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Kyrgyzstani Civil Youth Movements After the Tulip Revolution: Self Realization, Nationalism and the State

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Kyrgyzstani Civil Youth Movements After the Tulip Revolution: Self Realization, Nationalism and the State Kyrgyzstani civil youth movements after the Tulip revolution: self realization, nationalism and the state DOOLOTKELDIEVA Asel, Sciences-Po Paris Visiting Research Fellow, Social Research Center (www.src.auca.kg) at American University of Central Asia, Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan After the wave of electoral revolutions in Serbia, Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan many governments of the former soviet republics understood the potential and the role that can be played by the youth movements in organizing political upheavals and resorted to a special legislation and measures aimed at channeling their activities. This article is aimed to show the state of the youth organizations and the civil society after the Tulip revolution in Kyrgyzstan and the authorities’ response in this regard. Since the Tulip revolution gave somewhat an impulse for the birth of a young civil society and to various youth ideological circles including the ultra-nationalist ones, it is necessary to return back to these events. If in the first three case studies of Serbia, Georgia and Ukraine the role of the youth in mobilizing support in an effort to unify the opposition and bring about the downfall of the incumbent regimes, was clearly demonstrated the contribution of the youth organizations in the Kyrgyz “revolution” is not so obvious. KelKel (Renaissance) was one of the radical youth movements which participated in the revolution. It was created in January 2005 by a number of young people under the age of 35 and initially organized their activities underground. The size of the movement was limited to 20-25 activists. Shortly after its foundation it was temporarily joined by another youth group “Birge” (Together) which shared common objectives with KelKel, i.e. to end the Akaev’s regime. Their activities went as far as mobilizing students and organizing the protests of “pacific resistance” in the streets, publishing and distributing leaflets, informing students on electoral violations and ongoing events. Yet, the size and importance of the youth movements and protests was exaggerated. Indeed, first of all despite pledges of some KelKel activists, this youth movement has never succeeded to expend its influence beyond Bishkek, even though it had shown some presence during the Talas upheavals, their seminars were mainly organized with Bishkek students outside of the universities and even this outreach was limited. The former member of KelKel Gulshair Abdirasulova complained that students constantly led themselves being instrumentalized by the universities rectors and that despite of organized workshops directed to rising awareness on human and student rights and that finally KelKel’s effect on them was insignificant. Second, the KelKel’s role in the opposition movement was ambiguous too. Though the movement was depicted by the opposition as a youth wing of the People’s Movement of Kyrgyzstan (Narodnoe Dijenie Kirgizstana), a movement that unified the opposition during the revolution period, it was anything but an integrated and coherent unit of the opposition. KelKel and Birge existed and operated their activities apart from the opposition and even separately from each other. KelKel had their base in the People’s Movement building while Birge associated itself rather with the Respublica newspaper house. The opposition and the movements neither controlled nor coordinated each others activities. Though KelKel and Birge activists visited Ukraine, enriched their “revolutionary now-how”, kept contact with the leaders of Ukrainian youth movements along the revolution in Kyrgyzstan to consult on various organizational issues, this knowledge was little if at all used by the opposition. The only thing that united the youth and the opposition, according to Timur Shaihuddinov, one of the Birge’s leaders, during the revolution period was a joint will to oust Askar Akaev from the presidency. Furthermore, on the main day of revolution youth groups other then minor KelKel & Birge activists and students were present on the Ala-Too plaza: the rural youth mobilized by regional patriarchs stormed the capital and the White House. The fact that the opposition relied on the rural youth masses is also an indicator of KelKel’s marginal influence over the events. Instead, KelKel was instrumentalized by some of the opposition leaders who sough to enhance their chance to obtain a seat in the new government as a reward for their “achievements before the revolution” including namely the creation of a youth radical movement. But as soon as Birge expressed its disaccord on methods and choices, during one of the opposition’s congresses these leaders took a distance and stopped expending their protectorate. Birge and KelKel youth were “forgotten” as soon as the revolution was over and these leaders came to power. Finally, KelKel ended its activity in 2006 when their main leaders quit the movement