarWorks at University of Montana Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers Graduate School 1982 Irish-American nationalism 1900-1916: Butte as a case study Catherine Dowling The University of Montana Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Dowling, Catherine, "Irish-American nationalism 1900-1916: Butte as a case study" (1982). Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers. 5246. https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd/5246 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at ScholarWorks at University of Montana. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at University of Montana. For more information, please contact [email protected]. COPYRIGHT ACT OF 1976 Th is is an unpublished manuscript in which copyright sub- s is t s, Any further repr in ting of its contents must be approved BY THE AUTHOR. Ma n s fie ld L ibrary Un i v e r s i j v or Jfowja n a Date : IRISH-AMERICAN NATIONALISM, 1900-1916: BUTTE AS A CASE STUDY By Catherine Dowling B.A., National University of Ireland, 1978 Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts UNIVERSITY OP MONTANA 1982 Approv Chair, Board of Examiners UMI Number: EP40710 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages-, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. UMT OiMNtatfeft Pablishfeifl UMI EP40710 Published by ProQuest LLC (2014). Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code Pro ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 Dowling, Catherine, M.A., Spring 1982 History Irish-American Nationalism, ~ iy Director: Dr. David Emmons The purpose of this work is to examine the nature of Irish nationalism in Ireland and Irish-American nationalism in Butte, Montana, during the period 1900 to 1916. The object of such nationalism was to end British rule in Ireland, but the motives, attitudes, and ultimate goals of Irish nationalists differed from those of Irish-Americans. The discussion of Irish nationalism is based mainly upon secondary sources, with reference to Irish literature of the period. The examination of Irish-American nationalism in Butte relies almost exclusively upon primary evidence: contemporary letters, documents, and newspapers. The motives for which the Irish-Americans of Butte engaged in anti-English activities generated a nationalism different from that of the Irish themselves. The Irish of Butte, however, failed to comprehend fully the nature of Irish national aspirations. CONTENTS ABSTRACT .......................................................... ii INTRODUCTION ..................................................... 1 Chapter I I R E L A N D ...................................................... 14- Cultural Nationalism ................................... l6 Economic Nationalism . 32 Constitutional Nationalism and Sinn Fein ... 4l The I. R. B. , Unionism, and the Easter R i s i n g ............. 46 II B U T T E ........................................................ 60 Irish-American Societies ................................ 64- Irish-American Nationalism in Butte ....................... 68 x CONCLUSION ........................................................ 105 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................. 109 iii INTRODUCTION In the early twentieth century, no country in Europe had escaped the tide of nationalism that had swept the continent after the French Revolution. In Ireland, as in the Balkans, nationalism took the form I | 1of an organised movement for political independence Based upon a [community of interests and cultural identity. In France, Germany, England, and Portugal, which were politically secure and economically powerful, nationalism at once helped and justified imperial expansion. In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, Europe also witnessed an unprecedented mass emigration. Fleeing from poverty, social repres sion, or, less frequently, political persecution, many emigrants made 1 Ij-i— 4™ 4.„ new Worlds. The majority, 25,336,129, arrived in the Jjnited States between 1820 and 1910. Imperialism too created its lonial administrations were staffed by European expa- |triates who accepted voluntary exile in service to their country, or in pursuit of a career. All expatriate groups constituted minority enclaves in foreign and often hostile countries. European exiles experienced intense isolation and a desperate need to justify their presence in the countries of their adoption. Inevitably they adapted s $ the nationalism which they carried throughout the world to suit their | changed circumstances. In a remarkably short span of time, expatriate I nationalism came to differ greatly from the nationalism of those who ’ chose to remain in the country of their birth. Irish-American 1 2 nationalism, in the period 1900 to 1916, serves as an excellent example of the adaptional process. For the past thirty years, historians have devoted considerable attention to the study of emigration to the United States. General works, those of Oscar Handlin for example, focus upon the actual process of emigration from Europe and the problems encountered by exiles in the I United States. The act of emigration, the effort to survive in a new I I environment, and the process of assimilation into a new society took | their toll upon the individual, his family, and his view of life. The New World demanded responses from the immigrant which remoulded and shaped every thought, feeling, attitude, and belief he or she had brought from Europe. Works devoted specifically to the study of Irish- American immigration have recounted the slow assimilation of the Irish into American life and their climb to power in political, religious, and economic spheres. Irish-American nationalism was 'both the product of and force behind the trials and successes of that assimilation. A comprehensive account of this nationalism must contain an examination of immigration itself and its effect upon the nationalist sentiments of Irish men and women within the United States. ■ # In his book entitled The Uprooted, Oscar Handlin argues that the 7 immigration experience was a process which began in Europe with the I decision to leave home and ended in the United States with the death of | the immigrant. From the moment of decision making to death, life T----► I itself was the experience of immigration. The emigrant left behind a f world of stability, routine, and close family ties. He turned his back on a society in which rank, order and future as well as personal 3 |relationships were preordained from "birth, to face a new world in which Ithere were no signposts by which he might know himself and his role in i|life. Not only the environment, but relationships with family, friends, and employers were Changed and strained by life in the United States. Strangers in the immediate world about them the immigrants often recognized, in dismay, the loneliness of their condition. , Consequently the new comers took pains early to seek out those whom experience made their brothers; and to organize each others' support, j they created a great variety of formal and informal institutions. Then at last they came to know how good it was that brothers should ? dwell together.^ Thus the immigrant ghettoes were formed. But these communities, 3 "whole and coherent within the larger American society,"^ while offering security, also served to retard the process of assimilation. The slower the assimilation, the longer the immigrant remained a "foreigner" and the more vulnerable he was to Americans' hostility. "The process /of immigration/ had changed them, had altered the vast intimate aspects of their lives. No longer Europeans, could the k immigrants then say that they were Americans?" All to frequently, Americans answered this question with a "No Irish Need Apply" sign, or with the nativist sentiments that pervaded American society long after the demise of the Know-Nothing Party. Immigrant poverty and Catholicism tended to reinforce racist attitudes among Americans, for "many benev olent citizens . were reluctant to believe that such social flaws 5 were Indigenous to the New World. From this friction at the point of contact between the American and immigrant communities arose immigrant- American nationalism. Immigrants sought acceptance as American citizens, but this "depended upon the conceptions held by other citizens of the United 't f e . I States of the character of the nation and of the role of the newcomers |within it."^ To combat racism, immigrants turned to their nationality | as a source of pride and reassurance. "The fixity now imparted to their separateness and the imputation of their inferiority drove some immigrants into a defiant nationalism of their own. Pride in their own ] stock compensated for the rebuffs."^ Handlin explains immigrant !| | nationalism in terms of this hostility and need for acceptance, which I 8 I forced immigrants to "be aware