Fascism Rises in Europe
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Robert Asaadi, Department of Political Science, Portland State
“Institutional Power Sharing in the Islamic Republic of Iran” Robert Asaadi, Department of Political Science, Portland State University 2021 Western Political Science Association Panel: Governance, Identities, Religion and Politics *Please do not cite or circulate without the permission of the author Keywords: Iran; Middle East; Comparative Politics; Political Institutions 1 The Constitution of the Islamic Republic establishes a semipresidential system, where executive power is divided between the supreme leader and the president. Prior to the 1989 constitutional amendments, the system also included a third executive—a prime minister; however, this position was abolished by the amendments, and the office of the presidency was strengthened in its wake. According to the language of the Constitution, the supreme leader’s position (referred to in the text of the Constitution as the “Leader”) is considered separate from the executive, legislative, and judicial branches (which the Constitution refers to as the “three Powers”). Although the supreme leader takes on a number of functions that are commonly associated with these branches of government elsewhere in the world, the position of the “Leader or Council of Leadership” is conceptually distinct from the “three Powers,” and, in fact, is tasked with resolving disputes and coordinating relations between the three branches.i Along with this dispute resolution power, article 110 outlines the ten additional express powers of the Leader: determining the general policies of the political system -
Mussolini and the Rise of Fascism
CONSTITUTIONALRIGHTSFOUNDATION SUMMER 2010BILLOFRIGHTSINACTIONVOLUME 25 NUMBER 4 The Watergate Scandal On November 7, 1972, President Richard Nixon, a Republican, won a landside re-election to a second term. Two years later, he resigned—the first president in history to do so. Nixon resigned because of “Watergate”—a scandal that began with a bungled bur- glary and ended with criminal charges against his closest aides and demands for his impeachment. arly in 1972, Nixon’s aides were work- ing hard to make sure he won the elec- tionE in November. The Committee to During the Watergate scandal, President Richard Nixon resisted releasing tapes of his Reelect the President (CRP)—headed by recorded conversations to the special prosecutor. (Nixon White House Photographic Office) John Mitchell, who had just resigned from his post as attorney general—was raising huge amounts of where the burglars had stayed, they found $2,300 in cash, money and working on plans to undermine the Democratic which was eventually linked to CRP. Three months later, on candidate. One of those plans, proposed by CRP’s special September 15, a federal grand jury indicted the five burglars, counsel, Gordon Liddy, was to break into the Democratic along with Liddy and Hunt, and charged them with conspira- Party headquarters. John Mitchell agreed to give Liddy cy, burglary, and violation of federal wiretapping laws. All of $250,000 from CRP’s money, and Liddy, with his the men, except for Liddy and McCord, pleaded guilty. partner Howard Hunt, began planning the burglary. (Continued on next page) U Late at night on Friday, June 16, 1972, a group of five men hired by Hunt and Liddy broke into Reaction and Reform the headquarters of the Democratic National S Committee (DNC). -
The IRGC in the Age of Ebrahim Raisi: Decision-Making and Factionalism in Iran’S Revolutionary Guard
The IRGC in the Age of Ebrahim Raisi: Decision-Making and Factionalism in Iran’s Revolutionary Guard SAEID GOLKAR AUGUST 2021 KASRA AARABI Contents Executive Summary 4 The Raisi Administration, the IRGC and the Creation of a New Islamic Government 6 The IRGC as the Foundation of Raisi’s Islamic Government The Clergy and the Guard: An Inseparable Bond 16 No Coup in Sight Upholding Clerical Superiority and Preserving Religious Legitimacy The Importance of Understanding the Guard 21 Shortcomings of Existing Approaches to the IRGC A New Model for Understanding the IRGC’s Intra-elite Factionalism 25 The Economic Vertex The Political Vertex The Security-Intelligence Vertex Charting IRGC Commanders’ Positions on the New Model Shades of Islamism: The Ideological Spectrum in the IRGC Conclusion 32 About the Authors 33 Saeid Golkar Kasra Aarabi Endnotes 34 4 The IRGC in the Age of Ebrahim Raisi Executive Summary “The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps [IRGC] has excelled in every field it has entered both internationally and domestically, including security, defence, service provision and construction,” declared Ayatollah Ebrahim Raisi, then chief justice of Iran, in a speech to IRGC commanders on 17 March 2021.1 Four months on, Raisi, who assumes Iran’s presidency on 5 August after the country’s June 2021 election, has set his eyes on further empowering the IRGC with key ministerial and bureaucratic positions likely to be awarded to guardsmen under his new government. There is a clear reason for this ambition. Expanding the power of the IRGC serves the interests of both Raisi and his 82-year-old mentor, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the supreme leader of the Islamic Republic. -