at the age of 30-35 preoccupied by career perspectives. Alisher Mamasaliev became a parliamentarian in the pro-governmental party Akjol while Azima Rassulova went to run the national TV program Zamana. Mamasaliev’s departure to the pro-presidential structure discredited KelKel’s oppositional orientation and was one of the reasons of its dissolution. As for Azima, she was quickly marginalized at her new work by the pre-revolutionary TV channel personnel and had to quit shortly after her appointment. This story arises some new questions: did young activists appear on the eve and functioned only during the electoral turmoil or do they have a continuing political and social interest? Did the post-communist Kyrgyzstani youth become more active in political life and if yes does it find there its proper place? Does the incumbent regime have to fear the youth force on the eve of the presidential elections of 23 July 2009? KelKel and Birge set up a first example of discontent for Bishkek students and the youth in general. Since then one can notice a considerable activation of the youth movements. The Tulip revolution or its consequences led on the one hand to the creation of new organizations, the restructuration of others and the dissolution of the third. On the other hand, it was followed by the diversification of the youth activity. To feature these processes let’s take few examples of the situation in Bishkek since most of the youth organizations are active in the capital. Some of them are representative of the younger generation of the civil society, which was long dominated by the female population. They continue the tradition of activity in the sphere of human rights and advocacy and are usually given by the authorities a label of “politicized organizations/ movements” because they oppose to the government. Others are also active in the social sphere but operate separately from the civil society and far from political questions, so have a facility of registration as ordinary public associations (obchestvennaia organizacia). Here, we picked up a number of organizations/movements representative in each category basing our selection on the level of their engagement. Bishkek background After the end of the revolution and the dissolution of KelKel, Birge took a different path. It was first created as the Youth Club of Kyrgyzstan co-opted at that time by the pro-presidential political party Alga Kyrgyzstan! allegedly for security reasons, then suddenly transformed into Birge in February 2005, a radical youth movement acting against incumbent president Askar Akaev, and joined KelKel. Later Birge however withdrew from KelKel because of the “generational issues” as it was later noted by its leader Timur Shaihuddinov: Birge was comprised of students and saw itself as a more radical movement whilst KelKel activists were older and were “too” cautious in undertaking civil disobedience. Also, Birge split from KelKel as the young people sought to sustain as an independent structure and autonomous leaders. In March 2006, Birge evolves into the Alliance of the liberal youth “Free generation” inspired by western ideas of liberal economy and individual freedom. Presently, the Alliance left aside radical methods because of the generational reasons again: the “leaders grew out from the age of protests”, and runs educational and informative projects. Its involvement in 2006 in the advisory council on constitutional reforms created to gather all political parties, civil society and opposition with the aim to elaborate a new collective constitution which would satisfy all the parties, was the last one before the Alliance withdrew from the political sphere and cut contacts both with the opposition and the state. “It’s not yet the moment, liberal ideas are not common in the society”, recalls Timur but he does not give up his ideals. Instead, he works with students with the aim to raise their knowledge and interest in economics and finance, business and liberal market. Also, he helps preparing the institution of young ombudsmen that will protect and lobby student rights. The Alliance organizes various seminars with professors of economics and prominent politicians in the office located in Togolok Moldo street. Another youth club Kebel! (Move!) appeared in the late 2007 in the aftermath of the energy crisis provoked by excessive use of water from the Toktogul reservoir by hydro power station and subsequent electricity cuts throughout the country during 2008 and beginning 2009. Different rumors circulated suggesting that the water in the reservoir was transformed into energy and secretly sold by the authorities either to the Kazakhs or the Chinese. The energy crisis severely undermined the legitimacy of the ruling elite and gave room to some new criticism from the opposition but also from youth civil organizations. Kebel cached in on this opportunity to offer the youth a missing platform allowing reflecting on recent developments and voicing out their messages to the authorities. The club which is still not officially registered then gathered the youth from different political parties namely Ak Shumkar, Ata Meken, SDPK, Green party, Ar Namys, NGOs and students under 35.
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