What Do Students Know and Understand About the Holocaust? Evidence from English Secondary Schools
CENTRE FOR HOLOCAUST EDUCATION What do students know and understand about the Holocaust? Evidence from English secondary schools Stuart Foster, Alice Pettigrew, Andy Pearce, Rebecca Hale Centre for Holocaust Education Centre Adrian Burgess, Paul Salmons, Ruth-Anne Lenga Centre for Holocaust Education What do students know and understand about the Holocaust? What do students know and understand about the Holocaust? Evidence from English secondary schools Cover image: Photo by Olivia Hemingway, 2014 What do students know and understand about the Holocaust? Evidence from English secondary schools Stuart Foster Alice Pettigrew Andy Pearce Rebecca Hale Adrian Burgess Paul Salmons Ruth-Anne Lenga ISBN: 978-0-9933711-0-3 [email protected] British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A CIP record is available from the British Library All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short passages for the purposes of criticism or review, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior permissions of the publisher. iii Contents About the UCL Centre for Holocaust Education iv Acknowledgements and authorship iv Glossary v Foreword by Sir Peter Bazalgette vi Foreword by Professor Yehuda Bauer viii Executive summary 1 Part I Introductions 5 1. Introduction 7 2. Methodology 23 Part II Conceptions and encounters 35 3. Collective conceptions of the Holocaust 37 4. Encountering representations of the Holocaust in classrooms and beyond 71 Part III Historical knowledge and understanding of the Holocaust 99 Preface 101 5. Who were the victims? 105 6. -
World History Week 3 Take Home Packet
Local District South Students: We hope that you are adjusting to the difficult situation we all find ourselves in and that you are taking time to rest, care for yourself and those you love, and do something everyday to lift your spirits. We want you to know that you are missed and that we have been working hard to develop ways to support you. We want to stay connected with you and provide you with opportunities to learn while you are at home. We hope that you find these activities interesting and that they provide you with something to look forward to over the course of the next week. Stay home; stay healthy; stay safe. We cannot wait until we see you again. Sincerely, The Local District South Instructional Team and your school family World History Week 3 Take Home Packet Student Name_________________________________________________________________________ School________________________________________ Teacher_______________________________ Students: Each of the Social Science Learning Opportunities Packet was developed based on a portion of the standards framework. The mini-unit you will be working on this week, is based on these questions from the framework: ● What was totalitarianism, and how was it implemented in similar and different ways in Japan, Germany, Italy, and the Soviet Union? We encourage you to engage in the Extended Learning Opportunity if you are able. Over the course of the next week, please do the activities listed for each day. Week 3, Day 1 1. Read, “Life in a Totalitarian Country” and annotate using the annotation bookmark. 2. Answer the quiz questions. 3. Write a response to this prompt:Observe: How does the text describe the relationship between fear and totalitarian governments? Week 3, Day 2 1. -
Searchable PDF Format
db 0 Contents 1. Party and Government Delegation from Republic of Guinea Was Taught............................... 3 2.Declaration of Her Mind ........................................................................................................... 4 3.Supreme Leader Kim Jong Un‟s View of People .................................................................... 5 4.Korea Today 1) The Greatest National Strength of Juche Korea ................................................................................ 6 2) True Picture of DPRK Where People-First Principle Applied .......................................................... 7 3) All-Out Frontal Offensive to Achieve Breakthrough in DPRK ....................................................... 11 4) DPRK Makes All People Well-Versed in Science and Technology ................................................ 12 5) Aged People in DPRK Enjoy Blessed Life ..................................................................................... 13 6)“Which Country‟s Buildings Are These?” ........................................................................................ 15 7) Korean Chima and Jogori ................................................................................................................ 19 5. Being Attracted by Outstanding Ideology and Remarkable Wisdom 1)“I Shall Take All Books in My Presidential Guest House” .............................................................. 21 2)“I Shall Come to DPRK Again When „My Battery‟ Is Discharged” ............................................... -
Fascism Rises in Europe
3 Fascism Rises in Europe MAIN IDEA WHY IT MATTERS NOW TERMS & NAMES POWER AND AUTHORITY In These dictators changed the •fascism •Nazism response to political turmoil and course of history, and the world • Benito • Mein Kampf economic crises, Italy and is still recovering from their Mussolini • lebensraum Germany turned to totalitarian abuse of power. • Adolf Hitler dictators. SETTING THE STAGE Many democracies, including the United States, Britain, and France, remained strong despite the economic crisis caused by the Great Depression. However, millions of people lost faith in democratic govern- ment. In response, they turned to an extreme system of government called fas- cism. Fascists promised to revive the economy, punish those responsible for hard times, and restore order and national pride. Their message attracted many people who felt frustrated and angered by the peace treaties that followed World War I and by the Great Depression. TAKING NOTES Fascism’s Rise in Italy Comparing and Contrasting Use a chart Fascism (FASH•IHZ•uhm) was a new, militant political movement that empha- to compare Mussolini's sized loyalty to the state and obedience to its leader. Unlike communism, fascism rise to power and his had no clearly defined theory or program. Nevertheless, most Fascists shared goals with Hitler's. several ideas. They preached an extreme form of nationalism, or loyalty to one’s country. Fascists believed that nations must struggle—peaceful states were Hitler Mussolini doomed to be conquered. They pledged loyalty to an authoritarian leader who Rise: Rise: guided and brought order to the state. In each nation, Fascists wore uniforms of a certain color, used special salutes, and held mass rallies. -
The Revolutionary Guards
The Revolutionary Guards Alireza Nader The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps is Iran’s most powerful security and military organization, responsible for the protection and survival of the regime. The Guards are also currently Iran’s most powerful economic actor, reinforcing their influence over political decisions. Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei and the Revolutionary Guards have formed a symbiotic relationship that buttresses the supreme leader’s authority and preserves the status quo. U.S. and international sanctions against Iran compelled the Guards to support nuclear negotiations. However, they will strongly resist major political and even economic reforms after a nuclear deal. Overview The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) was created after the 1979 revolution to enforce Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini’s concept of an Islamic state ruled by a velayat-e faqih (guardianship of the jurist). The Guards played a crucial role not only in crushing early opposition to Khomeini’s vision, but also in repelling Saddam Hussein’s invasion of Iran in 1980. Since then, the Guards have functioned as both the primary internal and external security force. The IRGC has now eclipsed the Artesh, or conventional forces. It operates substantial and independent land, sea and air forces. It commands burgeoning missile forces. It runs asymmetric warfare through the elite Qods Force and proxy groups, such as Hezbollah. And it would most likely command a nuclear arsenal, if the regime chooses to develop a nuclear weapons capability. Over time, the Guards have also been transformed into a leading economic and political actor. The IRGC and its associated companies are involved in many sectors of Iran’s economy, allowing it to amass unprecedented power. -
Erich Ludendorff's Concept of Total War
Erich Ludendorff's Concept of Total War : General Erich Ludendorff, the ‘Brains’ of the Imperial German war machine for the last two years of the war and progenitor of the German concept of ‘Total War’. He implemented gas at Flanders, as an extension of the idea that the war had to be fought with every tool, every tactic, every strategy that could be put forth for the very survival of the nation. "The military staff must be composed of the right men, of the best and ablest men, efficient in the domain of war on land, on the sea, and in the air, in propaganda, war techniques, economics and politics, and they must be intimately acquainted with national life... They have no right to give orders." - Erich Ludendorff The last two years of the Great War for Germany are a great illustrative example as to the Ludendorff concept of ‘total war’.By late 1916, both Ludendorff and Hindenburg had effectively phased Wilhelm II and much of the Reichstag and diplomatic elements of the government from the decision making processes and were unilaterally making said decisions devoid of a clear chain of responsibility. They were, in effect, the perpetual military dictators of Imperial Germany for the remainder of the war. In Ludendorff’s concept of ‘total war’, the military was the goto, be all for any and all decisions, both political and diplomatic, as they had the chance, whether minute or massive, of influencing the war effort. In effect, the civilian aspects of the government only made policy in response to the needs of the military, not vice-versa, whatever the military needed it received. -
Kurt Von Schleicher the Soldier and Politics in the Run-Up to National Socialism: a Case Study of Civil-Military Relations
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Calhoun, Institutional Archive of the Naval Postgraduate School Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive Theses and Dissertations Thesis Collection 2013-06 Kurt von Schleicher the soldier and politics in the run-up to national socialism: a case study of civil-military relations Bitter, Alexander B. Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/34631 NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY, CALIFORNIA THESIS KURT VON SCHLEICHER—THE SOLDIER AND POLITICS IN THE RUN-UP TO NATIONAL SOCIALISM: A CASE STUDY OF CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS by Alexander B. Bitter June 2013 Thesis Co-Advisors: Donald Abenheim Carolyn Halladay Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704–0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202–4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704–0188) Washington DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY (Leave blank) 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED June 2013 Master’s Thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE 5. FUNDING NUMBERS KURT VON SCHLEICHER—THE SOLDIER AND POLITICS IN THE RUN-UP TO NATIONAL SOCIALISM: A CASE STUDY OF CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS 6. -
Tightening the Reins How Khamenei Makes Decisions
MEHDI KHALAJI TIGHTENING THE REINS HOW KHAMENEI MAKES DECISIONS MEHDI KHALAJI TIGHTENING THE REINS HOW KHAMENEI MAKES DECISIONS POLICY FOCUS 126 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY www.washingtoninstitute.org Policy Focus 126 | March 2014 The opinions expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and not necessarily those of The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, its Board of Trustees, or its Board of Advisors. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including pho- tocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2014 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy The Washington Institute for Near East Policy 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050 Washington, DC 20036 Cover: Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei holds a weapon as he speaks at the University of Tehran. (Reuters/Raheb Homavandi). Design: 1000 Colors CONTENTS Executive Summary | V 1. Introduction | 1 2. Life and Thought of the Leader | 7 3. Khamenei’s Values | 15 4. Khamenei’s Advisors | 20 5. Khamenei vs the Clergy | 27 6. Khamenei vs the President | 34 7. Khamenei vs Political Institutions | 44 8. Khamenei’s Relationship with the IRGC | 52 9. Conclusion | 61 Appendix: Profile of Hassan Rouhani | 65 About the Author | 72 1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY EVEN UNDER ITS MOST DESPOTIC REGIMES , modern Iran has long been governed with some degree of consensus among elite factions. Leaders have conceded to or co-opted rivals when necessary to maintain their grip on power, and the current regime is no excep- tion. -
Robert Kirchubel on the First Nazi: Erich Ludendorff, the Man
William Brownell, Denise Drace-Brownell. The First Nazi: Erich Ludendorff, The Man Who Made Hitler Possible. Berkeley: Counterpoint, 2016. 356 pp. $30.00, cloth, ISBN 978-1-61902-609-4. Reviewed by Robert Kirchubel Published on H-War (December, 2017) Commissioned by Margaret Sankey (Air University) Members of H-War and students of Erich Lu‐ connection, either. Granted, the two men had dendorff, World War I and Hitler will benefit very some common attitudes and ideas. Ludendorff little from this book. A committee made up of Will and Hitler both had irrational faith in ultimate Brownell, his wife, Denise, and wealthy Czech victory against long odds, but The First Nazi does businessman Alexander Rovt have written a hob‐ not show that the general led to the führer. Post- byist’s view combining these three topics. Al‐ WWI Ludendorff was an opportunist who at‐ though all authors have a doctorate of some sort tached his name to any number of anti-Weimar (two PhDs and one JD), their qualifications are causes and happened to be in Munich in Novem‐ otherwise indeterminate. Most telling, despite a ber 1923, but that does not make him a great many assertions of fact and hundreds of di‐ Parteigenosse. Additionally, the Nazi Party pro‐ rect quotes, the book contains no footnotes or ci‐ gram in those early days was morphing. While it tations. The best the authors can muster are a few surely had many anti-republican, anti-Semitic, in-text references to pertinent book titles, Life and revanchist features with which the general magazine, the Eugene [Oregon] Guard-Register (and many post-WWI Germans) would have newspaper (!), plus some “As Professor Isabel V.